HISTORY BEFORE INDEPENDENCE.
I do not doubt but the discovery of America by Columbus was good in
its results to mankind; but when we read the history of early Spanish
colonisation, the predominant feeling is disgust at the barbarities and
fanaticism recorded in almost every page. We generally overlook much of
this, being dazzled by pictures of heroic deeds, as set forth in the
works of Prescott and Robertson--heroic deeds of steel-clad warriors
massacring crowds of gentle, almost unresisting natives, until despair,
lending energy to their timid natures, forced them occasionally to turn
on their savage persecutors.
In no country were the Spaniards more notorious for their cruelty
than in the first land in America on which Columbus established a
settlement. The population was then variously estimated, the numbers
given varying between 800,000 and 2,000,000, the former calculation
being the more probable. They were indeed a primitive people, the men
moving about entirely naked, the women wearing a short petticoat. They
are said to have been good-looking, which, if true, would mark them as
a people distinct from any other in America, as the Indians, who still
remain by millions in South America and Mexico, are as a race the most
ill-favoured natives I have seen in any portion of the globe. That was
my impression when I travelled among them, though I have seen among
the young women who followed the Indian regiments to Lima a few who
might almost be considered handsome, but these by their appearance were
probably of mixed breed.
Columbus only stayed two months in Santo Domingo, but left behind him
forty of his companions in an entrenched position. They now began to
commit excesses; and hearing that a cacique in the interior had a
large store of gold, they penetrated to his town and robbed him of his
riches. This roused the population against them; they were pursued and
killed in detail.
In the meantime Columbus had revisited Spain, been received with
honour, and seventeen vessels, laden with every kind of store and
domestic animal, as well as a large force, were placed at his disposal.
On his arrival his first thoughts were for gold, and he marched in
search of the mines, which, being pointed out to him, were soon in full
work, the Indians by force being compelled to this task. The conduct
of these white men appears to have been so wantonly cruel, that the
population rose _en masse_, and a hundred thousand Indians are said
to have marched to attack the Spaniards, two hundred and twenty of
whom put this crowd to flight without the loss of a single man. These
are the heroic deeds we are called upon to admire. It has often been
declared impossible that such, on one side, bloodless encounters
could take place; but I am well assured that two hundred well-armed
Englishmen could in the present day march through any number of the
Land Dyaks of Borneo, and defeat them without loss.
It is not necessary to trace in detail the history of the island; but I
may notice that in 1507 the population was estimated at 60,000, which
shows that the original reckoning must have been greatly exaggerated,
as not even these early apostles of the religion of charity could
have thus wiped out the population by millions. The story of what one
called the early exploits of the Spaniards in Santo Domingo has been
so often related that it is useless to tell it over again, especially
as it would present but a sequence of sickening events, of murders,
executions, robbery, and lust, with but few traits of generosity and
virtue to record.
These foreign settlers soon saw that the island would be useless to
them without population, so they early began to introduce negroes from
Africa, as well as families from the neighbouring isles. The Coral
Indians were not spared, and the Spanish historians themselves are the
chroniclers of this record of infamy. Now not a descendant of an Indian
remains.
Santo Domingo, deprived of population, with its mineral wealth, for
want of hands, no longer available, and agriculture neglected, rapidly
degenerated, and little was left but the city of Santo Domingo and
in the interior a population of herdsmen. Then the famous buccaneers
appeared to inflict on the Spaniards some of the misery they had
worked on the Indians. Notwithstanding every effort to prevent them,
the French adventurers gradually spread through the western end of the
island, and began to form towns and settlements.
In 1640 Levasseur was sent from France as Governor of these
irregularly-acquired possessions, and from that time the French may
be said to have established themselves firmly in the western part of
Santo Domingo--which hereafter I may call by its present name, Hayti,
to simplify the narrative--but their rule was not recognised by Spain
until the year 1697.
From this date to the breaking out of the French Revolution the colony
increased in prosperity, until it became, for its extent, probably the
richest in the world. Negroes were imported by thousands from the coast
of Africa, and were subjected to as harsh a slavery as ever disgraced
the worst system of servitude.
Two events occurred during this period of prosperity which were
worthy of being noted: First, the fearful earthquake which destroyed
Port-au-Prince in 1770, when for fifteen days the earth trembled under
repeated shocks, and left the city a heap of ruins.[3] The second was
the war in which France engaged to aid our colonists to acquire their
independence. To increase their forces the French commanders permitted
the free blacks and mulattoes to enlist, and they did good service; and
when they returned to their country, they spread widely a spirit of
disaffection, which no ordinances could destroy.
When England in 1785 was forced to acknowledge the independence of the
United States, how despotic France and Spain rejoiced over the downfall
of the only country where liberty was known! The results were, for
France, the Revolution, which, with all its crimes, did unspeakable
good, and deprived her of the finest colony that any country ever
possessed. To Spain it brought the loss of world-wide possessions, and
a fall in power and prestige which to this day she shows but few signs
of recovering.
On the eve of the great Revolution, France possessed, as I have said,
the finest colony in the world. Her historians are never weary of
enumerating the amount of its products, the great trade, the warehouses
full of sugar, cotton, coffee, indigo, and cocoa; its plains covered
with splendid estates, its hill-sides dotted with noble houses; a white
population, rich, refined, enjoying life as only a luxurious colonial
society can enjoy it; the only dark spot, then scarcely noticed, the
ignorant, discontented mass of black slavery, and the more enlightened
disaffection of the free mulattoes and negroes.
It has often been a subject of inquiry how it was that the Spaniards,
who were the cruellest of the cruel towards the Indians, should have
established negro slavery in a form which robbed it of half its
terrors, whilst the French, usually less severe than their southern
neighbours, should have founded a system of servitude unsurpassed for
severity, cruelty, nay, ferocity.
To this day the barbarous conduct of the Marquis of Caradeux is
cited as a justification for the savage retaliation of the insurgent
negroes. I think that the explanation of the different conduct of the
Spanish and French slave-owner may be, that the former is indolent and
satisfied with less, whilst the latter, in his fierce struggle to be
rich, cared not how he became so, and worked his negroes beyond human
endurance, and then, to keep down the inevitable discontent, sought to
terrorise his slaves by barbarous punishments.
The true history of Hayti commences with the French Revolution,
when, amid the flood of impracticable and practicable schemes, a few
statesmen turned their generous thoughts towards the down-trodden
African, and firing assembled France with their enthusiasm, passed laws
and issued decrees granting freedom to the black; but before these had
any practical effect, Hayti had to pass through scenes which have left
blood-stains that nothing can wash away.
When reading the different accounts which have been written of the
state of Hayti when France was upsetting the accumulated wrongs of
ages, I have often desired to disbelieve them, and place to exaggerated
feelings of sympathy the descriptions of the prejudices of the planters
and the atrocities committed under their influence. But I have lived
long in the West Indies, and know that there are many whites born
in our colonies, who not only look upon the negro as of an inferior
species--which he may be--but as fit only for servitude, and quite
unworthy of freedom, and on an alliance with a coloured person as a
disgrace which affects a whole family. They speak of a mulatto as they
would of one affected with leprosy. If in these days such sentiments
exist, we can readily believe that they existed even in a greater
degree before, awakened to a feeling of justice, most European nations
formally abolished slavery, and let the black and the coloured man have
an equal chance in the struggle of life.
For some years before the meeting of the States-General,
philanthropists who had inquired into the condition of the slave had
had their compassion aroused, and to give direction to their efforts to
ameliorate it, had founded in Paris a society called “The Friends of
the Blacks.”
The summoning of the States-General in France created much enthusiasm
throughout Hayti; the planters now reckoned that justice would be
done, and that a share would be accorded them in the government of
the colony; the lower class of whites had a vague idea that their
position must be improved, and hailed the movement as the promise of
better times--though in truth these two classes had little of which
to complain; the former were rolling in wealth, and the latter were
never in want of high-paid employment. Another class felt even greater
interest--that of the free black and coloured men; they thought that
no change could occur which would not better their condition, which
was one of simple toleration; they might work and get rich, have their
children educated in France, but they had no political rights, and the
meanest white considered himself, and was treated, as their superior.
The slaves, although discontented, were only formidable from their
numbers.
Exaggerated expectations were naturally followed by disappointment.
The planters, finding that the French Government had no intention
of employing them to administer the colony, began to think of
independence; whilst the lower whites, passionately attached to
the dream of equality, thought that that should commence by an
apportionment among them of the estates of the rich. A third party
consisted of the Government employés, whose chiefs were Royalists under
the leadership of Penier, the Governor-General, and Mauduit, colonel of
the regiment of Port-au-Prince.
The Colonial party, or rather that of the planters, in order to
increase their power, which had hitherto been disseminated in local
assemblies, determined to have the law carried out which authorised
a General Assembly. This was elected, and held its first meetings in
St. Marc in March 1790. The leaders soon commenced to quarrel with the
Government authorities, and dissensions rose to such a height that both
parties began to arm; and on the Assembly decreeing the substitution
of another Governor for Penier, he was roused to resistance, and in a
brief struggle he forced the General Assembly to dissolve, a portion of
the members seeking refuge on board of a ship of war, whose crew they
had induced to mutiny and sail with them to France.
The white population thus set the example of internal strife, and in
their struggle for mastery called in the aid of the freedmen, and
then after victory insulted them. These, however, began gradually to
understand the advantages they possessed in being able to support the
climate, and the persecutions and cruelties of the French made them
feel that those who would be free themselves must strike the blow.
Among the educated and intelligent mulattoes who had gone to France
to urge on the National Assembly the rights of their colour was
Ogé. He naturally thought that the time had arrived for justice to
be done, when the President of the “Constituant” had declared that
“aucune partie de la nation ne réclamera vainement ses droits auprès
de l’assemblée des représentants du peuple français.” He visited the
Club Massiac, where the planters held supreme sway, and endeavoured to
enlist their sympathy, but he was coldly received. He then determined
to return to Hayti to support the rights of his caste, which, though
ambiguously, had been recognised by the legislature; but unexpected
obstacles were thrown in his way by the Colonial party, and an order
to arrest him was issued should he venture to embark for his native
land. By passing through England and the United States he eluded these
precautions, and landed privately at Cap Haïtien. When the news of
his arrival on his property at Dondon reached the authorities, they
endeavoured to capture him; then he, with a few hundreds of his colour,
rose in arms, but after a few skirmishes they dispersed, and Ogé was
forced to seek refuge in the Spanish settlement of Santo Domingo. There
he was arrested, and, on the demand of the Governor of the French
colony, handed over to his enemies. He was tried as a rebel and broken
on the wheel, together with three companions; others were hung, the
rest sent to the galleys.
Ogé’s armed resistance had encouraged the men of colour in the south
to demand their rights; but they were easily dispersed, and their
chief, Rigaud, taken prisoner. These isolated and irresolute outbreaks
rendered the division between the coloured and the white population
more marked than ever; the latter despised the former for their
wretched resistance, while the coloured men were indignant at the
cruel and unsparing executions which marked the close of Ogé’s career.
Monsieur Blanchelande was then Governor, a weak man at the head of
the Royalist party, who had not the courage to follow the energetic
counsels of Colonel Mauduit. By his vacillation all discipline was lost
both in the army and in the fleet, and the revolutionary party rose
in arms in Port-au-Prince, murdered Colonel Mauduit, and drove the
pusillanimous Governor to seek refuge in the plain of Cul-de-Sac. Thus
the whites were everywhere divided, but were still strong enough to
disperse any assembly of the freedmen.
The news of the troubles in Hayti produced a great effect in Paris,
and the Constituent Assembly determined to send three commissioners to
restore tranquillity; but they prefaced this measure by decreeing (May
15, 1791) that every man of colour born of free parents should enjoy
equal political rights with the whites. On the planters declaring that
this would bring about civil war and the loss of the colony, the famous
phrase was uttered, “Perish the colonies rather than a principle,”
which phrase has not been forgotten by those amongst us who would
sacrifice India to the perverse idea of abandoning our high political
status in the world.
When the substance of this decree reached Hayti, it roused to fury
the passions of the whites; all sections united in declaring that
they would oppose its execution even by force of arms, and a strong
party was formed either to declare the independence of the colony, or,
if that were not possible, to invite England to take possession. The
coloured men, on the other hand, determined to assert their rights, and
held secret meetings to bring about an accord among all the members
of their party; and when they heard that Governor Blanchelande had
declared he would not execute the decree, they summoned their followers
to meet at Mirebalais in the western department.
The whites in the meantime determined that the second Colonial Assembly
should be elected before the official text of the dreaded decree of
the 15th May should arrive; and so rapidly did they act, that on the
1st August 1791 the Assembly met at Leogâne, and was opened under the
presidency of the Marquis de Cadusch, a Royalist. They called Governor
Blanchelande to the bar of the House, and made him swear that he would
not carry into effect the law giving equal rights to the freedmen. As
Cap Haïtien had become in reality the capital of the colony, both the
Governor and the Assembly soon removed there.
The Royalist party, headed by the Governor, found their influence
gradually declining, and, to strengthen their hands against both the
Colonial Assembly with its traitorous projects and the violence of the
lower part of the white population, are accused of having first thought
of enlisting the blacks to further their schemes and to strengthen
their party. It is said that they proposed to Toussaint, a slave on
the Breda estates, to raise the negroes in revolt in the name of the
King. This account I believe to be a pure invention of the coloured
historians, and the conduct of the blacks clearly proved that they
were not moved by French officers. Whoever was the instigator, it is
certain that the negroes in the northern province rose in insurrection,
put to death every white that fell into their hands, began to burn
the factories, and then rushed _en masse_ to pillage the town of Cap
Haïtien. Here, however, their numbers availed them little against the
arms and discipline of the French troops, and they were driven back
with great slaughter, and many then retired to the mountains. It would
naturally be suspected that the coloured people were the instigators of
this movement, were it not certain that they were as much opposed to
the freedom of the blacks as the most impassioned white planter.
The insurgent slaves called themselves “Les Gens du Roi,” declaring
that he was their friend, and was persecuted for their sake; they
hoisted the white flag, and placed an ignorant negro, Jean François,
at their head. The second in command was a Papaloi or priest of the
Vaudoux, named Biassou. He encouraged his followers to carry on the
rites of their African religion, and when under its wildest influence,
he dashed his bands to the attack of their civilised enemies, to meet
their death in Hayti, but to rise again free in their beloved Africa.
The ferocity of the negro nature had now full swing, and the whites
who fell into their hands felt its effects. Prisoners were placed
between planks and sawn in two, or were skinned alive and slowly
roasted, the girls violated and then murdered. Unhappily some of these
blacks had seen their companions thus tortured, though probably in very
exceptional cases. Descriptions of these horrors fill pages in every
Haytian history, but it is needless to dwell on them. On either side
there was but little mercy.
The Governor at length collected 3000 white troops, who, after various
skirmishes, dispersed these bands with much slaughter; but as this
success was not followed up, Jean François and Biassou soon rallied
their followers.
In the meantime the coloured men at Mirebalais, under the leadership
of Pinchinat, began to arouse their brethren; and having freed nine
hundred slaves, commenced forming the nucleus of an army, that, under
the leadership of a very intelligent mulatto named Bauvais, gained some
successes over the undisciplined forces in Port-au-Prince, commanded
by an Italian adventurer, Praloto. The Royalists, who had been driven
from the city by the mob, had assembled at “La Croix des Bouquets” in
the plains, and to strengthen, their party entered into an alliance
with the freedmen. This alarmed the inhabitants of Port-au-Prince,
and they also recognised the existence of Pinchinat and his party by
entering into a regular treaty with them. The Haytians, as I may call
the coloured races, began now to understand that their position must
depend on their own courage and conduct.
When everything had been settled between the chiefs of the two parties,
the Haytians returned to Port-au-Prince, and were received with every
demonstration of joy; they then agreed to a plan which showed how
little they cared for the liberty of others, so that they themselves
obtained their rights. Among those who had fought valiantly at their
side were the freed slaves previously referred to. For fear these
men should incite ideas of liberty among those blacks who were still
working on the estates, the coloured officers consented that they
should be deported from the country. In the end they were placed as
prisoners on board a pontoon in Mole St. Nicolas, and at night were
for the most part butchered by unknown assassins. And Bauvais and
Pinchinat, the leaders and the most intelligent of the freedmen, were
those that agreed to this deportation of their brethren-in-arms who had
the misfortune to be lately slaves! I doubt if the blacks ever forgot
this incident.
The coloured men gained little by this breach of faith, as shortly
after news arrived that the French Assembly had reversed the decree of
May 15, which gave equal rights to the freedmen; and then dissensions
broke out, and the coloured men were again driven from Port-au-Prince
with heavy loss. This was the signal for disorders throughout the whole
country, and the whites and the freedmen were skirmishing in every
district. Praloto and the rabble reigned supreme in Port-au-Prince,
and soon made the rich merchants and shopkeepers feel the effects of
their internal divisions. They set fire to the town, and during the
confusion plundered the stores, and exercised their private vengeance
on their enemies.
The whole country was in the greatest disorder when the three
commissioners sent by the French Government arrived in Hayti. The
Colonial Assembly was still sitting at Cap Haïtien, and the insurgent
negroes were encamped at no great distance. They immediately
endeavoured to enter into negotiations with them, which had little
result, on account of the obstinacy of the planters. The three
commissioners were Mirbeck, St. Leger, and Roume. Finding that their
influence was as nought, the former two returned to France, whilst
Roume went ultimately to Santo Domingo.
The state of the colony may be imagined when it is remembered that
the whites were divided into three distinct sections. The coloured
men, jealous of each other, did not combine, but were ready to come to
blows on the least pretext; while the blacks, under Jean François, were
massacring every white that fell into their hands, and selling to the
Spaniard every negro or coloured man accused of siding with the French.
The planters wanted independence or subjection to England; the poorer
whites anything which would give them the property of others; the
coloured were still faithful to France; whilst the blacks cared only
to be free from work; yet among them was Toussaint, who already had
fermenting in his brain the project of a free black State.
It would interest few to enter into the details of this history
of horrors, where it is difficult to feel sympathy for any party.
They were alike steeped in blood, and ready to commit any crime to
further their ends. Murder, torture, violation, pillage, bad faith,
and treachery meet you on all sides; and although a few names arise
occasionally in whom you feel a momentary interest, they are sure soon
to disgust you by their utter incapacity or besotted personal ambition.
The National Assembly in Paris, finding that their first commissioners
had accomplished nothing, sent three others, two of whom, Sonthonax and
Polvérel, are well known in Haytian history. They had full powers, and
even secret instructions, to do all they could to give freedom to the
slaves.
These two commissioners were of the very worst kind of revolutionists,
talked of little but guillotining the aristocrats, and were in every
way unsuited to their task; they dissolved the Colonial Assembly, and
substituted for it a commission, consisting of six whites of the stamp
suited to them, and six freedmen. They decided to crush the respectable
classes, whom they called Royalists, because they would not join in
revolutionary excesses, and the massacre commenced at the Cape.
Polvérel appears to have had some idea of the responsibility of his
position, though both cruel and faithless; but Sonthonax was but a
blatant babbler, with some talent, but overwhelmed by vanity. He caused
more bloodshed than any other man, first setting the lower white
against the rich, then the mulatto against the white, and then the
black against both. Well might the French orator declare on Sonthonax’s
return to France that “il puait de sang.” The third commissioner,
Aillaud, thinking, very justly, that his companions were a couple
of scoundrels whom he could not control, embarked secretly and left
for home. Whilst these commissioners were employed in destroying the
fairest colony in the world, France, in a moment of excited fury,
declared war against the rest of Europe, and a new era opened for Hayti.
Many of the more influential and respectable inhabitants of all
colours, utterly disgusted by the conduct of the different parties,
thought that the war between England and France would give them some
chance of rest from the excesses of the insurgent blacks; and the
factious freedmen, supported by that _fou furieux_, Sonthonax, sent to
Jamaica to invite the Governor to interfere and take possession of the
colony.
England did interfere, but in her usual way, with small expeditions,
and thus frittered away her strength; but the resistance made was
in general so contemptible, that with little effort we succeeded in
taking Jérémie in the south, and then St. Marc, and subsequently
Port-au-Prince. Had we sent a large army, it is equally possible that
we should not have succeeded, as the intention was to reimpose slavery.
As the garrison of Jamaica could only furnish detachments, the British
authorities began to enlist all who wished to serve irrespective of
colour, and being supported by those who were weary of anarchy and
revolutionary fury, were soon able to present a very respectable force
in the field. The Spaniards, aided by the bands of revolted negroes,
overran most of the northern province; in this they were greatly
aided by Toussaint L’Ouverture, who now began to come to the front.
Sonthonax, whose idea of energy was simply to massacre and destroy,
ordered that every place his partisans were forced to evacuate should
be burnt. At the same time he thought that a little terror might be
of service, so he erected a guillotine in Port-au-Prince; and having
at hand a Frenchman accused of being a Royalist, he thought he would
try the experiment on him. An immense crowd of Haytians assembled to
witness the execution; but when they saw the bright blade descend and
the head roll at their feet, they were horror-stricken, and rushing on
the guillotine, tore it to pieces, and no other has ever again been
erected in Hayti.
Curious people! they who never hesitated to destroy the whites, guilty
or innocent, or massacre, simply because they were white, women and
children, down to the very babe at the breast, who invented every
species of torture to render death more hideous, were horrified because
a man’s head was chopped off, instead of his being destroyed in a
fashion to which they were accustomed, and this at a time when white,
coloured, and black were vying with each other in arts of bloodthirsty
cruelty!
The whole country was in terrible confusion; the French had not one man
who had the talent or influence to dominate their divided factions;
the coloured were represented by such respectabilities as Pinchinat,
Bauvais, and Rigaud, but without one of incontestable superiority; the
blacks were as yet led by such men as Jean François and Biassou, who
must even make the respectable negroes blush to acknowledge that they
were of the same race; yet, as I have said, there was one man coming to
the front who was to dominate all.
Amid the many heroes whose actions the Haytians love to commemorate,
Toussaint L’Ouverture does not hold a high rank. And yet the conduct of
this black was so remarkable as almost to confound those who declare
the negro an inferior creature incapable of rising to genius. History,
wearied with dwelling on the petty passions of the other founders of
Haytian independence, may well turn to the one grand figure of this
cruel war. Toussaint was born on the Breda estate in the northern
department, and was a slave from birth; it has been doubted whether he
was of pure negro race. His grandfather was an African prince, but if
we may judge from the portraits, he was not of the pure negro type.
Whether pure negro or not, there is no doubt of the intelligence and
energy of the man. Though but a puny child, by constant exercise and
a vigorous will he became as wiry and active as any of his companions,
and, moreover, gave up much of his leisure time to study. He learnt to
read French, and, it is said, in order to understand the Prayer-Book,
a little Latin; but he never quite mastered the art of writing. He
was evidently trusted and kindly treated by his master’s agent, who
gave him charge of the sugar-mills. There is an accusation constantly
brought against Toussaint, that of being a religious hypocrite, but
his early life shows that it is unfounded. Whilst still a slave, his
principles would not allow him to follow the custom of his companions
and live in concubinage; he determined to marry, though the woman he
chose had already an illegitimate son named Placide, whom he adopted.
It is pleasing to read of the happy domestic life of Toussaint, and it
is another proof of that affectionate disposition which made those who
served him devoted to him.
When the insurrection broke out in the northern province, Toussaint
remained faithful to his master, and prevented any destruction on the
estate; but finding ultimately that he could not stem the tide, he
sent his master’s family for safety into Cap Haïtien, and joined the
insurgents. He was at first appointed surgeon to the army, as among his
other accomplishments was a knowledge of _simples_, which had given him
great influence on the estate, and was now to do so in the insurgent
forces. He liked this employment, as it kept him free from the savage
excesses of his companions, who were acting with more than ordinary
barbarity.
The three leaders of the insurgents were then Jean François, a negro,
about whom opinions differ. St. Remy says he was intellectual, though
the general idea is more probable, that he was an energetic savage.
Biassou was sensual and violent, as cruel as man could be and an avowed
leader of the Vaudoux sect, and apparently a Papaloi; but the vilest
of the three was Jeannot. He loved to torture his white prisoners, and
drank their blood mixed with rum; but he was as cowardly as he was
cruel, and the scene at his execution, when he clung to the priest in
frantic terror, must have afforded satisfaction to the friends of those
whom he had pitilessly murdered. Jeannot was also a great proficient
in Vaudoux practices, and thus gained much influence with the ignorant
slaves; it was this influence, not his cruelties, which roused the
anger of Jean François, who seized and summarily shot him.
It is curious to read of the projects of these negro leaders. They had
no idea of demanding liberty for the slaves; they only wanted liberty
for themselves. In some abortive negotiations with the French, Jean
François demanded that 300 of the leaders should be declared free,
whilst Toussaint would only have bargained for fifty. The mulatto
leaders, however, were most anxious to preserve their own slaves, and,
as I have related, gave up to death those blacks who had aided them in
supporting their position; and a French writer records that up to Le
Clerc’s expedition, the mulattoes had fought against the blacks with
all the zeal that the interests of property could inspire.
The blind infatuation of the planters prevented their accepting Jean
François’ proposition; they even rejected it with insult, and savagely
persecuted the negroes who were living in Cap Haïtien. Biassou then
ordered all his white prisoners to be put to death; but Toussaint,
by his eloquent remonstrances, saved them. Other negotiations having
failed, Biassou attacked the French lines, and carried them as far
as the ramparts of the town. The planters had brave words, but not
brave deeds, with which to meet their revolted bondsmen. All the black
prisoners taken by the insurgents were sent over the frontiers and sold
as slaves to the Spaniards. Toussaint remonstrated against this vile
traffic, but never shared in it. The new Governor, Laveaux, at this
time nearly stifled the insurrection, dispersing all the insurgent
forces; but, as usual, not following up his successes, allowed the
negroes again to concentrate. No strength of position as yet enabled
the blacks successfully to resist the white troops.
When the negro chiefs heard of the death of Louis XVI., they thought
they had lost a friend, and openly joined the Spaniards in their war on
the French Republic.
At this time Sonthonax and Polvérel acted as if they intended to betray
their own country, by removing the chief white officers from command
and entrusting these important posts to mulattoes. It was not, however,
treachery, but jealousy, as such a man as General Galbaud could not be
made a docile instrument in their hands. Then finding that power was
slipping from them, they proclaimed (1793) the liberty of all those
slaves who would fight for the Republic.
In the meantime Toussaint was steadily gaining influence among his
troops, and gradually freeing himself from the control of Biassou,
whose proceedings had always shocked him; and some successful
expeditions, as the taking of Dondon, added to his prestige. Whilst
fighting was going on throughout the northern provinces, Sonthonax and
Polvérel were solemnising pompous _fêtes_ to celebrate the anniversary
of the taking of the Bastile. It is singular what a passion they had
for these childish amusements.
Rigaud, a mulatto, in future days the rival of Toussaint, now appears
prominently upon the scene, being appointed by the commissioners as
chief of the northern department.
Toussaint continued his successes, and finding that nothing could be
done with the estates without the whites, appeared anxious to induce
them to return to superintend their cultivation, and he succeeded in
inducing many hundreds to reside in their devastated homes.
Alarmed by the continued successes of Toussaint, Sonthonax
proclaimed in August 29, 1793, the liberty of all, which, under
the circumstances, may be considered the only wise act of his
administration.
The people of the north-west, however, were weary of the tyranny
of the commissioners, and, being probably privately informed of
Toussaint’s intentions, surrendered Gonaives to him, and the rest of
the neighbouring districts followed. A new enemy, however, now appeared
in the shape of the English, who took possession of St. Marc with
seventy-five men,--so like our system! In June 1794 Port-au-Prince
surrendered to the English after a faint resistance, the commissioners
retiring to Jacmel, from whence they embarked for France, to answer
for their conduct. At that time Port-au-Prince was in a fair state for
defence; but Captain Daniel of the 41st took the famous fort of Bizoton
by storm with sixty men, and then the English advanced on the town. The
effect of having replaced the French officers by untrained mulattoes
was here apparent: though everything had been prepared to blow up
the forts, nothing was done; the garrison fled, leaving 131 cannon,
twenty-two laden vessels, with 7000 tons more in ballast, and all their
stores and ammunition.
At this time Jean François became suspicious of Toussaint and arrested
him, but he was delivered by Biassou. Toussaint had for some time been
meditating a bold stroke. The proclamation by Sonthonax of the freedom
of the blacks probably worked on him, and he determined to abandon the
party of the king of Spain, which was that of slavery, and join the
French Republic. He did so, proclaiming at the same time the freedom of
the slaves. His soldiers sullied the change by massacring two hundred
white planters, who, confiding in the word of Toussaint, had returned
to their estates.
The new General of the republic now acted with energy against Jean
François, drove him from the plains, and forced him to take refuge with
his followers in the Black Mountains. Success followed success, until
Toussaint found himself opposite St. Marc; but his attack on that town
was easily repulsed by its garrison in English pay. His activity was
incessant, and he kept up constant skirmishes with all his enemies.
He appeared ever unwearied, whatever might be the fatigue of his
companions.
Toussaint had naturally observed, that however his men might succeed
against the undisciplined hordes of Jean François, they could do
nothing against a disciplined force. He therefore, in 1795, formed
four regiments of 2000 men each, whom he had daily drilled by French
soldiers, his former prisoners; and, I may notice here, with such
success, that English officers were subsequently surprised at their
proficiency.
Rigaud had, in the meantime, with his usual jactancy, marched on
Port-au-Prince to expel the English, but was repulsed. Toussaint
assembled all his army for another attack on St. Marc, and for three
days, from the 25th to 27th July 1795, tried by repeated assaults
to capture the town; but English discipline prevailed, and the small
garrison foiled every attempt.
It is noticed by St. Remy that Toussaint, when once he gave his word,
never broke it, which was a new experience among these unprincipled
leaders; and it is added, that he never had any prejudice of colour.
An important event for the French in 1795 was the peace made between
France and Spain, by which Santo Domingo was ceded to the former.
The year 1796 was ushered in by various English expeditions and
skirmishes, and their failure to take Leogâne. Some of the Haytian
accounts are amusing. Pétion defended the fort of Ça-ira against the
whole English fleet until the fortifications were demolished. Fifteen
thousand English bullets were showered into the place, and yet only
seven Haytians were killed. It looks as if the garrison had quietly
retired and left us to batter away at the earthworks.
One is often surprised, in reading Haytian accounts of the war, at the
defeats of the English, which make one wonder what could have become
of the proverbial courage and steadiness of our men; but a little
closer inquiry shows that in most of these instances there were few
or no English present, only black and coloured men in our pay, or
planters who had taken our side in the war, none of whom were more than
half-hearted in our cause.
The French were also weakened by internal dissensions. General
Vilatte, a mulatto, incited a revolt in the town of Cap Haïtien,
arrested the French governor, Laveaux, and threw him into prison. The
latter called on Toussaint to aid him, and the black general had the
supreme satisfaction of marching into the town and freeing the white
governor. With what curious sensations must Toussaint have performed
this act of authority in a place that had only known him as a slave!
Laveaux received him with enthusiasm, and promoted him from the grade
of General of Brigade, in which the French Government had confirmed
him, to be Lieutenant-General of the Government, April 1, 1796. This
successful movement confirmed the ascendancy of the blacks in the
north, and Vilatte had shortly to sail for France, from whence he
returned with the expedition sent to enslave his countrymen.
Sonthonax and a new commission now arrived at Cap Haïtien, to find
Rigaud almost independent in the south, and Toussaint master in the
north. Both Laveaux and Sonthonax are accused of endeavouring to set
the blacks against the mulattoes. Laveaux having returned to France as
deputy for the colony, Sonthonax remained at the head of affairs, and
one of his first acts was to name Toussaint General of Division.
Toussaint was in the meantime organising his army and working hard at
its drill; he then started to the attack of Mirebalais, a port occupied
by a French planter in our service, the Count de Bruges, who appears
to have retired, with numerous forces, without much resistance. He
probably could scarcely trust his raw levies. Sonthonax was so pleased
with this important success that he named Toussaint Commander-in-Chief
of the army in Santo Domingo, which step displeased Rigaud, who was
thus placed under the orders of a black general.
Toussaint appears to have felt a justifiable distrust of Sonthonax.
He saw that he desired to set black against coloured, that he was
even talking of the independence of the island, perhaps only to test
Toussaint’s fidelity; but he had no difficulty in assuring himself that
wherever Sonthonax was, mischief was sure to be brewing. He therefore
had him elected deputy, and sent him to follow Laveaux. Sonthonax did
not like this step, and made some show of opposition, but Toussaint
informed him that if he did not embark immediately he would fall on
Cap Haïtien with 20,000 men. This irresistible argument made Sonthonax
give way. As he went down to the boat that was to take him on board,
the streets were lined by crowds of all colours; but not one said, “God
bless him,” as he had betrayed every party in turn; and his one wise
act of proclaiming the liberty of the slaves was simply a political
expedient, wrung from him by the circumstances of the hour. He was a
boasting, bad man, whose history is written in the blood of thousands
of every colour.
The Directory, alarmed at the growing influence of Toussaint,
sent out General Hédouville as pacificator of the island, and, to
produce harmony, gave him power to defeat Rigaud. On his arrival at
Cap Haïtien he summoned the rivals to confer with him, and Rigaud
and Toussaint, meeting at Gonaives, went together to the capital.
Hédouville, jealous of the power of the latter, gave all his attention
to the former, whilst the newly-arrived French officers laughed at the
negro and his surroundings. Toussaint, suspecting a plot to arrest him
and send him off to France, and probably very jealous of the superior
treatment of his rival, withdrew from the city and returned to his army.
The English had now become convinced that it was useless to attempt
to conquer the island; their losses from sickness were enormous,
and the influence of the planters was of no avail. Their black and
coloured mercenaries were faithless, and ready to betray them, as
at St. Marc, where the English governor had to shoot a number of
traitorous mulattoes who would have betrayed the town into the hands
of the blacks. They therefore determined to treat with Toussaint, and
evacuated St. Marc, Port-au-Prince, and L’Arcahaye. He thus gained at
one stroke what no amount of force could have procured for him.
Toussaint, with a greatness of mind which was really remarkable, agreed
to allow those French colonists who had sided with us to remain, and
promised to respect their properties; and as it was known that this
magnanimous black ever kept his word, no important exodus followed our
retreat. Admiral Maitland had arranged for the surrender of the mole
with General Hédouville, but on finding his hostility to the French
planters, whom he insisted on Toussaint expelling the country, our
naval chief made a new settlement with the black general and handed the
mole over to him. Maitland invited Toussaint to visit him, and reviewed
before him the English army collected from the rest of the country. He
was exceedingly pleased by the treatment he received from our people,
and ever after showed a kindly feeling towards them.
One can scarcely understand why the English gave up the mole, which a
small garrison could have defended, and the importance of the position
in naval warfare is indisputable. If we wanted to gain Toussaint and
induce him to declare the island independent, we should have held it
until that desirable event had happened.[4]
Toussaint treated the old colonists with distinction, and left many
of them in the commands they had held under the English. Hédouville
protested against this good treatment of his own countrymen, and
annoyed Toussaint so much that he began to consider whether it would
not be prudent to send Hédouville to follow Sonthonax.
Hédouville was not the only one who objected to the good treatment
of the planters; his opinion was shared by the black general, Moïse,
then commanding in the northern department. To show his displeasure at
Toussaint’s humanity, he caused some white colonists to be murdered in
the plains near Cap Haïtien. Hédouville, frightened by the practical
result of his teaching, summoned Toussaint to his aid; but doubtful of
his general, he escaped on board a vessel in harbour. In order to do
all the mischief he could before leaving, he wrote to Rigaud, saying he
was no longer to obey Toussaint, but consider himself the governor of
the southern department, adding that Toussaint was sold to the English
and the _émigrés_.
It was Hédouville who thus laid the foundation of that civil war which
degenerated into a struggle of caste. The agents sent by France proved
each worse than the other. Rigaud, with the true spirit of a mulatto,
also wrote to Toussaint to drive out the white planters. When his
teaching had incited his soldiers to murder his white countrymen, all
Rigaud could say was, “Mon Dieu, qu’est que le peuple en fureur?”
On the departure of Hédouville, Toussaint invited Roume to leave
Santo Domingo and come and reside at Port-au-Prince, where they met
in January 1799. Roume appears to have had a profound admiration for
Toussaint. We find him writing to General Kerverseau as early as
February 1795, and describing the negro chief as a philosopher, a
legislator, a general, and a good citizen.
Roume had a difficult part to play. He was most anxious to bring about
concord among the different generals, and therefore invited Rigaud
and Bauvais to meet Toussaint on the _fête_ of the 4th of February to
commemorate the memorable day when the National Convention proclaimed
full liberty to the slaves. A little outward concord was obtained, but
soon after, Toussaint, suspecting a plot, arrested some mulattoes. A
slight disturbance among the negroes taking place at Corail, thirty
were captured and died in prison, from “the effect of the gas created
by white-washing the prison.” This remarkable excuse did not satisfy
Toussaint, who believed the men to have been assassinated by Rigaud’s
officers.
Toussaint and Roume had in the meantime left for Cap Haïtien, where
they appear to have negotiated a commercial treaty with the Americans,
and some arrangement was also, it is said, made with Admiral Maitland.
It was during this year that Captain Rainsford visited Cap Haïtien.
As we were at war with France, our officer passed as an American, and
soon after landing was met by Toussaint in the street, who came up to
him to ask the news. He next saw him at a restaurant where all classes
dined, and he sat down at a long table with a drummer-boy next him and
the general not far off. The latter used to say that except on service
he did not see the necessity of making distinctions. In the evening
Captain Rainsford played billiards with Toussaint at the public tables.
Rainsford appears to have been as much struck with Toussaint as Roume.
He says he was constrained to admire him as a man, a governor, and a
general. He describes him as a perfect black, then about fifty-five
years of age, of a venerable appearance, and possessed of uncommon
discernment and great suavity of manners. He enters fully into a
description of his dress. The general wore as a uniform a kind of blue
spencer, with a large red cape falling over his shoulders, and red
cuffs, with eight rows of lace on the arms, and a pair of huge gold
epaulettes, a scarlet waistcoat, pantaloons and half-boots, a round hat
with red feather and national cockade, and an extremely large sword
was suspended from his side. Rainsford adds: “He receives a voluntary
respect from every description of his countrymen, which is more than
returned by the affability of his behaviour and the goodness of his
heart.” The vessel in which Rainsford was a passenger was next driven
by stress of weather into Fort Liberté. Arrested as a spy, he was
condemned to death; but Toussaint would not permit the sentence to be
carried out. He dismissed him with a caution not to return without
passports.
There is much exaggeration in the account given by Rainsford of what he
saw and heard at Cap Haïtien. He talks of 62,000 inhabitants leaving
the city after the great fire, and of Toussaint reviewing his army of
60,000 men and 2000 officers. He was a better judge probably of their
manœuvres. He says that the soldiers went through their exercises with
a degree of expertness he had seldom before witnessed. At the signal of
a whistle, a whole brigade ran three or four hundred yards, and then
separating, threw themselves on the ground, keeping up a heavy fire
from every kind of position. The complete subordination and discipline
astonished him.
Rigaud having evidently decided to carry out General Hédouville’s
instructions and defy both Toussaint and Roume, it became necessary to
subdue him. Ten thousand men were collected at Port-au-Prince, whilst
Rigaud concentrated his army at Miragoâne, and commenced the war by
seizing Petit Goave, and there, without the slightest excuse, murdered
all the white inhabitants. It is singular to contrast the conduct of
the two generals: Toussaint, without the slightest prejudice of colour,
and Rigaud, the mulatto, the son of a Frenchman, showing “how he
hated his father and despised his mother” by murdering the whites and
refusing to obey a black.
Roume published a proclamation, calling on the north and west to march
against the south to restore unity of command; but before entering on
the campaign, Toussaint had to return to the north to repress some
movements, and on his journey back almost fell into two ambuscades,
from which he was saved by the fleetness of his horse. Toussaint
shot those who were concerned in these conspiracies, whether black
or coloured; but the stories told by St. Remy of his ordering 180
young mulatto children to be drowned at L’Arcahaye, is so contrary to
everything we know of his character, that we may set this fable down to
caste hatred. That he was severe with his enemies is no doubt true.
Then began the wearisome civil war in the south by Dessalines driving
back Rigaud’s army, and by the siege of Jacmel, which lasted four
months. Pétion greatly distinguished himself in the defence, and
conducted the evacuation. It appears unaccountable that while the main
body of Toussaint’s army was thus engaged, Rigaud remained passive; it
can only be explained by mean jealousy, which was his characteristic to
the last year of his life. But his principal fault was jactancy, shown
by his proclamation, saying, “Let the enemy appear and I’ll slay them,”
which was answered by another from Toussaint offering pardon and peace.
Toussaint’s army in the south was commanded by Dessalines and
Christophe, or, in other words, by two ferocious blacks, to whom pity
was unknown. Dessalines soon forced the strong position near Miragoâne,
and defeated Rigaud and Pétion, driving them before him towards Les
Cayes. Rigaud ordered his officers to burn and destroy everything in
their retreat, which naturally roused the inhabitants against these
measures of defence, and they became clamorous for peace.
In the meantime the Consular Government at Paris sent out officers
to Hayti, among whom was Colonel Vincent. Toussaint was confirmed
in his position as General-in-Chief, but the war in the south was
disapproved. Colonel Vincent was enabled to tell him of all the changes
that had taken place in France, but the black chief could readily
see that he was suspected by the French Government. He, however,
sent Vincent and other officers to Les Cayes to offer peace. It is
amusing to read the account given of Rigaud. He went to see the French
officers, a blunderbuss on his shoulder, pistols in his belt, a sword
on one side and a dagger on the other. On hearing that his conduct did
not meet with the support of the French Government, he drew his dagger
as if to stab himself, but did not do so: he preferred making a truce
and embarking for France, together with his principal officers.
Toussaint entered Les Cayes on the 1st August 1800, and showed the
grandeur of his character by implicitly carrying out his original
proclamation. He again proclaimed union and peace, and pardoned
all those who had been led into rebellion against him; and, to the
astonishment of his enemies, he kept his word and behaved with great
magnanimity. Even his worst opponents were then constrained to allow
that, when once given, he never broke his word.
If Toussaint was clement, Dessalines was the reverse; and the mulattoes
declare that he killed upwards of ten thousand of their caste, which is
probably more of that colour than the southern province ever contained.
Whilst this campaign was at its height, Roume committed the
indiscretion of trying to raise a revolt in Jamaica. His agents
were taken and hung; and as a punishment the English captured one of
Toussaint’s convoys destined for Jacmel. The General, very angry with
Roume, sent for him; he refused to come, upon which Toussaint went to
Cap Haïtien, and after reproaching him, insisted on his giving him an
order to invade the eastern end of the island. He refused at first, but
ultimately yielded to the menaces of General Moïse.
When the southern campaign was over, Toussaint began to prepare for
the occupation of Santo Domingo, but finding that Roume was inclined
to withdraw his permission, he arrested him and sent him back to
France. Toussaint’s prestige was now so great in the island, that
little resistance was made, and he occupied the city of Santo Domingo
almost without a shot being fired, and established his brother Paul as
governor.
The whole of the island being now under one chief, Toussaint decided
to put into execution a constitution which he had already promulgated.
It was certainly a model of liberality. It placed all colours equal
before the law; employments might be held by black, white, or coloured;
as much freedom of trade as possible; a governor to be named for five
years, but on account of the eminent services of Toussaint, he was to
occupy that post for life, with power to name his successor. He sent
this constitution to Buonaparte for approval; but evidently it was too
much or too little. Had he boldly proclaimed the independence of the
island, he might have saved the country from great misfortunes.
Peace being now re-established over all the island, Toussaint began his
civil administration. All accounts are unanimous in declaring that he
himself governed admirably, but the instruments he had to employ were
too often utterly unworthy. He organised the country into districts,
and appointed inspectors to see that all returned to their work, and
decreed that a fifth of the produce should be given to the labourers.
Dessalines was appointed inspector-in-chief; and if a man without any
sentiment of humanity was required for that post, surely Dessalines
was a good choice, as he was ready to beat to death any man, woman,
or child whom he chose to accuse of idleness. Toussaint, looking to
difficulties ahead, continued to pay the greatest attention to his
army, organised it with care, and preserved the strictest discipline.
The stick appears to have been as popular in that day as it is now.
Toussaint was very friendly to the whites, and was most anxious to
encourage them to aid in developing the country. This excited the
jealousy of some of his generals; among others, of Moïse, his nephew,
who to thwart his uncle’s projects incited a movement in the north
to massacre the French. Several having fallen victims, Toussaint
hastened to the spot, and finding that Moïse was the real instigator
of the murders, sent him before a court-martial. He was sentenced to
death, and very properly shot on the 26th November 1800. Had Toussaint
connived at these crimes, he would have upset all confidence in his
trusted word.
All was now progressing on the island; the government was regularly
administered, the finances were getting into order, and agriculture
was beginning to raise its head, when Buonaparte, having secured peace
in Europe, determined to recover the Queen of the Antilles and restore
slavery. The story of this attempt may be told in a few words. General
Leclerc started with 30,000 men to subdue the island, and although the
evident intention of the French Government was to restore slavery,
the principal mulatto officers accompanied him, chief among whom were
Rigaud, Pétion, and Vilatte. It is true the mulattoes had not yet
frankly accepted the full freedom of the blacks.
General Leclerc did all he could to cause an armed resistance, as a
peaceful solution would have given him no military glory; therefore,
instead of sending Toussaint his children and the letter he bore from
Buonaparte, he tried to surprise Cap Haïtien. But General Christophe,
before retiring with its garrison, set fire to the town and almost
destroyed it; and Toussaint sent instructions to his other generals
to follow this example. Leclerc, mortified by the result of his first
attempt, now thought of writing to Toussaint, and sent him his two
boys. Toussaint behaved with great nobility of character, and asked
naturally, “Why words of peace but acts of war?” Finding that he could
not circumvent his black opponent, Leclerc published a decree in
February 1802 placing both Toussaint and Christophe “hors la loi.” This
was followed by the burning of the towns of St. Marc and Gonaives, and
a retreat of the black troops towards the interior.
Whenever you see a fortress in Hayti, you are sure to be told that
it was built by the English; among others thus known was La Crête à
Pierrot. The French general Debelle, treating with contempt these negro
troops, attacked this fort with an inefficient force and was beaten;
then Leclerc made an assault in person, but he also was beaten, and was
forced to lay siege to it. The attack and defence were conducted with
singular courage, particularly the latter, considering the quality of
the men, who had never before been measured with real white troops:
however, after having repulsed several assaults, the garrison evacuated
the forts. Pétion commanded a portion of the French artillery in this
attack on his countrymen struggling for freedom. If he loved France but
little, he hated Toussaint more.
Even the enemies of the great black general are full of admiration of
the courage displayed by him during all this important struggle, and
especially dwell on his devotion to his wounded officers. I may here
remark that the French general Rochambeau distinguished himself for
his cruelties, and shot every prisoner that fell into his hands; which
fully justified the retaliation of the Haytians.
Discouraged by a series of reverses which followed the loss of La Crête
à Pierrot, where it was amply proved that the negro soldiers, even
among their mountains, were no match for the disciplined troops of
France, some of the black generals, as Christophe, began to make terms
with the French; and Toussaint, finding himself thus abandoned, wrote
to Leclerc offering submission. As it was accepted, he went to Cap
Haïtien to meet the commander-in-chief, and was received and treated
with much distinction. He then returned to the village of Marmalade,
and there issued orders to all his officers to cease opposition
and acknowledge the French authorities, and peace was established
throughout the island.
General Leclerc was but temporising with these black leaders; his
secret orders were, not only to arrest Toussaint, Dessalines, and
Christophe, but to re-establish slavery. He found, however, the
last two so zealous in carrying out his instructions to disarm the
population, that he preserved them in their commands.
Toussaint himself, having ever kept his word, could not believe that
the French commander-in-chief would not keep his, and therefore, in
spite of all warnings that treachery was meditated, stayed quietly on
his estate at Ennery. He there received a letter from General Brunet,
asking for an interview at a certain spot; Toussaint went, and was
immediately arrested under circumstances of the greatest treachery. He
was bound with ropes and embarked on board the French ship “Creole;”
then put on board the “Héros” with all his family and sent to France.
When received on board by Savary, Chef de Division, he said to him, “En
me renversant on n’a abattu à Saint Domingue que le tronc de l’arbre
de la liberté des noirs; il repoussera, parceque les racines en sont
profondes et nombreuses.” When reading this account of the capture of
Toussaint, we can scarcely credit that we are recording the acts of
French officers, whose plighted word was thus broken.[5]
On Toussaint’s arrival in France he wrote to the French Chief Consul;
but he might as well have written to Dessalines as expect either mercy
or justice from the despot who then ruled France. He was separated
from his family and hurried off to the Château de Joux in the Alps,
where his rival Rigaud was already confined. Here he died from cold
and neglect, under circumstances which raised the suspicion that the
close of this illustrious life was hastened by unfair means. It is
some satisfaction to think that his executioner died also a prisoner
in exile, though surrounded by every comfort that the generous English
Government could afford him.
We have all heard or read something of Toussaint L’Ouverture, and been
taught to think well of him: I was therefore the more surprised, on
my arrival at Port-au-Prince, to hear his memory so depreciated. I
do not remember any Haytian having voluntarily spoken of him, though
they never wearied of talking of Dessalines, Christophe, and Rigaud. I
at first thought that Toussaint never having unnecessarily shed white
blood, whilst the others may be said to have rejoiced at the sight of
it, was one of the chief causes; but the real reason why the historians
and biographers of Hayti would lower Toussaint’s memory is the energy
with which he acted against the rebellious mulattoes, and his firm
determination that all colours should be equally respected by the law,
and that all should have equal rights.
It is impossible not to be struck with almost the unanimous opinion
favourable to Toussaint which has been recorded by all parties, even by
his enemies. The Marquis d’Hermonas says that “God in this terrestrial
globe could not commune with a purer spirit;” the French general
Pamphile Lacroix records that “Nul n’osait l’aborder sans crainte, et
nul ne le quittait sans respect.” We have seen the opinion of Roume and
Rainsford, that Toussaint was “a philosopher, a legislator, a general,
and a good citizen,” and that the latter was compelled to admire him as
“a man, a governor, and a general.”
He was personally brave, and being a splendid rider, loving from his
earliest childhood to be on horseback, he never appeared fatigued
even after the greatest exertions. As a general he is thought to have
shown much skill; and, what proves his sense, but does not add to his
popularity among Haytians, he did not believe that his men were fitted
to cope with the trained bands of France. He constantly said that they
must trust to climate and yellow fever as their best allies. As an
administrator he had much capacity, and his influence being unbounded,
he would probably have restored its old prosperity to Hayti, had not
Leclerc’s expedition arrived to throw the whole island into confusion.
Toussaint’s personal qualities appear to have been equal to his
public: his word was sacred, he was humane on most occasions, yet with
a firmness and decision which astonished his enemies. In his family
relations he showed the most tender affection for wife and children;
his fine nature was apparent on all occasions in his solicitude for his
wounded officers and soldiers, and the thoughtful care of the prisoners
that fell into his hands. His affectionate treatment of animals was
also greatly noticed, and whenever he came upon fugitive women and
children of any colour, his first thought was for their comfort.
Our Consul-General Mackenzie (1827) often talked to the black officers
of Toussaint; they described him as stern and unbending, but just,
and intimately acquainted with the habits of the people and the best
interests of his country.
The one mistake of his life appears to have been his refusal, when
urged to do so by England, to declare the independence of Hayti. Had
he accepted the English proposals and entered into a treaty with us and
with the Americans, it is not likely that Buonaparte would have ever
attempted an expedition against him, and the history of Hayti might
have been happier.
There is one fact which strikes the reader of the histories of
these times, and that is, the soldiers are described as veritable
_sans-culottes_, without pay and without proper uniforms, and yet all
the chiefs, as Toussaint, Dessalines, and Christophe, were living in
splendid houses in the greatest luxury. Toussaint is recorded to have
lent the French Treasury 600,000 livres, an enormous sum for a slave to
possess after a few years of freedom. Gragnon-Lacoste, who published
a Life of Toussaint L’Ouverture in 1877, founded on family papers,
says that this general had a marble house in Cap Haïtien, elegantly
furnished, and that he kept up the same style in all his plantations.
His descendants in late years claimed about the fourth of Hayti as the
estates of the black general.[6]
Toussaint was also a fervent Roman Catholic, and was greatly attached
to the priesthood; he did all he could to repress the Vaudoux, and he
published a strong proclamation forbidding all fetish rites.[7]
The treachery of Leclerc towards Toussaint had its reward; it could
not but excite suspicion among the black leaders, as the previous
deportation of Rigaud had done among the mulattoes. And now the most
fearful epidemic of yellow fever fell upon the French army, and
almost annihilated it. Forty thousand are reported to have been lost
during the years 1802 and 1803: among the victims were Leclerc and
twenty other French generals. The Haytians saw their opportunity, and
Dessalines, Christophe, and Pétion abandoned the invaders, and roused
their countrymen to expel the weak remnants of the French army. War had
now been declared between France and England, and our fleets were soon
off the coasts. The French were driven from every point, and forced to
concentrate in Cap Haïtien. Rochambeau, who had succeeded Leclerc, did
all that man could do to save his army; but besieged by the blacks to
the number of 30,000, and blockaded by our fleet, pinched by hunger,
and seeing no hopes of reinforcements, he surrendered to the English
and embarked for Europe.
Thus ended one of the most disastrous expeditions ever undertaken by
France, and ended as it deserved to end. Its history was sullied by
every species of treachery, cruelty, and crime; but we cannot but
admire the splendid bravery of the troops under every discouragement,
in a tropical climate, where the heat is so great that the European
is unfitted for continued exertion, but where yellow fever and death
follow constant exposure.