HISTORY SINCE INDEPENDENCE.
“Que deviendra notre pays quand il sera livré à la vanité et à
l’ignorance,” exclaimed Bauvais, one of the leaders of the mulatto
party. I am afraid this sketch of the history of Hayti since the war of
independence will show what are the results to a country when governed
by vanity and ignorance.
Having driven out the French by deeds of unquestioned valour and
energy, and with a cruelty which the infamous conduct of Rochambeau
could palliate, if not justify, the Haytians determined to throw off
all allegiance to France and establish an independent government.
At Gonaives, on the 1st January 1804, General Dessalines assembled
all his military chiefs around him and had read to them the Act
of Independence, which terminated with the words, “for ever to
renounce France, and to die rather than live under her dominion.” In
a proclamation, Dessalines was careful to declare that it was not
their mission to disturb the tranquillity of neighbouring islands,
but in unmistakable language he called upon them to put to death
every Frenchman who remained in the island. This was followed by
a declaration signed by the chief generals choosing Dessalines as
Governor-General of Hayti for life, with power to name his successor,
and to make peace or war. He was thus invested with arbitrary power,
and proceeded to exercise it.
His first act was the one on which his fame rests, and which endears
his memory to the Haytians. He in fact decreed that all the French
who were convicted or suspected of having connived at the acts of
the expelled army, with the exception of certain classes, as priests
and doctors, should be massacred; and this applied not only to those
suspected of guilt, but to all their wives and children. Fearing that
some of his generals, from interest or humanity, might not fully carry
out his decree, he made a _tournée_ through the different departments,
and pitilessly massacred every French man, woman, or child that
fell in his way. One can imagine the saturnalia of these liberated
slaves enjoying the luxury of shedding the blood of those in whose
presence they had formerly trembled; and this without danger; for what
resistance could those helpless men, women, and children offer to their
savage executioners? Even now one cannot read unmoved the records of
those days of horror.
Dessalines, like most of those who surrounded him, was in every way
corrupt; he is said to have spared no man in his anger or woman in his
lust. He was avaricious, but at the same time he permitted his friends
to share in the public income by every illicit means. His government
was indeed so corrupt, that even the native historians allow that the
administration was distinguished “for plunder, theft, cheating, and
smuggling.” Dessalines, when he appointed an employé, used to say,
“Plumez la poule, mais prenez garde qu’elle ne crie,”--the rule by
which the Government service is still regulated.
The tyranny exercised by Dessalines and his generals on all classes
made even the former slaves feel that they had changed for the worse.
There were no courts to mitigate the cruelty of the hard taskmasters,
who on the slightest pretext would order a man or woman to be beaten to
death.
In the month of August 1804 news arrived that Buonaparte had raised
himself to the imperial throne; Dessalines determined not to be
behindhand, and immediately had himself crowned Emperor. His generals
were eager that a nobility should be created, but he answered, “I am
the only noble in Hayti.” As the eastern portion of the island was
still occupied by the French, he determined to drive them out; but he
was unable to take the city of Santo Domingo, and retired again to the
west.
In June 1805 he published a constitution, which was worked out
without consulting his generals, and created discontent among them. A
conspiracy was organised; a rising in the south followed a visit from
Dessalines, where he had given full scope to his brutality, and the
insurgents marched forward and seized Port-au-Prince. When the Emperor
heard of this movement, he hastened to the capital, fell into an
ambuscade, and was shot at Pont Rouge, about half a mile from the city.
The only good quality that Dessalines possessed was a sort of brute
courage: in all else he was but an African savage, distinguished even
among his countrymen for his superior ferocity and perfidy. He was
incapable as an administrator, and treated the public revenue as his
own private income. He had concubines in every city, who were entitled
to draw on the treasury to meet their extravagance; in fact, the native
historians are in truth utterly ashamed of the conduct and civil
administration of their national hero.
The death of Dessalines proved the signal of a long civil war. A
National Assembly met at Port-au-Prince, voted a constitution prepared
by General Pétion, by which the power of the chief of the state was
reduced to a minimum, and then elected Christophe as first President of
the republic. He in some respects was another Dessalines, and resented
this effort to restrain his authority. He marched on the capital of
the west with twelve thousand men, but after various combats failed
to capture the city; then retired to Cap Haïtien, and there had a
constitution voted which proclaimed him President of Hayti.
The Senate again met in Port-au-Prince in 1806 to elect a President,
and their choice fell on Pétion, who, of all the influential men in
the west and south, certainly appeared the most deserving. He had
scarcely been installed, when his generals began to conspire against
him, and the war with Christophe absorbed most of the resources of the
country. No event, however, of any great importance occurred till the
year 1810, when Rigaud, having escaped from France, arrived in Hayti,
and was received with much enthusiasm. Pétion apparently shared this
feeling for his old chief, and imprudently gave him the command of the
southern department. Rigaud was too vain to remain under the authority
of Pétion, his former subordinate, and therefore separated the south
from the west. The President would not attempt to prevent this by war,
and accepted the situation, so that the island was divided into five
states,--Christophe in the north, the old Spanish colony in the east,
Pétion in the west, Rigaud in the south, and Goman, a petty African
chief, in the extreme west of the southern department.
Christophe in 1811 proclaimed himself King and created a nobility.
Rigaud died, and soon after the south rejoined the west, which was
menaced by a new invasion from the north. In 1812 Christopher’s
army advanced to besiege Port-au-Prince; but finding their attacks
frustrated, the soldiers, weary of the war, began to desert to Pétion,
and had not the King hastened to raise the siege, it is probable his
army would have gone over to the enemy.
King Henry I., as he was called, appears then to have abandoned himself
to his savage temper, and his cruelties might be compared to those of
Dessalines, and prepared the way for that union of the whole island
which followed. Pétion, though rather an incapable ruler, was not
cruel, and attached the people to his government.
In 1814, the fall of Napoleon brought about peace in Europe, and
the French Government hastened to send agents to Hayti to claim
submission to the mother country. Pétion refused, whilst offering an
indemnity to the colonists; but Christophe, having secured the secret
instructions of the French agent, did not hesitate to execute them.
These proceedings of the French made the rival chiefs forget their own
dissensions and prepare to receive another French expedition. Orders
were given that on its appearance off the coast every town and village
should be burnt down, and that the inhabitants should retire to the
mountains. The old planters were urging their Government to destroy all
the inhabitants of Hayti and repeople it from Africa; but a discovery
of their projects produced so great an effect in England, that public
opinion forced the Congress of Vienna to declare that the slave-trade
was for ever abolished.
In 1816 Pétion named a commission to revise the constitution; the
principal alterations were to elect a President for life and to add to
the Senate a Chamber of Deputies. Pétion, however, did not long enjoy
his new dignity; he died in 1818, at the early age of forty-eight, it
is said of fever, but the opinion is still prevalent in Hayti that he
died of weariness of life, brought on by the loss of all his illusions
and the constant public and private annoyances to which he was subject.
During his illness he is said to have refused all restoratives, and
even to have rejected food. Pétion, though not a great man, sincerely
loved his country, and devoted his energies to govern it well; but he
was feeble in his measures, and from love of popularity allowed every
kind of abuse to flourish in the financial administration. M. Robin,
however, says truly that he was “the most popular and humane chief that
Hayti ever possessed.”
Boyer, through the energetic intervention of the military, was
unanimously chosen by the Senate President of the republic, and
commenced his long career as chief of the state in March 1818. Though
he committed many faults, he appears to have been the most energetic
and honest of the series of Haytian rulers. His first care was to
establish order in the finances; and if his only errors were not to
have erected a statue to his predecessor or founded an hospital for
beggars, with which M. Robin appears to reproach him, his friends
may still be permitted to admire him. Fortune, or rather his energy,
everywhere favoured him. In 1819 he put down the long-neglected
insurrection of Goman in the far west, and then prepared to move
against King Henry, whose savage rule had alienated the affection even
of his own guards. Struck down by apoplexy, the chief of the northern
department was deserted by all, and sought refuge from anticipated
indignities in suicide.
The north almost unanimously determined to rejoin the rest of the
republic, and Boyer marched on Cap Haïtien, to be received there with
enthusiasm as the first President of United Hayti.
Christophe was no doubt a very remarkable man, with indomitable energy,
who saw the necessity of developing his country, but whose despotic
nature cared not for the means, so that the end were attained. In spite
of many admitted atrocities, however, there is no doubt he acquired
a marked ascendancy over the minds of the people, which even to this
day is not completely lost. Discussions still continue as to the
rival systems of Pétion and Christophe, but if to secure the greatest
happiness to the greatest number be the object of government, the
_laisser-aller_ system of the former was more suited to Haytian nature
than the severity of the latter. As far as material prosperity was
concerned, there was no comparison between the two departments, though
the productiveness of the north was founded on the liberal application
of the stick. On many of the large estates, a certain number of lashes
was served out every morning as regularly as the rations.
Boyer’s fortune continued. In 1822 Santo Domingo separated from Spain
and placed herself under the command of the President of Hayti, who was
welcomed in the Dominican capital with every demonstration of joy.
In the next important event of his Presidency, Boyer was not so
fortunate. From the year 1814 France had been continually tormenting
the Governments of Hayti with the claims of her colonists, and
negotiations were carried on by the two parties without much success
till 1825, when Baron de Mackau was sent with a fleet to enforce the
acceptance of French terms. Though the wording of the royal ordinance
was mortifying to the Haytians, and the indemnity demanded (£6,000,000)
out of the power of that little country to pay, yet Boyer and the
senate thought it better to acquiesce, to avoid the evils of a blockade
which would have followed refusal. The indemnity was so enormous, that
although it was subsequently reduced to £3,600,000, it has not yet
been completely discharged. The terms of the royal ordinance created
great indignation amongst the people, and the French Government acting
evasively added to the excitement, and a plot was formed to overthrow
Boyer. But he showed his usual energy; arrested four conspirators
and sent them before a court-martial, which, with thorough Haytian
disregard of justice, allowed no defence, as a pure waste of time, and
condemned them to death. They were shot under circumstances of even
unusual barbarity.
These negotiations with France continued to unsettle the country
until 1838. M. Dupetit Thomars had come to Port-au-Prince, and being
convinced that Hayti was really unable to pay this great indemnity,
induced his Government to reconsider the matter; and a fresh mission
was sent, consisting of Baron de Lascases and Captain Baudin. Two
treaties were negotiated--one political, by which France acknowledged
the complete independence of the republic; the second financial,
by which the balance to be paid of the indemnity was reduced to
£2,400,000. As thirty years were allowed for this payment, in annual
instalments on an average of £80,000, no doubt Hayti could have paid
it had the country remained quiet. The acknowledgment of this debt,
however, was seized on by the political enemies of Boyer to undermine
his position, and the cry was raised that he had sold the country to
the whites. The continued necessity of sending French naval expeditions
to enforce the payment of the arrears of this debt has been injurious
to the interests of all Europeans, has increased the unpopularity of
foreigners, and helped to support the policy of those who wish to keep
the white man out of the country. Among the people, the popular song
“Blancs français viennent demander l’argent”
implies that they have unfairly made use of their naval power in order
to extract money which was not due to them from a people incapable of
effectual resistance. This wretched debt to France has been the cause
of half the misfortunes of Hayti.
The Government of General Boyer had certainly the merit of preserving
tranquillity, and if ever population should have increased in Hayti,
it was during this tranquil epoch, when for above twenty years no
blood was shed in warlike operations, and very little in repressing
conspiracies. In 1825 England formally acknowledged the republic of
Hayti by entering into relations with her, sending Mr. Mackenzie as
Consul-General. His reports and writings drew considerable attention to
the country.
In March 1836 Dr. England negotiated a concordat by which the Pope was
acknowledged head of the Haytian Church, with the power of confirming
the nomination of bishops. However, this arrangement had little
practical effect, as the clergy remained without control, and were a
scandal to every true Catholic.
I am quite unable to reconcile the reports made of the state of affairs
in Hayti at this time. After a twenty years’ peace, the country is
described as in a state of ruin, without trade or resources of any
kind; with peculation and jobbery paramount in all the public offices;
an army supposed to consist of 45,000 men, according to the budget; in
reality few soldiers, but many officers, among whom the appropriations
were divided. I feel as if I were reading of more modern times instead
of the halcyon days of Haytian history.
Another of the evils which arose from the indemnity question was the
special position which it gave to French agents, who, even after the
independence of the republic had been recognised, affected to treat
Hayti as a dependency until all the debt should have been paid. The
most pretentious of these agents at this time threw the whole country
into commotion on account of an article in a newspaper, and continued
to harass the Government on every possible occasion with his absurd
pretensions.
The close of Boyer’s career was as unfortunate as its commencement
had been the reverse. To the humiliations inflicted by the French
Consul-General was now added the necessity of saluting the Spanish
flag under threat of bombardment. Throughout Haytian history these
affairs are continually recurring; no people are more ready to insult
foreigners, nor more humiliated by the necessary reparation.
The greatest calamity, however, was the earthquake of 1842, which
injured every city in the northern department, and almost annihilated
Cap Haïtien. I have referred to this event in a previous chapter, when
the peasantry from the plains and mountains, and the officers and
soldiers of the garrison, vied with each other in plundering the city,
whilst 5000 of their countrymen were buried in the ruins, the cries of
many of whom could for days be heard imploring that help which could
readily have been afforded, but whose supplications were unheeded by
the brutal populace.
This calamity in the north was followed by another in Port-au-Prince,
where a large portion of the city was burnt down. These extensive fires
appear to be incendiary, as they almost always occur at moments of
political disturbance.
The humiliations inflicted on President Boyer by the French and
Spaniards, and the discontent that followed the great losses in the
northern department, encouraged the ill-affected, and early in 1843
an insurrection broke out under Hérard-Rivière, a fair mulatto. After
a brief show of resistance, Boyer abdicated in March, thus closing a
Presidency of twenty-five years.
General Boyer showed considerable talent during his administration,
but he was essentially narrow-minded, and full of prejudice against
foreigners. During the last ten years of his rule he had conceived the
project of expelling them from Hayti in a legal manner by refusing
any fresh licenses to trade; but though he in some measure succeeded,
he increased the discontent against him, as his countrymen are only
capable of conducting with success a retail business, and require
foreigners for the larger operations of commerce. Boyer had the rare
quality of being honest, and left in the treasury, on his departure,
the sum of £200,000, the first and last chief who was ever guilty of
so unaccountable a weakness. His time is still remembered as one of
repose, and the troubles which followed his departure soon made even
his enemies regret his fall. Her Majesty’s corvette “Scylla” had the
honour of conducting General Boyer and his family to Jamaica. It will
be noticed hereafter that almost every President has died prematurely,
or claimed the hospitality of a foreign ship of war to bear him into
exile.
When the popular army entered Port-au-Prince, it was hailed as the
precursor of better days, but scarcely had a Provisional Government
been organised than the blacks began to conspire, as they wanted a
President of their own colour. General Dalzon went so far as to propose
that they should put to death every mulatto. However, the latter had
now the upper hand, and the general was taken, and disappeared from the
scene.
The most serious result of the overthrow of General Boyer was the
separation of the eastern end of the island and its formation into a
distinct republic. The brutality of the Haytian officers and soldiers
who garrisoned that part of the country no doubt hastened this
secession. I have often listened to President Geffrard when he was
describing his own conduct and that of others towards the Dominicans,
and my only wonder is that they did not separate before.
On December 30, 1843, the Constituent Assembly finished their new
constitution, and then elected General Hérard-Rivière President of
Hayti; contemporary accounts say “with much enthusiasm.” He soon
found it was not a bed of roses. M. Barrot arrived with the object of
obtaining a monopoly of the Haytian trade for France, by relieving
the Government of the immediate payment of the instalments due on the
indemnity. But the President was more anxious to subdue the Dominicans
than to negotiate, and on their proclaiming their independence in
February 1844, he collected an army, it is said of from 24,000 to
30,000 men, and marched to attack them. The numbers must be greatly
exaggerated; but whatever they were, they did nothing, and after many
skirmishes they only penetrated as far as Azua, and there the President
halted, complaining that he was harassed by French intrigues in favour
of the Dominicans.
How Boyer must have smiled when he heard, within a twelvemonth of his
departure, that the Government of his successor was considered more
arbitrary and was more unpopular than his own. In April, after four
short months of power, Hérard-Rivière was deposed, amidst even greater
enthusiasm than marked his accession, and banished. General Guerrier
was elected in his place, and died after a twelvemonth of debauchery.
In his political acts he appears to have managed fairly well, and he
had to contend against the French agents, who were working for either a
protectorate, or, if that were not possible, commercial advantages for
their country. They made themselves so unpopular that their officers
and men were insulted in the streets, and their almost open support of
the Dominican revolt rendered them obnoxious to the Government.
As the popular wish for a black President had been unmistakably
expressed at the election of Guerrier, an incapable black of the name
of Pierrot was chosen to succeed him; but his Government was upset
in less than a twelvemonth, and President Riché, another black, was
chosen by the troops at St. Marc, who did not wish to march against
the Dominicans (March 1, 1846). In almost every encounter the Haytian
troops were defeated by a handful of their enemies; they had no heart
in the war, and the exaggerated stories of the peculiarly objectionable
mutilations from which their prisoners suffered, and the arrival of
some of these unfortunates, spread a panic in the Haytian army, and
they would not march!
Riché has left a very good reputation as a President, which may
partly be accounted for by his judicious choice of ministers. He
had Celigny-Ardruin and Dupuy among them, and both these men were
considered capable administrators, and both will again appear upon the
scene.
The black mob in the south rose in arms against Riché, but after some
resistance the movement was suppressed. Unfortunately for the country,
this Presidency did not last a twelvemonth, as Riché died on the 27th
February 1847. He was sincerely regretted, as, although an ignorant
man, he was capable of choosing good advisers. He left the country
perfectly tranquil, with reduced expenditure, order in the finances,
and his firm hand had been felt throughout the republic. He protected
foreigners, without whom he saw there was no prosperity possible.
During the time of Guerrier and Pierrot there was a perfect mania for
public employment, and every officer appeared to wish to live in luxury
at the expense of the state; but Riché’s prudent management checked
this infatuation. His Government restored the constitution of 1816,
which, though it included Article 7, directed against foreigners
acquiring real property, yet assured freedom of worship. He too is said
to have died at an advanced age from the effects of debauchery.
On March 2 the enlightened Ministers of the late General Riché chose
as President of the republic a black captain of the guards of the name
of Soulouque. He was an ignorant, stupid man, completely unfit for any
public employment, but it is said that he was chosen as an instrument
that could be easily handled by his Ministers. He was known to be given
up to fetish worship, and soon after his election he began to fear
that some _wanga_ or poison might be given him. He put aside Riché’s
Ministers, to supply their place with nonentities, and advanced to the
first rank the most ignorant blacks of the army. He excited hatred
against the men of colour, whom he feared for their intelligence; but,
alarmed by his growing unpopularity, he dismissed his incapables and
restored Dupuy and others to power.
Soulouque had placed in command of his guards a general of the name
of Similien, who was the black the most notorious for his hatred of
the mulattoes that he could find. During the absence of the President
in the north, this man refused to obey the orders of the Government,
seized the palace, and threatened to massacre the mulattoes, but this
result was deferred for a short time.
A curious affair occurred towards the end of 1847. A senator of the
name of Courtois had written an article in a newspaper at which the
President took offence; though Courtois was a scurrilous writer who
had been previously tried for an insolent article, but who had been
triumphantly acquitted when it was found he only insulted the foreign
community, and had on this last occasion written some reasonable
comments on the attitude assumed by General Similien and his followers.
The Senate, to please the President, sentenced Courtois to a month’s
imprisonment. But when Soulouque heard of this, he went into one of his
ungovernable passions, assembled his generals, called out his troops,
and condemned Courtois to death, and ordered the immediate execution of
the culprit. The sentence would certainly have been carried into effect
had not our agents, Consul Ussher, Vice-Consul Wyke, and the French
Consul-General Raybaud interfered, and persuaded Soulouque to pardon
him; he was, however, banished. And Senator Courtois, who owed his life
to foreigners, had spent his best energies in abusing them!
Throughout the spring of 1848 an uneasy feeling appears to have
pervaded the country that some calamity was about to take place. On
the 9th April the rabble assembled round the palace and demanded that
the respectable Ministry then in power should be dismissed. As this
movement was evidently encouraged by Soulouque, they resigned; but
all were assembled at the palace on the 16th April, when suddenly the
guards, who had been drawn up before it, opened fire upon the crowd
in the galleries and rooms, and a _sauve qui peut_ followed. General
Dupuy told me that in a moment he comprehended that a massacre of the
mulattoes was meant; he sprang on a horse, and dashed for the high iron
railings that surrounded the palace gardens, jumped down, and although
closely pursued, managed to get over these high rails, how he knew not,
and escaped. Celigny-Ardruin, less fortunate, was severely wounded, and
as he lay on a sofa was reviled by the President, who said he should be
shot. Consul Ussher was present in the palace during this scene, and
acted admirably, with his colleague of France, in trying to save those
who had not been able to put themselves under their direct protection.
He ran the greatest personal dangers, and narrowly escaped being shot
by the excited soldiery.
From the palace the massacring passed on to the town, where every
mulatto who showed himself was shot; many assembled in groups to defend
themselves, but only hastened their fate, whilst hundreds ran for
refuge to the Consulates. The news spread to the southern department,
and murder and plunder followed in every district, and the property
of the mulattoes was given to the flames. A few black generals who
tried to preserve order were shot as accomplices of the mulattoes in
their supposed conspiracy. The President was delighted with the energy
of his supporters in the south, and went in person to thank them. On
his return he pardoned six innocent men, and thus gained a little
popularity among his cowed adversaries. It is pleasant to know how our
acting Consul Wyke worked to save those menaced with death. But even
he had little influence over the faithless President, who would grant
a pardon at his intercession, and then shoot the pardoned prisoner.
After General Desmaril and Edmond Felix had been executed in 1849 in
the market-place, and died after receiving twenty discharges, Soulouque
went with his staff to inspect their mangled bodies and gloat over the
scene. Naturally Celigny-Ardruin did not escape; he was shot, but Wyke
was enabled to save many others and send them out of the country. In
fact, the chiefs of the mulatto party who escaped death had all to go
into exile.
In January 1849, I may notice, Soulouque had abolished the Ministry
and named as Secretary-General Dufrène, and as Minister of Finance
Salomon, the present President of Hayti; and in April, invigorated by
his massacre of the mulattoes, invaded Santo Domingo with a numerous
army. He had some success at Azua and St. Jean, but he was surprised
at Ocoa by General Santana, and the whole Haytian army fled before 500
Dominicans. And these were the descendants of the men who fought so
bravely against the French. It was after this defeat that Soulouque
returned to his capital, and, full of anger at his discomfiture,
committed the judicial murders previously recorded.
All black chiefs have a hankering after the forms as well as the
substance of despotic power, and Soulouque was no exception to the
rule. He therefore decided to follow in the footsteps of Dessalines,
and was elected Emperor, August 26, 1849. A fresh constitution was
naturally required, and this was a strange medley of republican and
aristocratic institutions. Soulouque did not disappoint his generals,
and created a nobility: four princes and fifty-nine dukes headed the
list, to be followed by innumerable marquises, counts, and barons. This
contented the chiefs, and quiet reigned for a short time.
In 1850, England, France, and the United States united to oppose
diplomatically the war with Santo Domingo; during these long
negotiations the Haytian Government appeared influenced by the
conviction that to concede independence to Santo Domingo would
introduce the foreign element into the island, and, by the development
of the eastern province, end in robbing Hayti of its independence. A
year’s truce was obtained, however, in October 1851. The negotiations
were admirably conducted by our agent, Consul-General Ussher. One of
the difficulties against which the diplomatists had to contend was
the personal feelings of the Emperor, which had been outraged by the
Dominicans calling him a _rey de farsa_, an _opera bouffé_ king. There
is no doubt but that they really did look for assistance abroad, owing
to the poverty of the country arising from their eight years’ war
with Hayti, and the internal dissensions which always follow national
financial pressure.
On the 18th April 1852 Soulouque was crowned Emperor under the
title of Faustin I. He had no fear of exciting discontent by lavish
expenditure. He paid £2000 for his crown, and spent £30,000 for the
rest of the paraphernalia. He was liberal to his nobility, and had few
internal troubles after he shot his Grand Judge Francisque and four
companions for supposed conspiracy, and had condemned Prince Bobo for
some imprudent words.
Soulouque, it is fair to say, gained the good opinion of many of our
countrymen on account of the protection which he generally accorded
to foreigners, and a supposed predilection for the English, which the
manly and conciliatory conduct of our agents had greatly fostered,
and which contrasted with that of the French agents, who brought a
fleet to Port-au-Prince under Admiral Duquesne to threaten to bombard
the capital (1853). No events occurred worthy of record, except the
interminable negotiations to induce the Emperor to conclude peace with
Santo Domingo, which occupied 1853 and 1854.
The year 1855 was enlivened by a very comic quarrel between the Haytian
Government and the Spanish agent. The Emperor had decided that every
one that passed the palace should show his respect for his office by
raising his hat. It appears that a Spanish employé did not observe this
formality, and was stopped by the guard, who insisted on his complying
with it. The Emperor, attracted by the altercation, put his head out of
a window of the palace and cried, “Qui moun-ça sacré f---- blanc qui
veut pas saluer mon palais, f----?” The Spaniard had a long discussion
with the Haytian Foreign Office, and would not accept the denial by the
Emperor of his having used these words--in fact, there was much ado
about nothing.
In spite of all the efforts of the foreign agents, Soulouque
in December 1855 marched with all his forces to attack the
Dominicans--those under his personal command numbering, it is said,
15,000 men. But in January 1856 he was disgracefully beaten by the
enemy. His troops fled at the first volley, and losing their way in the
woods, fell into the hands of their enemies, who did not spare them.
The Emperor, furious at his defeat, shot several superior officers for
treachery or cowardice, and then returned with the remains of his army
to his capital, where he was received in mournful silence, amid the
scarcely-concealed murmurs of the people; the muttered curses of the
women at the loss of their relatives being particularly remarked.
This dissatisfaction could not escape the notice of the Emperor, and to
assuage his outraged feelings he shot sixteen men in Les Cayes, amid
such circumstances of barbarity that even Haytians of all classes were
moved by feelings of indignation and disgust. But Soulouque cared not;
he shot three more and condemned above fifty to his dungeons, where
little more was heard of them; in fact, they are said to have been
beaten or starved to death.
After renewed efforts on the part of foreign agents, a truce of two
years was negotiated with Santo Domingo. The fall of the empire was
now a mere matter of time. The people were disgusted with the losses
incurred during the last invasion of the eastern province, which had
been more disastrous than all the former attacks; the finances were in
the greatest disorder; peculation and pillage were the order of the
day; a great incendiary fire in Port-au-Prince occurred in 1857, and
in 1858 heavy commercial failures followed a wild speculation in bills
and coffee. Discontent was rife, and all turned their eyes to General
Geffrard as the only man that could rescue them from this disastrous
condition of affairs. He had gained great popularity in the army
during the last invasion, when he commanded the rear-guard, and it was
acknowledged that his bravery and devotion had saved the remnants of
the troops from destruction. The Haytians had had four black rulers in
succession, and thought they could not be less prosperous under the
rule of an intelligent mulatto.
The Emperor kept a watch on Geffrard, but he behaved with so much
prudence that there was no excuse to imprison him. At last, in December
1858, the order for his arrest was given; but warned by a friend, he
embarked during the night in an open boat with a few followers, and on
his arrival at the town of Gonaives proclaimed the deposition of the
Emperor and the re-establishment of the republic. He was received “with
enthusiasm,” and in a few days all the north and north-west adhered to
the revolution, and he began his march on Port-au-Prince with an army
of about 6000 men.
On hearing of this insurrection, the Emperor moved out to meet his
opponent, but with only 3000 discontented men, who, after a skirmish
with the insurgents, retreated, and Soulouque re-entered Port-au-Prince
with his forces reduced by desertion to 1500. Finding that the whole
country had declared against him, the Emperor abdicated on the 15th
January 1859, and retired for safety to the French Legation.
On his first arrival on the 10th, Soulouque, furious with his rival,
ordered Madame Geffrard and her daughters to be put to death, but
yielded to the intercession of our agents. However, the populace of all
colours were so united against the ex-Emperor and some of his chiefs,
that fears were entertained that they would break into the French
Legation and kill all the refugees. The attitude of the tumultuous
crowd became so menacing, and the indifference of the Haytian guard so
marked, that M. Mellines appealed to our acting Consul-General Byron
for protection.
Hearing of the danger to which all foreigners were exposed in
Port-au-Prince, the captain of an English transport, the “Melbourne,”
with the consent of Captain M’Crea, who commanded a detachment of
artillery on board, steered for the capital and arrived at a critical
moment. Seeing that the French Legation was about to be invaded, Byron
took the bold resolution of calling on Captain M’Crea to land his
artillerymen and protect the refugees. This they did, and, strange
to say, the mob, instead of resenting this armed interference, were
delighted at the magnificent appearance of the men and their perfect
discipline, and cheered them more than ever they cheered one of their
own regiments. This movement saved the Emperor; he and his followers
were subsequently embarked on board the “Melbourne,” and followed Boyer
and Hérard-Rivière to Jamaica.
Too much credit cannot be given to this bold proceeding of Mr. Byron
and of Captain M’Crea; it had an admirable effect, and for years after,
the landing of these fine men was a subject of conversation among the
people. All felt that more had been saved than the French Legation and
the lives of the refugees, as once pillage had commenced it would have
been difficult to prevent it spreading through the town.
Thus closed the ignoble reign of Soulouque, one of the most
contemptible that ever existed even in Hayti. Peculation on the one
hand, and cruelty and cowardice on the other, marked almost every event
of these disastrous twelve years of misgovernment.
When ignorance ceased to govern, vanity appeared to follow. Judging
after the events, it seems clear that General Geffrard might have
avoided many of the difficulties of his Presidency, had he called good
men to his councils and listened to their advice. He, however, would do
all himself, and treated his Ministers as if they were but head clerks.
He really thought he knew more than any of those who surrounded him,
and perhaps he did.
The revolution was conducted with exemplary moderation, and the great
and small plunderers of the preceding reign succeeded in securing their
ill-gotten wealth; for though the properties of certain persons were
sequestrated, it had little practical effect. I have seen a trustworthy
paper of the amounts taken by the Emperor and his followers, and they
were so enormous as to surpass belief.
Geffrard’s difficulties were great, as he had to conciliate the black
party and appoint as Ministers certain foremost generals of that
colour, and their ignorance and stupidity were almost beyond anything
that can be conceived; and this is the President’s best excuse for
having tried to govern himself. And yet the extreme section of the
party was not satisfied, and soon after Geffrard’s advent to power
began to conspire against him, and to raise the cry that he was about
to sell the country to the whites. As soon as a coloured chief shows
the slightest desire to modify any legislation hostile to foreigners,
this cry is raised, and prevents many improvements.
To show of what a negro conspirator is capable, I must enter into a few
particulars of what was called the conspiracy of General Prophète. In
September of 1859, the year of Geffrard’s advent to power, a section
of the blacks determined to murder him. They knew that he was a most
affectionate father, and accustomed to visit every evening Madame
Blanfort, his newly-married daughter; they therefore laid an ambush
for him behind a ruined wall that skirted the street that led to
her house. The usual hour having passed for the evening visit, the
conspirators began to fear that their project might fail that night
and be discovered, so they moved quietly towards Madame Blanfort’s
residence, and looking through the window, saw the young bride seated
reading, evidently awaiting her father’s arrival. The conspirators held
a hurried consultation, and decided to murder the daughter, in the
expectation that Geffrard, on hearing what had occurred, would rush
out. They therefore returned to the window, and a negro named Sarron
raised his blunderbuss, fired at the girl, and killed her on the spot.
Geffrard heard the shot, and rushing to the palace door, would have
fallen into the ambush had not some friends seized and detained him.
Fortunately these conspirators were as stupid as they were brutal, and
the whole of them were taken. The chief of the political conspiracy
was allowed to depart, whilst the others, to the number of sixteen,
were shot. It was stated at the time that too many suffered, but they
were all equally guilty, for although all had not been consulted as
to murdering the daughter, all meant to assassinate the father. These
conspirators were most of them aides-de-camp to the President, and
belonged to what are called the best families of the capital. What is a
President to do with such people?
In March 1860 a concordat was signed with the See of Rome, an account
of which as amended is given in another chapter. In September there was
a fresh conspiracy to murder Geffrard, in which a man named Florosin
was implicated, and therefore the plot was called after him. In the
following year Hayti reaped the fruit of her obstinacy in refusing
to acknowledge the independence of the eastern province. Discouraged
by the continual state of tension in their relations with the black
republic, the Dominicans decided to return to their allegiance to
Spain, and in March 1861 Santo Domingo was declared a Spanish colony,
with the Dominican General Santana as first Governor-General. Geffrard
thus found himself face to face with a new danger, as every question
remained unsettled, including the important one of boundaries.
The annexation to Spain had been brought about by Santana and his
party, but was opposed by another faction, who crossed over into
Hayti, and there being secretly furnished with arms and money by the
authorities, invaded the Spanish colony and commenced a guerilla
warfare. They were beaten, and twenty-one being taken, were summarily
shot by Santana.
Proofs having then been obtained of the complicity of the Haytian
Government in this movement, Spain determined to punish these
intermeddlers. A fleet was sent to Port-au-Prince, with orders to
demand an indemnity of £40,000, to be paid in forty-eight hours, and a
salute which was not to be returned. The money was not to be had at
so short a notice, and the discontented blacks threatened to upset the
Government and massacre the whites if a salute were fired first.
At that time the chief representative of the foreign powers was
Mr. Byron, our acting Consul-General, and on him fell the sole
responsibility of effecting an amicable arrangement and preventing
the threatened bombardment. He saw the Spanish admiral Rubalcava, of
whom he ever spoke in the highest terms, explained the difficulties of
Geffrard’s position, and obtained important concessions--first, as to
the payment of the indemnity, which was ultimately reduced to £5000,
and, second, that the Haytian salute should be returned. He then went
to the palace, smiled at the fears of the rabble, and gave the resolute
advice to brave them and fire the salute. This was done, and all passed
off as well as he had predicted. Throughout their history, the Haytians
have been thus beholden to the agents of England and France.
In November 1861, General Legros _père_ conspired to upset the
Government, but these mild plotters were only banished or imprisoned.
This abortive movement was followed (1862) by an attempted insurrection
of the Salomon family in the south. This conspiracy, the third in which
they were accused of being engaged, was a complete fiasco, but it cost
the lives of fourteen of their members.
One of the promises made by the new Government was a reform in the
finances and a reduction of useless expenditure; but Geffrard’s
incapable or corrupt Ministers had not fulfilled that promise. The
Chambers were naturally curious as to the disappearance of millions
of dollars without any explanation being forthcoming, and forced two
incapables to resign, and General Dupuy, the Minister of Riché, was
summoned from London to take charge of the finances. He was a very
intelligent man, quite worthy of the post, and his appointment inspired
confidence; but the Opposition in the Chambers continued their attacks
on the Government, and at last Geffrard was forced to dissolve and
order fresh elections. There can be no doubt that so many abuses were
protected as to justify much discontent, but the Opposition might have
been more moderate considering the difficulties of the situation, the
insurrection in the east against the Spaniards, and the continued
conspiracies of the blacks.
Geffrard and Dupuy were both anxious to modify Article 7 of the
constitution, aimed against foreigners, but the proposition was so
badly received that it was withdrawn.
Another rising (May 1863) of the Legros family followed in Gonaives.
As they had been the principal instruments of the revolution in favour
of Geffrard, their defection can only be accounted for by unsatisfied
ambition and the desire to secure the spoils of office. It failed, and
eight were shot.
In September 1863 Monseigneur Testard de Cosquer was named Archbishop
of Port-au-Prince. He was one of the most agreeable men I have ever
met, remarkably eloquent, and of fine presence; he did not, however,
arrive at the capital until June of the following year. Disgusted with
what was passing in his country, General Dupuy resigned his position
as Minister of Finance and Foreign Affairs, and was succeeded by M.
Auguste Elie, than whom a better choice could not have been made.
The year 1864 was distinguished for its conspiracies. In May a Colonel
Narcisse denounced four coloured men of the best position in the
capital as being engaged in a plot. The proofs of an active conspiracy
were wanting. As I have given details of the trial in another chapter,
I need only say that they were condemned to death, but their sentence
was commuted at the intercession of the diplomatic corps. In July there
was a conspiracy at Cap Haïtien by General Longuefosse, but the people
not joining, he was taken and shot, with three of his companions. This
was followed by another, in which Salnave, afterwards a revolutionary
President of Hayti, first made his appearance in rather an interesting
manner. General Philippeaux, Minister of War, had been sent by Geffrard
to Cap Haïtien to restore order after Longuefosse’s abortive plot, when
a conspiracy was formed in an artillery corps to murder Philippeaux,
and Salnave was chosen to carry it into execution. One evening the
Minister of War was sitting playing cards in a verandah, when Salnave,
ensconced behind a neighbouring tree, raised his carbine and fired at
him; the ball struck Philippeaux above the temple and glanced off. Not
even the solid skull of a black could have resisted the bullet, had not
the Minister, at the moment when Salnave fired, slightly turned his
head.
I may notice that in 1865 Spain abandoned Santo Domingo, and the
Dominican republic was restored. If ever the true history be written of
that temporary resuscitation of a colony, Spaniards themselves will be
astonished at the revelations of iniquity and fraud that brought about
the revolution against them.
The year 1865 was an unfortunate one for Hayti. First a great fire
burnt down three hundred and fifty houses in the best part of the
capital; then there was a movement in the south; then one in the
north, where Salnave, invading that department from Santo Domingo,
found all ready to receive him. The regiments joined him or dispersed;
but the rapid movement of Geffrard’s troops under Generals Morisset
and Barthélemy, both of whom were killed fighting, disconcerted the
conspirators, and they were soon driven from the country districts
and forced to take refuge in Cap Haïtien. Had not many of the chiefs
of Geffrard’s army been traitors to his cause, the whole affair might
have been over in a month. A siege commenced, which appeared likely
to endure long, when an incident occurred which forced on foreign
intervention.
Salnave was a bold, unscrupulous man, who had been put forward by
some discontented deputies and others to do their work; but his main
reliance was on the mob. Those of Geffrard’s friends who could not
escape from the town took refuge with the Consuls, and the English and
American naval officers had constantly to interfere, even by landing
men, to prevent the violation of the Consulates. Captain Heneage, of
H.M.S. “Lily,” conspicuously distinguished himself. At last Geffrard
left the capital to command the army, but he found he could do little
among his intriguing officers: he, however, certainly showed want of
dash on this occasion.
Then came the “Bulldog” incident. Captain Wake had excited the ire
of the insurgents by protecting a British vessel; and to show their
anger, under the direction of Delorme, Salnave’s principal adviser,
they rushed down to our Consulate, and took by force certain persons
who were under the protection of our flag. The “Bulldog” steamed into
harbour to obtain redress, and ran aground. A combat ensued, and
finding he could not get his vessel off, Captain Wake blew her up, and
retired with the crew in his boats.
All the persons taken from our Consulate had in the meantime been
murdered. On hearing of these transactions, I went up in H.M.S.
“Galatea” with the “Lily,” and being unable to obtain any adequate
satisfaction, the outer forts were bombarded. Geffrard’s army rushed
in, and the insurrection was at an end. Salnave and followers escaped
in the United States ship “Desoto,” after leaving orders to burn down
the town, which his men only partly effected.
I may notice that the right of asylum under foreign flags is considered
so sacred in Hayti, that it was once introduced as an article of the
constitution. All parties are equally interested in its observance, as
only thus can they hope to escape the first fury of their adversaries,
and give time for passions to cool.
If 1865 was a disastrous year for Hayti, 1866 was worse. A great fire
broke out in Port-au-Prince, and eight hundred houses are said to have
been destroyed. I again noticed the apathy of the negroes, whether
official or otherwise. They came and looked on, but did nothing either
to check the flames or arrest the incendiaries. Whilst we were working
to save our Legation from the fire, which was already scorching its
walls, my servant called my attention to some negroes that had entered
with torches ill concealed under their coats. I had to seize a revolver
and hold it to a man’s head before I could force them to retire. Had
our brick house taken fire, they knew the rest of the town must go. Few
except the Europeans cared to exert themselves, and when they brought
out a fire-engine the mob instantly cut the hose and gave themselves up
to pillage. The French _chargé d’affaires_ asked a man why he did not
assist in putting out a fire burning before him? His answer was, “My
house is already burned: why should I aid others?”
Geffrard could not but notice, in his opening speech to the Chambers,
that the northern insurrection had created so great an expenditure
that all progress was checked; but it had no effect. Another effort
at revolution was made at Gonaives, where the mob plundered and burnt
about fifty houses, to be followed by further troubles and incendiary
fires at Cap Haïtien, Port-au-Prince, and St. Marc. The arsenal
in the capital was blown up in September; two hundred houses were
overthrown, and the guard killed, besides many of the inhabitants.
One little boy whom I knew had his ear taken off by a piece of shell
without further injury. During these occurrences, bands of negroes
were wandering through the south burning and pillaging, unchecked by
the local authorities. It was asked, how could a people exist under
such circumstances? But people must eat; the majority do not join in
these disorders, and all the women and children work. The following
years showed to what a country can submit from the perverse conduct of
interested politicians.
It was now evident that Geffrard must give up power, as, rightly or
wrongly, people were dissatisfied with him, find wanted a change.
In February 1867 there was a hostile movement on the part of some
companies of Geffrard’s favourite troops, the tirailleurs, the only
disciplined battalions that I ever saw in Hayti; and though this was
suppressed by their companions, the Government was irretrievably
shaken. The comparatively bad crops of 1865 and 1866 were said to
be the fault of the authorities, and no amnesties or changes in the
Ministry could satisfy the discontented. Geffrard determined therefore
to abdicate, and on March 13, 1867, he embarked for Jamaica. He had
convoked the Senate for the 16th in order to give over the reins of
power to them, but his timid friends persuaded him to go at once, as
the north was in insurrection. The Spanish _chargé d’affaires_ was with
him throughout these scenes, and Geffrard’s last words were, “Poor
country! what a state of anarchy will follow my departure!”
In my chapter on the Mulattoes, I have given a sketch of Geffrard, and
I need not repeat it here. I was not blind to his faults, but of all
the rulers of Hayti he was certainly the most enlightened, and the most
thoroughly devoted to his country. Had he been as perfect a ruler as
the world could produce, he would never have satisfied his countrymen.
The blacks wanted a black, the mulattoes wanted any one else, so that
there was a change. And yet I believe the mass of the people cared
little except for tranquillity.
A committee was formed to revise the constitution, but Salnave had
landed in Cap Haïtien, assumed power, and proceeded to exercise it. He
arrested some chiefs of the negroes dwelling in the Black Mountains,
and instantly shot them; their friends took up arms, and, under the
name of the “Cacos,” were a thorn in the side of the new _régime_. He
then marched on Port-au-Prince, seized the Government, and arrested
General Montas, who had commanded in the north under Geffrard. Tired of
the delays of a Constituent Assembly, he sent a mob to frighten them.
They took the hint, voted the constitution the next day, and, _l’epée à
la gorge_, elected Salnave President of Hayti, June 16, 1867. In July a
treaty was signed between Hayti and Santo Domingo, thus ending the long
war.
The Chambers met in the autumn, and Madame Montas presented a petition
on the subject of the imprisonment of her husband. On some deputies
insisting on an explanation, Delorme, the Chief Minister of Salnave,
sprang on the table and denounced these deputies as enemies of
Government. Pistol-shots were fired; Salnave advanced at the head of
his guards, and the Assembly dispersed. Riots followed. The Government
attempted to arrest five prominent members of the Opposition, but they
escaped and returned home to their constituents, and constitutional
government ceased to exist.
The movement of the Cacos in the Black Mountains now began to alarm
the Government, and Salnave started for the north to put himself at
the head of the army operating against the insurgents. There were many
skirmishes, that at Mombin Crochu being the most important, where
Salnave lost heavily.
I do not think it necessary to do more than briefly notice the events
of Salnave’s Presidency of thirty months. It was one long civil war.
Disgusted at the treatment of their deputies, the towns began to
declare against the Government. The uprising was accelerated by the
meeting of the Chambers being postponed and Salnave being declared
Dictator. In April 1868, Nissage-Saget took up arms in St. Marc; the
south was in movement and the insurgents marching towards the capital,
where a crowd of young men armed with swordsticks and pocket-pistols
made a feeble attempt at insurrection, but dispersed at the first fire.
In the midst of this commotion Salnave came into the harbour with
five hundred men, to whom he gave permission to plunder the Rue de
Frentfort, where the principal retail dealers live. The phrase of their
colonel on this occasion has become a proverb: “Mes enfans, pillez en
bon ordre.” Only the vigorous remonstrances of the diplomatic corps
prevented further outrages. Delorme, accused by Salnave of having shown
weakness whilst in charge of the Government during his absence, retired
from office and left the country.
The insurgent armies closed in round Port-au-Prince, but as the town
did not capitulate at their martial aspect, they did nothing, whilst
the garrison was only waiting for the excuse of an attack in order to
disperse. This delay was fatal; the chiefs, instead of confronting
the common enemy, were quarrelling as to the choice of the future
President, each thinking himself the most worthy, when the negroes
of the mountains, encouraged by the Government, rose in arms to
attack the towns, and forced the besieging army to retire to protect
their own families and property. These bands of negroes, under the
name of “Piquets,” were only formidable from their numbers, but the
injuries they did in the south have not been repaired to this day. The
insurgents raised the siege of the capital in August; and in September,
to prevent further dissensions, Nissage-Saget was chosen President for
the north at St. Marc, and Domingue at Les Cayes for the south.
The year 1869 was the most disastrous I have known in Haytian history.
Fighting was going on in every district. In the north the insurgents
were besieging Cap Haïtien; in the south the Government was vainly
attacking Jacmel, Jérémie, and Les Cayes. In the beginning of the
year President Salnave had the advantage of commanding the seas with
his steamers, and surrounding Les Cayes on every side, he vigorously
pressed the siege. When it was about to fall, General Monplaisir-Pierre
assembled a small army around him, cut his way through the besieging
forces, and arrived just in time to save Domingue and his Government,
who were preparing to embark for Jamaica. This was one of the few
gallant actions of the war.
Another was General Brice’s splendid defence of Jérémie when attacked
by superior forces and bombarded by vessels purchased by Salnave in
America.
In July 1869 the insurgents obtained a couple of steamers, and the
aspect of the war changed. They were enabled thus to relieve the south
by capturing the vessels that blockaded Les Cayes; and then, returning
north, excited the fears of the Government partisans. Gonaives
surrendered to the insurgents under conditions, and General Chevalier
arrived with the garrison to increase the confusion at the capital. The
Ministry resigned under his threats, and only the sudden arrival of
Salnave from the south prevented Chevalier from usurping his place.
From this time forward the fortunes of Salnave paled. Cap Haïtien
surrendered to the insurgents; the President’s army under Chevalier
besieging Jacmel went over to the enemy; and suddenly, on the 18th
December 1870, the insurgents made the most gallant dash of the whole
war. Before daylight, two vessels laden with troops steamed quietly
into the harbour, surprised a new gunboat belonging to the Government,
and then immediately landed about a thousand men. The leaders of this
expedition were Generals Brice and Boisrond-Canal. It was a splendid
_coup_, as Salnave’s garrison consisted of over three thousand men.
Some sharp fighting occurred, and the insurgents could just hold
their own, when General Turenne-Carrié arrived by land with strong
reinforcements, and rendered the combat more equal.
Whilst the fighting was going on, a strong appeal was made by chiefs
of both parties to the diplomatic corps to interfere and try to save
the town, which was menaced with destruction. The representatives of
France, England, and the United States therefore went to the palace,
but could do no more than effect a truce till the next morning.
Salnave, however, hoping to surprise his enemies during this truce,
made a sudden onslaught on them; but after about two hours’ fighting,
his men were repulsed with heavy loss. Early in the morning, the
gunboat that had been surprised in harbour opened fire upon the palace
under the direction of the insurgents, and its heavy shell falling in
the courtyard began to disperse the garrison, when another pitched on
the palace ignited a small powder-magazine, and a severe explosion took
place. As great stores of powder existed there, every one near fled.
Salnave and his troops retired to the mountains _viâ_ La Coupe, and
soon after another terrific explosion took place that shook the town,
followed by one still more severe. Fortunately the fire did not reach
the great magazine, or few houses would have resisted the concussion.
Before leaving, Salnave ordered fire to be set to the town to retard
pursuit. Our men were disembarked from H.M.S. “Defence” under the
present admiral, Noel Salmon, and greatly contributed to prevent the
spread of the flames; but it was calculated that at least a thousand
houses and huts were destroyed.
I have passed rapidly over the events of this year, but it was
certainly the most trying I have ever known. The diplomatic corps was
continually forced to interfere to check the arbitrary conduct of the
authorities, who seized our ships, arrested our subjects, insulted us
in the streets, and to awe the disaffected employed bands of villanous
negroes and negresses to parade the town, who murdered those selected
by their enemies, wantonly killing a young Frenchman and many others.
Nothing was saved from them, neither our mail-bags nor our property.
Fortunately we were well supported by our naval officers, and we were
thoroughly well backed by the French marine. Admiral Mequet and Captain
De Varannes of the “D’Estrés” were conspicuous by their friendly
feeling; and as Admiral Phillimore was at that time commodore in
Jamaica, the English were sure of receiving all the support that it was
in his power to give. I think we owed our lives to the aid we received
from the presence of our ships, commanded by Captains Kelly, M’Crea,
Glynn, Murray Aynesley, Carnegie, Lowther, Allington, and many others.
I may conclude my account of Salnave by saying that he attempted to
reach Santo Domingo city, but was stopped on the frontiers by the
Dominican insurgent Cabral, who took him and his followers prisoners,
and sent them to Port-au-Prince. Six chiefs were shot as insurgents
taken with arms in their hands, whilst Salnave was brought into
the capital, tried by a military commission under General Lorquet,
condemned to death for incendiarism and murder, and shot that same
evening at sunset. He behaved with considerable coolness and calmness,
and when he heard the sentence pronounced, asked for a quarter of an
hour’s respite, and then wrote his wishes as to the disposition of his
property, and a few words to his family.
Salnave was in every respect unfitted to be a ruler; he was ignorant,
debauched, and cruel; loved to be surrounded by the lowest of the low,
who turned the palace into a rendezvous where the scum of the negresses
assembled to dance and drink, so that no respectable person ever
willingly entered it. He attended the meetings of the Vaudoux, and is
accused of joining in their greatest excesses. He first brought himself
prominently forward by attempting to murder General Philippeaux,
and during his Presidency shot his enemies without mercy. I do not
think that he had a redeeming quality, except a certain amount of
determination, and perhaps bravery, though he was never known to expose
himself to personal danger.
General Nissage-Saget was elected President of Hayti on the 19th March
1870, and four years of peace followed. The country was so exhausted
by the long civil war, that although there was some discontent among
the followers of Salnave and the extreme black party, no movement had
a chance of success. The Chambers occasionally quarrelled with the
executive, but their title to esteem rests on their efforts to restore
the currency. They decided to withdraw the depreciated paper notes
and introduce silver dollars, and in this they completely succeeded.
It caused some suffering at first, but on the whole it was a sound
measure, wisely carried out.
Nissage-Saget, though incapable in many respects, generally adhered
to the constitution. However, in 1872 he created some commotion by
pardoning all political prisoners at the demand of the army, though
legally such a measure required the previous assent of the Chambers.
But Haytians like their Presidents to show authority.
In 1873 there was a formal quarrel in the Chambers which led to all
the subsequent disasters. A question arose as to the validity of the
election of Boyer-Bazelais, deputy for Port-au-Prince. It was decided
in his favour by forty-four to twenty-one, upon which the minority
retired, and left the House without a quorum. As the Government sided
with the minority, no steps were taken to fill vacancies, but a session
was called for the month of July.
The real question at issue was a serious one. The Opposition wished to
elect as the next President General Monplaisir-Pierre, a respectable
black, whilst the Government favoured General Domingue, an ignorant
and ferocious negro born in Africa, whose party had rendered itself
notorious by the massacre of all the prisoners confined in the jail in
Les Cayes in 1869.
The Senate and Chambers met in July, and it was evident that a great
majority were hostile to the Government. Boyer-Bazelais, rendered
imprudent by the strong party he led, passed a vote of want of
confidence in two Ministers, and refused to receive their budgets, upon
which the President adjourned the session to April 1874. He did this
to prevent the public discussion of the scandalous jobbery of his
Ministers and to aid Domingue in his candidature.
When the Congress met in April 1874, there was no doubt as to the
feeling of the people being hostile to Domingue and his nephew,
Septimus Rameau, the most grasping and unpopular jobber that the
country had ever seen. The Government had used all its influence and
had employed the military to support Domingue candidates, but in spite
of this pressure his opponents had been returned. But the Government
persevered, and Nissage retired May 15, handing over power to a Council
of Ministers that named Domingue commander-in-chief. A Constituent
Assembly was called for June 10, which was quite unconstitutional, and
under violent military pressure Government nominees were chosen, who
unanimously elected General Domingue President of Hayti.
As soon as this Government was in power, it was clearly seen that all
the constitutional leaders had better go into exile, as their death was
certain if they remained. Many prudently retired to the neighbouring
colonies, but the three gallant leaders of the war against Salnave,
Monplaisir-Pierre, Brice, and Boisrond-Canal, remained, and turned
their attention to industrial pursuits. I could not but warn Brice that
I knew for certain that if they remained they would fall victims, but
they had a better opinion of their rulers than I had.
Naturally a new constitution was voted, by which the President was
chosen for eight years; the Senate was to be selected from a list sent
in to Government; the executive had power to dissolve the Chambers and
to establish a Council of State to aid the Government. Power was also
given for one year to change the judges and magistrates, thus to fill
the bench with their own creatures.
The Government was not slow to show its intentions. The first was
to render the residence of foreigners impossible by passing a law
of license to trade which would have been prohibitive; but through
the interference of the diplomatic corps the application of this law
was postponed. At the head of the Ministry was Domingue’s nephew,
Septimus Rameau, who considered that “the whites had no rights which
the blacks were bound to respect.” His own friends had foretold an age
of peace and enlightenment when Septimus came to power, but of all
the narrow-minded negroes with vast pretensions to superiority, none
equalled this man. As a rule, the abler a negro is, the more wicked
and corrupt he appears. But we could never discover this much-vaunted
ability, though the wickedness and corruption were manifest to all.
The only wise act by which Domingue’s Government will be known was
the signing of a treaty of peace, friendship, and commerce with Santo
Domingo; and this was brought about by foreign aid, which smoothed down
the difficulties raised by the intolerable pretensions of the Haytian
Ministers.
As usual, when there was political discontent, the year 1875 was
ushered in by a great fire in Port-au-Prince. On May 1, taking
advantage of an assembly of troops to celebrate the “_Fête de
l’Agriculture_,” Rameau ordered an attack to be made on the three
rivals he most feared. General Brice was sitting writing in his office
when the soldiers sent to murder him appeared; his bravery, however,
was so well known, that they dreaded to approach him, but firing at
a distance, gave him time to seize his arms and defend himself. But
having only revolvers, he thought it prudent to endeavour to take
refuge in the English Legation. He was wounded fatally in doing so, and
died, notwithstanding the care bestowed upon him by the Spanish Consul
Lopez and his wife, who were then residing there.
Monplaisir-Pierre was also attacked in his own house, but being
better armed, he made a long defence; he killed seventeen soldiers,
wounded thirty-two, mostly mortally, and could only be subdued by the
employment of artillery. Then finding he could do no more, as, severely
wounded, he could not escape, he put an end to his existence. General
Lorquet commanded this attack of the garrison of Port-au-Prince on two
veritable heroes.
The third destined to death by the Government was Boisrond-Canal.
Whilst defending himself Brice had thought of his friend, and had sent
his clerk to warn him of his danger. On the approach of the soldiers
he and his friends readily put them to flight, but then were forced to
disperse, Canal taking refuge with the American Minister, who, after
five months of tedious correspondence, was enabled to embark him in
safety.
Decrees followed banishing forty-three eminent citizens, and later on
seventeen were condemned to death for a pretended conspiracy. Thus
Rameau thought to clear the country of his enemies or rivals.
The Government finding that the amount received in taxes would not
satisfy their cupidity, decided to raise a loan in Paris of about
£2,500,000. The history of this scandalous transaction is about the
worst of its kind. A portion of the money was raised and divided among
the friends of the Government; but the details are not worth recording.
The murder of Brice and Monplaisir-Pierre made a profound impression
on the country, as it justified all previous apprehensions; and the
conduct of the Government was such, that it appeared as if it were
guided by a madman. Decrees against the trade carried on by foreigners,
hatred of the whites shown by Domingue, Rameau, and Boco, then insults
in the official journal, in which even foreign agents were not spared,
followed by the illegal expulsion of Cuban refugees, at length roused
the country, and a general movement commenced.
Domingue and Rameau were furious: an order was given to murder all the
political prisoners confined in the jail, but the chief jailer escaped
with them to a Legation, and leaving the gates open, three hundred
and fifty malefactors got away at the same time. Then the Government
tried to rouse the masses, and issued orders to fire the town and
pillage it, and murder the whites and coloured; but even the lowest
negroes felt that these were the decrees of a madman. Finding that the
Government could not hold its own in Port-au-Prince, Rameau determined
to retire to Les Cayes; but being unwilling to leave behind him the
money destined to form the capital of a National Bank, he sent it down
to the wharf to be embarked. This at length roused the population, and
a tumult ensued. Abandoned by all, Domingue abdicated, and the French
Minister De Vorges and the Spanish Consul Lopez went to the palace to
try and save the President and his Chief Minister. The crowd was large
and threatening, but the two brave diplomats took these despicable
chiefs under their protection and endeavoured to escort them to the
French Legation; but the crowd was so excited against these murderers,
that Rameau was killed in the streets and Domingue was seriously
wounded.
General Lorquet had been sent at the head of a force to check the
advance of the northern insurgents; but, as might be expected, he
joined them and marched at their head to take possession of the
Government. But no sooner had he entered the town than a murmur arose.
The friends of those he had murdered, as Monplaisir-Pierre, Brice, and
Chevalier, began to collect. Lorquet fled to his house, but was pursued
and attacked, and killed whilst trying to hide in a cupboard.
Thus fell the very worst Government that even Hayti had ever seen.
Cruel and dishonest, it had not a redeeming quality. Domingue, brutal
and ignorant, was entirely dominated by his nephew, Septimus Rameau,
whose conduct has been only excused by his friends on the ground of
insanity. There was too much method in his madness for that plea to
be accepted. His hatred of foreigners may be partly accounted for by
his being a member of the Vaudoux; it is even asserted that he was a
Papaloi or priest of the sect.
When Domingue fell there was a struggle for the succession between
Boisrond-Canal and Boyer-Bazelais, but the former was preferred on
account of his energy and courage. He had a difficult task, as the
dilapidations of the late Government had ruined the finances, and
France insisted that the Domingue loan should be recognised before she
would acknowledge the new President.
Boyer-Bazelais, although, like Boisrond-Canal, a man of colour,
bitterly resented his rival being chosen President, and created every
difficulty possible for the new Government. These events, however, are
too recent for me to dwell on them. I may, however, notice that the
principal attention of both Government and Opposition was directed to
the finances, and that in 1879 the French Government forced Hayti to
acknowledge the Domingue loan.
In July 1879 a disturbance took place in the House of Representatives,
and it was adjourned amidst much tumult. Boyer-Bazelais and his party
retired to his house and took up arms, they said, to defend themselves.
Their opponents attacked them, and a desperate fight ensued. Fire was
put to the adjoining houses, and amidst this fierce conflict our acting
Consul-General Byron and the French Chancellor Hullinot intervened,
and at the greatest personal risk rescued the ladies from the burning
houses and took them to a place of safety. A _sauve qui peut_ soon
followed, and Boyer-Bazelais’ party was dispersed with heavy loss, two
of his brothers being killed in the fight.
The insane ambition of what was called the Liberal party thus ruined
the most honest Government that Hayti had seen since the days of
Boyer. These disorders in the capital were followed by others in the
provinces; and Boisrond-Canal, disgusted with the treatment he had
received from those who should have supported him, resigned, and left
the country with his chief Ministers, July 17, 1879. Great sympathy
was shown him by the people, who cheered him as he left the wharf.
As usual, he was embarked by a foreign officer, Commander Allington
of H.M.S. “Boxer.” What would these exiled Presidents do without the
foreign element?
Boisrond-Canal, though not a brilliant ruler, was thoroughly honest,
and if he had been supported instead of being opposed by the Liberal
party, his four years’ Presidency would have been a happy one. His
coloured opponents used to call him a _putate_ or sweet potato--in
fact, a King Log. They soon had a chance of comparing his Government
with that of a King Stork.
Boyer-Bazelais’ party now thought that they would have all their own
way, but they soon found that the country would have none of them. The
blacks were again in the ascendant, and after some feeble attempts at
revolution, the Liberal chiefs had to take the path of exile, and be
thankful that it was no worse.
The mob of Port-au-Prince, wearied by the long debates, forced the
Assembly to close its discussions, and General Salomon was elected
President of Hayti, October 23, 1879, and in December of the same year
a twelfth constitution was promulgated, by which the chief of the state
was chosen for seven years.
Illegal military executions, murder, and pillage, encouraged by the
authorities, have been the principal episodes of the history of the
last four years.