CHAPTER XI

WESTERN CITIES THAT HAVE SPRUNG FROM FRENCH FORTS

It is a strange and varied crop that has grown from the leaden plates with

French inscriptions, planted by St. Lusson, La Salle, and Céloron by lakes

and rivers in that western country. The mythical story of the sowing of

Cadmus in the Boeotian field is again rather tame by comparison with a

true relation of what has actually occurred within the memory of a few

generations in a valley as wild when Céloron traversed the course of La

Belle Rivière (the name given by the French to the Ohio, which was known

to the Indians as the "River of the Whitecaps") with his little fleet only

a century and a half ago as was Boeotia when Cadmus set out from Phoenicia

in search of his sister, Europa (that is, Europe), back beyond the memory

of history.

It was a bourgeoning, most miraculous, in those spots of the west, a new

Europa, where soldiers sprang up immediately upon the sowing, like the

sproutings of Cadmus' dragon's teeth, to fight one another and to build

strongholds that should some day be cities, even as Cadmea, the fortress

of the "Spartoi," became the city of Thebes.

So, in this sowing, did France become the mother of western cities, of

Pittsburgh and Buffalo, of Erie, of St. Louis, of Detroit and New Orleans,

of Peoria and St. Joseph, and still other cities whose names have never

been heard by the people--of France--even as Phoenicia, in the wanderings

of her adventurous son, Cadmus, became the mother of Thebes and the

godmother of Greek culture and of European literature. Palamedes and

Simonides added some letters to the alphabet brought, according to

tradition, by Cadmus to Greece, and Cadmus suffered the doom of those who

sow dragon's teeth, as France has suffered, but still is his name kept in

the memory of every school child; and so should be remembered those who

planted the lead plates and sowed the teeth that sprang into the "Spartoi"

of a new civilization.

Of the sowing of St. Lusson at the "Soo" and La Salle at New Orleans we

have spoken. Long later (1749), the first of whom we have record after La

Salle, another French sower went forth to sow along the rivers close to

the foot of the Alleghany Mountains--Céloron de Bienville, Chevalier de

St. Louis. It is of his sowing that the main cities have sprung, for he

planted a plate of "repossession" at the entrance of every important

branch of the Ohio and fastened upon trees sheets of "white iron" bearing

the arms of France. Chief among them is Pittsburgh, which stands on the

carboniferous site of Fort Duquesne like the prow of a vessel headed

westward, a place which Céloron is believed to have had in mind when he

wrote in his journal, "the finest place on La Belle Rivière"--what was

then a wedge of wild black land lodged between two converging streams that

drained all the slope of the northern Alleghanies being now the foundation

of the world's capital of a sterner metal than lead--scarred with fires

and smothered with smoke from many furnaces, two of which alone, it has

been estimated by some one, have poured forth enough molten iron in the

last thirty years to cover with steel plates an inch thick a road fifty

feet wide stretching from the Alleghany edge of the valley not merely to

the mouth of the Ohio but on to the other mountain border, where all

dreams of a way to the western sea were ended.

And this highway of plates across the empire of New France gives but

suggestion of the meagerest fraction of the fruitage of the planting of

the leaden plates or the grafting of the arms of France upon the trees

along the Ohio--forty pounds of iron, it has been estimated by one graphic

statistician, for every man, woman, and child on the globe to-day,

[Footnote: H. N. Casson. United States produces thirty million tons

annually, Pennsylvania eleven and a quarter million. "Mineral Resources,"

1912.] and I do not know how much tin. And, in a sense, all from a small

box or crate of plates made of lead--six, eight, or more in number, eleven

inches long, seven inches wide, and one eighth of an inch thick, and

engraved with an inscription--one of which was found not long ago, by some

lads, protruding from the bank of one of the tributary rivers! The

inscription ran (in translation):

"Year 1749, in the reign of Louis XV., King of France, We, Céloron,

commanding the detachment sent by the Marquis De la Galissonière,

Commander General of New France, to restore tranquillity in certain

villages of these cantons, have buried this plate at [here is inserted the

name of the tributary at its confluence with the Ohio] this [date] as a

token of renewal of possession heretofore taken of the aforesaid river,

Ohio, of all streams that fall into it, and all lands on both sides to the

sources of the aforesaid streams, as the preceding Kings of France enjoyed

it, or ought to have enjoyed it, and which they have upheld by force of

arms and by treaties, notably by those of Ryswick, Utrecht, and Aix la

Chapelle."

And with these plates (to be buried at the confluences of the important

rivers along the way) were carried sheets of tin--of white iron--on which

the arms of France had been stamped, to be nailed to trees above the

places of the plates.

"As the Kings of France enjoyed it, or ought to have enjoyed it"--what a

blight of regret was in the very seed that in its flower of to-day makes

one wish for some delicate beauty or subtle fragrance that is not there,

because the Kings of France did not let France enjoy it.

One can but pause here again, as I have paused many, many times in the

preparation of these chapters, to ask what would have been the result if

France had but chosen as Portia's successful suitor in Shakespeare's

"Merchant of Venice" when he was confronted with the caskets of gold,

silver, and lead--had but chosen "to owe and hazard all for lead," instead

of deciding as did the Prince of Morocco, the other suitor, that "a golden

mind stoops not to shows of dross"--if France had hazarded all for the

holding and settling of those regions whose worth was symbolized in those

unpromising pieces of lead planted in the fertile soil of Louisiana,

Michigan, and Ohio along the watercourses, rather than in the caskets of

gold and silver sought among the mountains--if Louis XV, throwing dice at

Versailles in the valley of the Seine, as Parkman describes him, with his

piles of louis d'or before him, and the princes and princesses, dukes and

duchesses and courtiers about him, had but followed the advice of Marquis

de la Galissonnière, the humpbacked governor-general of Canada, who

furnished Céloron with his leaden seeds and appointed the place of the

sowing--if Louis XV had but answered his Canadian governor's prayer and

sent French peasants where the plates were buried, or had even let those

who wanted to flee to that valley, as they would have fled by tens of

thousands, preferring the hardships and privations of the pioneer to the

galleys, the dungeons, or the gallows--then "Versailles" in that valley of

the Ohio would not be merely what it is, a ward or township in a city that

bears the name of a British statesman.

"Or, if soldiers had been sent!" Parkman, approaching the great valley in

imagination with Céloron, from the north, exclaims, "the most momentous

and far-reaching question ever brought to issue on this continent was:

'Shall France remain here or shall she not?' If by diplomacy or war she

had preserved but the half or less than half of her American possessions,

then a barrier would have been set to the spread of the English-speaking

races, there would have been no Revolutionary War and, for a long time at

least, no independence." [Footnote: Parkman, "Montcalm and Wolfe," p. 5.]

(Which but emphasizes what I have said as to the part, the negative part

as well as the positive, France conspicuously and unconsciously played in

the making of a new nation.)

If "the French soldiers left dead on inglorious continental battle-fields

could," as Parkman says, "have saved Canada, and perhaps made good her

claim to the vast territories of the West," [Footnote: Parkman, "Montcalm

and Wolfe," p. 41.] could they after all have done more for the world than

those who, in effect, sacrificed their lives on glorious western battle-

fields for the United States?

A little way back I spoke of the first expedition looking toward that

valley from the Atlantic side of the Alleghanies--the expedition of the

"Knights of the Golden Horseshoe"--and of its vain threats. In 1748 a

company of still wider horizon was formed in Virginia, George Washington's

father being a member of it. It was known as the Ohio Land Company and

derived its transmontane rights through George II from John Cabot, an

Italian under English commission, who may have set foot nearly two

centuries before somewhere on the coast of North America below Labrador,

and from a very expansive interpretation of a treaty with the Indians at

Lancaster, Pa., in 1744, the trans-Alleghany Indians protesting, however,

not less firmly than the French, that the lands purchased by the English

under that treaty extended no farther toward the sunset than the laurel

hills on the western edge of the Alleghanies.

News of this Virginia corporate enterprise was willingly carried, it is

surmised, by jealous Pennsylvanians and hostile French, till it reached

Montreal, and so it was that Céloron was despatched with his little

company to bury "Monuments of the Renewal of Possession" by France.

It was a significant and rather solemn, but most picturesque, processional

that this chevalier of St. Louis led from Montreal through one thousand

two hundred leagues of journey by water and land to the mouth of the Miami

River and back. There are no hilarious songs in this prelude such as were

heard from the crests of the Blue Ridge when Spotswood's horsemen came up

from the other side. It has to me the atmosphere and movement of some

Greek tragedy, though one writer likens it to mediæval mummery. Perhaps it

is only a knowledge of its import and the end that makes it sombre and

grave despite the beautiful setting to this prelude which one may read to-

day in the French archives. So full of portent and color it is that I

wonder no one has woven its incidents, slight as they are, into French

literature or into that of America.

"I left Lachine on the 15th of June," begins Céloron's journal, [Footnote:

Margry, 6:666.] now in the Département de la Marine, in Paris, "with a

detachment formed of a captain, eight subaltern officers, six cadets, an

armorer, twenty men of the troops, one hundred and eighty Canadians, and

nearly thirty savages--equal number of Iroquois and Abenakes." They filled

twenty-three canoes in a procession that was halted by shipwreck, by heat,

by lack of rain and by too much rain, by difficult portages, and damage to

the canoes.

Over a part of their first portage from Lake Erie I walked one night years

ago through a drenching rain, such as they endured in the seven days in

which they were carrying their canoes and baggage up those steep hills

through the then dense forest of beech, oak, and elm, to the waters of

Lake Chautauqua, where now many thousands gather every summer, from

children to white-haired men and women, to study history, language,

sciences, cooking, sewing, etc., and to attend conferences daily.

But the expedition then was often stopped by savages who ran away to avoid

the excessive speechmaking and lecturing of these old-world orators,

conferenciers; and the ears and eyes of the auditors who did not run away

were opened by strings of wampum, though they were often too little moved

by the love of their father Onontio and his concern lest the English

should make themselves masters and the Indians their victims.

There is in a Paris library a map of this expedition made by the hand of

Père Bonnecamps, who signs himself "Jesuitte Mathematiciant." He kept a

diary, [Footnote: Translation in "Jesuit Relations," ed. Thwaites, vol.

69. "Account of the voyage on the Beautiful River made in 1749 under the

direction of Monsieur de Céloron."] also preserved in Paris, in which

there has crept some of the sombreness of that narrow, dark valley (now

filled with oil-derricks) surrounded by mountains sometimes so high as to

let them see the sun only from nine or ten o'clock in the morning till two

or three in the afternoon. And across the mountains one may hear even to-

day the despairful, yet appealing, voice of Céloron, speaking for the

great Onontio: "My children," he says, "since I have been at war with the

English I have learned that that nation has seduced you; and, not content

with corrupting your hearts, they have profited by my absence from the

country to invade the land which does not belong to them and which is

mine.... I will give you the aid you should expect from a good father....

I will furnish you traders in abundance if you wish them. I will send here

officers if that please you--to give you good spirit, so that you will

only work in good affairs.... Follow my advice. Then the sky will always

be beautiful and clear over your villages." [Footnote: Margry, 6: 677.]

"My father," said the spokesman for the savages at another council, "we

pray you have pity on us; we are young men who cannot reply as the old men

could; what you have said to us has opened our eyes [received gifts],

given us spirit, we see that you only work with good affairs.... [The

great Onontio in Paris is playing all the while in Paris with the louis

d'or.] Examine, my father, the situation in which we are. If thou makest

the English to retire, who give us necessaries, and especially the smith

who mends our guns and hatchets, we would be without help and exposed to

die of hunger and of misery in the Belle Rivière. Have pity on us, my

father, thou canst not at present give us our necessaries. Leave us at

least for this winter, or at least till we go hunting, the smith and some

one who can help us. We promise thee that in the spring the English will

retire." [Footnote: Margry, 6:683.]

And so the expedition passed on from river to river, from tribe to tribe,

planting plates and making appeals to the savages, down the Ohio to the

Miami, up the Miami, stopping at the village of a chief known as La

Demoiselle, thence by portage to the French settlement on the Maumee, and

so back to Lake Erie. Then came the fort builders in their wake, and so

the "Spartoi," the soldiers, almost literally sprang from the earth of the

sowing of the plates.

At one place (the place where the Loups prayed for a smith) they found a

young Englishman with a few dozen workmen building a stockade, but they

sent him back beyond the mountains over which he had come and built upon

its site Fort Duquesne--the defense of the mountain gate to the great

valley--here with a few hundred men on the edge of a hostile wilderness to

make beginning of that mighty struggle which was to end, as we know, on

the river by which Cartier and Champlain had made their way into the

continent.

It is a fact, remarkable to us now, that the first to bring a challenge

from behind the mountains to that brave and isolate garrison sitting in

Fort Duquesne at the junction of the water paths, was Washington ("Sir

Washington," as one chronicler has written it), not Washington the

American but Washington the English subject, major in the colonial

militia, envoy of an English governor of Virginia, Dinwiddie, who, having

acquired a controlling interest in the Ohio Company, became especially

active in planning to seat a hundred families on that transmontane estate

of a half-million acres and so to win title to it.

"So complicated [were] the political interests of [that] time that a shot

fired in America [was] the signal for setting all Europe together by the

ears," wrote Voltaire, [Footnote: Voltaire, "The French in America" in his

"Short Studies in English and American Subjects," p. 249.] and "it was not

a cannon-shot" that gave the signal but, as Parkman said, "a volley from

the hunting pieces of a few backwoodsmen, commanded by a Virginia youth,

George Washington." [Footnote: Parkman, "Montcalm and Wolfe," 1:3.]

We must stop for a moment to look at this lithe young English colonist,

twenty-one years of age, standing on the nearest edge of the French

explorations and claims and the farthest verge of English adventure, on

the watershed twenty miles from Lake Erie, and requesting, in the name of

Governor Dinwiddie and of the shade of John Cabot, the peaceable departure

of those French pioneers and soldiers, who, as the letter which the young

colonel bore stated, were "erecting fortresses and making settlements upon

the the river [Ohio] so notoriously known to be the property of the Crown

of Great Britain."

The edge of the Great Lakes' basin is only a little way, at the place

where he stood, from the watershed of the Mississippi River. A little

farther up the shore, where Celoron made portage, it is only six or eight

miles across, and here it is but a little more, and the "height of land"

is hardly noticeable. The French built a fort on a promontory in the lake

--a promontory almost an island--Presque Isle; and there, where the waters

begin to run the other way, that is, toward the gulf, they built still

another which they called Le Boeuf, an easier portage than the Chautauqua.

From the former fort the city of Erie, a grimy, busy manufacturing city,

has grown. The latter has produced only a village, on whose weed-grown

outskirts the ruins of a fort still look out upon the meadow where the

little stream called "French Creek" starts, first toward France, in its

two-thousand-mile journey to the gulf that lies in the other direction.

For twenty miles I followed the stream one day to where it became a part

of Céloron's river-in imagination calling the French back to its banks

again, but finding them slow to come, for that part of the valley seemed

not particularly attractive. It is a little farther down the lake that the

vineyards fill all the shore from the lake to the watershed. And in that

very country I have often wondered at the miracle which raised from one

bit of ground the corn and the pumpkin, and from another the vine and

filled its fruit with wine.

The one-eyed veteran, Legardeur de St. Pierre, the commander of Fort Le

Boeuf, asked Washington, in rich diplomatic sarcasm, to descend to the

particularization of facts, and the lithe figure disappeared behind the

snows of the mountains only to come again across the mountains in the

springtime with sterner questioning. There was then no talk of Cabot or La

Salle, of Indian purchase or crown property. Jumonville may have come out

from Duquesne for peaceable speech, but Washington misunderstood or would

not listen. A flash of flint fire, a fresh bit of lead planted in the hill

of laurel, a splash of blood on the rock, and the war for the west was

begun.

What actually happened out on the slope of that hill will never be

accurately known; but, though Washington was only twenty-two years old

then, "full of military ardor" and "vehement," he could not have been

guilty of wilful firing on men of peaceful intent.

It doubtless seemed but an insignificant skirmish when Washington attacked

Jumonville near Pittsburgh, and it is now remembered by only a line or two

in our histories and the little cairn of stones "far up among the mountain

fogs near the headwaters of the Youghiogheny River," which marks the grave

of Jumonville.

Washington, the major of colonial militia in the Alleghany Mountains, the

scout of a land company, has been entirely forgotten in Washington, the

father of a nation; but Jumonville, the French ensign with no land-scrip,

fighting certainly as unselfishly and with as high purpose, is not

forgotten in any later achievement. That skirmish ended all for him. But

let it be remembered even now that he was a representative of France

standing almost alone, at the confluence of all the waters for hundreds of

miles on the other slope of the Alleghanies, in defense of what other men

of France had won by their hardihood.

I heard a great audience at the Academy applaud the brave endurance of

French priests and soldiers in Asia. Some day I hope these unrenowned men

who sacrificed as much for France in America will be as notably

remembered. There is a short street in Pittsburgh that bears Jumonville's

name--a short street that runs from the river into a larger street with

the name of one of his seven brothers, De Villiers, Coulon de Villiers,

who hastened from Montreal, while another brother hastened from the

Illinois to avenge his death.

But the cairn on the hillside has grown to no high monument. Mr. Hulbert,

who has written with filial pen of the valley, says that occasionally a

traveller repairs a rough wooden cross made of boards or tree branches and

planted among the rocks of the cairn. [Footnote: A. B. Hulbert, "The Ohio

River," pp. 44, 45.] But on a recent visit to the grave out in that

lonesome ravine, I found that a permanent tablet had been placed there

instead of this fragile cross.

I must leave to your unrefreshed memories the exploits of Beaujeu and

Braddock, of Contrecoeur and Forbes, blow up Fort Duquesne of the past,

and come into the city of to-day, for I wish to put against this

background this mighty city where it is often difficult to see because of

the smoke.

The French, as we are well aware, came to their forts by water. Quebec,

Frontenac, Niagara, Presque Isle, the Rock St. Louis, St. Joseph,

Chartres, and many others stood by river or lake. But the going was often

slow. Céloron (whose name is often spelled Céleron but would seem not to

deserve that spelling) was fifty-three days in making his water journey

from Montreal to the site of Pittsburgh. But a Céloron of to-day may see

the light of the Bartholdi statue in New York harbor at ten o'clock by

night and yet pass Braddock's field in the morning (before the time that

Bonnecamp said the sun came up in the narrow valley of the Belle Rivière),

and have breakfast at the Duquesne Club in time for a city day's work. It

was about as far from Paris to Marseilles in 1750 as it is to-day from

Paris to Pittsburgh.

Pittsburgh is the front door of the valley of La Salle, as we now know the

valley, and the most important door; for the tonnage that enters and

leaves it by rail and water (177,071,238 tons in 1912 for the Pittsburgh

district) exceeds the tonnage of the five other greatest cities of the

world [Footnote: R. B. Naylor, address before the Ohio Valley Historical

Association (quoted in Hulbert, "Ohio River," pp. 365-6).] and is twice

the combined tonnage of both coasts of the United States to and from

foreign ports--which is probably due to the fact that so much of its

traffic is not in silks and furs but in iron and coal. And the multitudes

of human beings that pass through it are comparable in number with the

migrant tonnage and inanimate cargoes; for Pittsburgh is "the antithesis

of a mediaeval town"; "it is all motion;" "it is a flow, not a tank." The

mountains, once impenetrable barriers that had to be gone about, have been

levelled, and in the levelling the watersheds, as we have seen, have been

shifted. One who sees that throng pass to-day back and forth, to and from

the valley and the ocean, must know that there are no Alleghanies in our

continental topography, as Washington saw and as Webster stated there

could not be in our politics. If one makes the journey from the ocean in

the night, one may hear, if one wakes, the puffing of two engines, as in

the Jura Mountains, but there will be nothing else to tell him that the

shaggy Alleghany Mountains have not been cast into the midst of the sea--

nothing except the groaning of the wheels.

The Indians near Pittsburgh, I have said, prayed the messenger of Onontio

that they might keep their English smith--and the prayer seems to have

been abundantly answered, for Pittsburgh appears at first to be one vast

smithy, so enveloped is it in the smoke of its own toil, so reddened are

its great sky walls by its flaming forges, so filled is the air with the

dust from the bellows, and so clangorous is the sound of its hammers. It

is a city of Vulcans--a city whose industry makes academic discussions

seem as the play of girls in a field of flowers. It is not primarily a

market-place, this point of land, one of the places where the French and

English traders used to barter guns, whiskey, and trinkets for furs. It is

a making place--a pit between the hills, where the fires of creation are

still burning.

Céloron and his sombre voyage had been in my mind all day, as I sat in a

beautiful library of that city among books of the past; but in the

evening, as Dante accompanied by Virgil, I descended circle by circle to

the floor of the valley--with this difference, that it was not to a place

of torment but to the halls of the swarth gods of creation, those great,

dim, shadowy sheds that stretch along the river's edge. Into these, men of

France, has your Fort Duquesne grown--mile on mile of flame-belching

buildings, with a garrison as great as the population of all New France in

the day of Duquesne.

The new-world epic will find some of its color and incident there--an epic

in which we have already heard the men of France nailing the sheets of

"white iron" against the trees of the valley of La Belle Rivière. And as I

saw the white-hot sheets of iron issuing from those crunching rollers,

driven by the power of seven thousand horses, I felt that the youth with

the stamping iron should have put a fleur-de-lis upon each with all his

other cabalistic markings, for who of us can know that any metal would

ever have flowed white from the furnaces in that valley if the white-metal

signs of Louis XV had not first been carried into it?

In each of these halls there pass in orderly succession cars with varied

cargoes; red ore from the faraway hills beyond Superior, limestone

fragments from some near-by hill, and scrap of earlier burning. These, one

by one, are seized by a great arm of iron, thrust out from a huge moving

structure that looks like a battering-ram and is operated by a young man

about whom the lightnings play as he moves; and, one by one, they are cast

into the furnaces that are heated to a temperature of a thousand degrees

or more. There the red earth is freed of its "devils," as the great

ironmaster has named the sulphur and phosphorus--freed of its devils as

the red child was freed of his sins by the touch of holy water from the

fingers of Allouez out in those very forests from which the red ore was

dug--and comes forth purified, to be cast into flaming ingots, to be again

heated and then crushed and moulded and sawed and pierced for the better

service of man.

In the course of a few minutes one sees a few iron carloads of ore that

was a month before lying in the earth beyond Superior transformed into a

girder for a bridge, a steel rail, a bit of armor-plate, a beam for a sky-

scraper--and all in utter human silence, with the calm pushing and pulling

of a few levers, the accurate shovelling by a few hands, the deliberate

testing by a few pairs of experienced eyes.

Here is the new Fort Duquesne that is holding the place of the confluence

of the rivers and trails just beyond the Alleghanies, and this is the

ammunition with which that begrimed but strong-faced garrison defends the

valley to-day, supports the city on the environing hills and the

convoluted plateau back of the point, spans streams the world around,

builds the skeletons of new cities and protects the coasts of their

country.

There are many others in that garrison, but these makers of steel are the

core of that city, in which "the modern world," to use the words of one of

our first economists, "achieves its grandest triumph and faces its gravest

problem" [Footnote: John R. Commons, in _Survey_, March 6, 1909, 1:1051.]

--the "mighty storm mountain of capital and labor."

I quote from this same economist a comprehensive paragraph descriptive of

its riches: "Through hills which line these [confluent] rivers run

enormous veins of bituminous coal. Located near the surface, the coal is

easily mined, and elevated above the rivers, much of it comes down to

Pittsburgh by gravity. There are twenty-nine billion tons of it, good for

steam, gas or coke. Then there are vast stores of oil [seven million five

hundred thousand gallons annually] natural gas [of which two hundred and

fifty million feet are consumed daily], sand, shale, clay and stone, with

which to give Pittsburgh and the tributary country the lead of the world

in iron and steel, glass, electrical machinery, street-cars, tin plate,

air-brakes and firebrick." [Footnote: J. R. Commons, "Wage Earners of

Pittsburg," in _Survey_, March 6, 1909, 21:1051-64.]

And to all this natural bounty the national government has added that of

the tariff and of millions spent in river improvements, while Europe has

contributed raw labor already fed to the strength of oxen and often

already developed to highest skill. It was a young chemist trained in

Europe who conducted me through the mills, explaining all the processes in

a perfect idiomatic speech, though of broken accent.

The white-hot steel ingot swinging beneath a smoky sky is a sign of the

contribution of France through Pittsburgh to civilization, not merely the

material but the human contribution. The ingot, a great block of white-hot

steel, is the sign of her labor, which has assembled the scattered

elements of the valley and, in the fierce heat of natural and unfed fires,

has compounded them into a new metal that is something more than iron,

more valuable than gold. But it is only another sign, too, of forces that

have assembled from all parts of the earth, men represented in the varied

cargoes that are poured by a seemingly omnipotent hand into those

furnaces--red-blooded men, and with them slag that has gone through the

fires of older civilizations.

Here, let me say again, is being made a new metal; this no one can doubt.

It is not merely a melting and a restamping of old coin with a new

superscription, a new sovereignty--a composite face instead of a personal

likeness--it is the making, as I have said in other illustrations and

metaphors, of a new race.

If I had an instinct of human character, such as the intuitive sense of

the fibre and tension of steel possessed by the man who watches the

boiling in the furnaces and who, from time to time, puts aside his smoked

glasses and looks at the texture of a typical bit of his metal, or who

stands at the emptying of the furnace into the ladle and directs the

addition of carbon or magnesium to bring his output to the right

constituency, I could tell you what strains and stresses this new people

would stand. As it is, I can only make a surmise, perhaps not more

valuable than yours.

The makers of steel were concerned only to get the primacy in steel. Human

character was of concern only as it made better steel and more of it. They

took the red ore where they could get it richest in iron and cheapest, and

they took red-blooded labor where they could get it strongest--sinewed,

clearest-eyed, and cheapest. "There are no able-bodied men between the

ages of sixteen and fifty years left in my native town," said a Servian

workman in the mills. "They have all come to America. The agricultural

districts and villages of the mid-eastern valleys of Europe are sending

their strongest men and youths, nourished of good diet and in pure air,

stolid and care-free, into that dim canyon-Servians, Croatians,

Ruthenians, Lithuanians, Slovaks, with Italians, Poles, and Russian Jews."

[Footnote: P. Roberts, "The New Pittsburg," in _Charities and the

Commons_, January 2, 1909, 21:533. See also J. A. Fitch, "The Steel

Workers," New York, 1910.] It is from Slavs and mixed people of the old

European midland, says one, "where the successive waves of broad-headed

and fair-haired peoples gathered force and swept westward to become Celt

and Saxon, and Swiss and Scandinavian and Teuton," the old European

midland with its "racial and religious loves and hates seared deep, that

the new immigration is coming to Pittsburgh to work out civilization under

tense conditions"--not with that purpose, to be sure, but with that

certain result. The conscious purposes have been expressed in the tangible

ingots, the wages they have offered them in their hot hands, and the

profits. The civilization has been incidental.

There is developing, however, an effort in the midst of this "dynamic

individualism" to make both the new and the old immigration work out

"civilization." This individualism was prodigal, profligate, at first. But

it has learned thrift; it by and by came to burn its gas over and over; it

made the purifying substances go on in a continued round of service; it

became more mindful of human muscles and bones and eyes and ears; it took

the latest advice of experts, but for steel's sake, not civilization's.

Mr. Carnegie, when a manufacturer there, found 90 per cent of pure iron in

the refuse of his competitor, it is said. This he bought under long

contract and worked over in his own mills. His neighbor's waste became a

part of his fortune. And the result of that discernment and thrift is now

furnishing an analogue for the conscious utilization of other waste--waste

of native capacity of the steel-worker for happiness and usefulness.

Mr. Carnegie has indeed led the way in the establishment of libraries, art

galleries, museums, institutes of training and research out of what were

but waste if spent as some millionaires spend their profits. All these

things upon the hills are by-products of the steel-mills down in the

ravine. In every luminous ingot swung in the mills that were his, there is

something toward the pension of a university professor out in Oregon,

something for an artist in New York or Paris, something for an astronomer

on the top of Mount Wilson, something for the teacher in the school upon

the hill, something for every library established by his gift.

What is now making itself felt, however, is a desire to get the wage

element in the ingot as thriftily, as efficiently, as nobly converted and

used to the last ounce as is the profit element. There has been in the

past a masterful individualism at work. Now there is a masterful

aggressive humanism beginning to make itself felt, comparable in its

spirit with the masterful venturing of the French explorers or the

masterful faith of the French missionaries, that promises to constrain the

city "to the saving and enhancing of individual and collective human

power," even as the French missionaries tried to constrain the great fur-

trading prospects of France to the saving of human souls.

The attempt to realize an urban paradise is becoming a conscious purpose

as this extract made from a report made to a city-plan committee of a

Pittsburgh commission will indicate:

"A third undeveloped asset in the Pittsburgh waterfront is its value for

recreation and as an element of civic comeliness and self-respect. One of

the deplorable consequences of the short-sighted and wasteful

commercialism of the later nineteenth century lay in its disregard of what

might have been the æsthetic byproducts of economic improvement; in the

false impression spread abroad that economical and useful things were

normally ugly; and in the vicious idea which followed, that beauty and the

higher pleasures of civilized life were to be sought only in things

otherwise useless. Thus the pursuit of beauty was confounded with

extravagance.

"Among the most significant illustrations of the fallacy of such ideas are

the comeliness and the incidental recreation value which attach to many of

the commercial water fronts of European river ports, and it is along such

lines that Pittsburgh still has opportunity for redeeming the sordid

aspect of its business centre.

"Wherever in the world, as an incident of the highways and wharves along

its river banks, a city has provided opportunity for the people to walk

and sit under pleasant conditions, where they can watch the water and the

life upon it, where they can enjoy the breadth of outlook and the sight of

the open sky and the opposite bank and the reflections in the stream, the

result has added to the comeliness of the city itself, the health and

happiness of the people, and their loyalty and local pride. This has been

true in the case of a bare paved promenade, running along like an elevated

railroad over the sheds and tracks and derricks of a busy ocean port, as

at Antwerp, in the case of a tree-shaded sidewalk along a commercial

street with the river quays below it, as at Paris and Lyons and hundreds

of lesser cities; and in the case of a broad embankment garden won from

the mud banks by dredging and filling, as at London."

I had great difficulty in finding a bookstore in Pittsburgh. Some day that

idealistic condition which makes the Seine so dear to thousands who know

its every mood, and so dear both to the wise and the ignorant, may obtain

on La Belle Rivière.

This is but one item of a planning for the future of this city which

thinks not merely of its beautifying and of the pleasure of its people in

their leisure, but of all conditions which affect the health, convenience,

education, and general welfare of the whole district--that region once

called the "black country," of which Pittsburgh was the "dingy capital"--

one of the regions where the French were pioneers.

I have spoken of this as the "taking thought" of a democratic community.

More accurately, a body of one hundred volunteer citizens, disposing

themselves in fourteen different committees (including those on rapid

transit, industrial accidents, city housing, and public hygiene), have

undertaken all this labor of constructive planning at their own expense

(based upon a series of investigations made by endowed researchers), but

with the hope of creating a public opinion favorable to their plans, which

look to the establishment by the democratic community of "such living and

working conditions as may set a standard for other American industrial

centres." [Footnote: Olmsted, F. L., "Pittsburgh, Main Thoroughfares and

the Down-Town District." Pittsburgh Civic Commission, 1910. _Survey_,

February 4, 1911, 25:740-4.]

No such thorough and systematic study of existing city conditions has been

made anywhere else in America. It is quite as scientific as the scholarly

studies of buried cities, only immensely more complex and difficult.

Knowing itself and possessed of an unconquerable spirit, it seems likely

now that Pittsburgh will win back the beautiful site which Céloron

remarked when he passed down La Belle Rivière--a site which even "Florence

might covet"--and will make it a city that will deserve to keep always the

other part of the name of the sower of the leaden plates--Bienville.

A pillar of cloud stands over the city by day and a pillar of fire by

night. They have together shown the way out of the wilderness. It now

remains to be seen whether the highest things of men's longing will have

realization, in giving that "dynamic individualism" a social ideal with

distinct, practicable working plans.

Pittsburgh stands on the edge of the valley of the new democracy. It has

put its plates along every path. There is hardly a village of any size

from the Alleghanies to the Rockies that it has not laid some claim to by

its strips of steel. There is hardly a stream of any size that it has not

claimed by a bridge. It has, indeed, the spirit of Céloron, in other body,

still planting monuments of France's renewal of possession, wherever the

steel rails and girders and plates from the Pittsburgh mills have been

carried. And Pittsburgh is but one of the renewed cities which encompass

the eastern half of the valley where once stretched the chain of French

forts futile in defense but powerful in prophecy.

When we see the American city, even through the eyes of Walt Whitman, that

poet of democracy, it seems a desperate hope that is left her: "Are there,

indeed, men here in the city," he asks, "worthy the name? Are there

athletes? Are there perfect women to match the generous material

luxuriance? Is there a pervading atmosphere of beautiful manners? Are

there crops of fine youths and majestic old persons? Are there arts worthy

freedom and a rich people? Is there a great moral and religious

civilization--the only justification of a great material one? Confess that

to severe eyes, using the moral microscope upon humanity, a sort of dry

and flat Sahara appears, these cities crowded with petty grotesques,

malformations, phantoms, playing meaningless antics. Confess that

everywhere, in shop, street, church, theatre, barroom, official chair, are

pervading flippancy and vulgarity, low cunning, infidelity--everywhere the

youth puny, impudent, foppish, prematurely ripe--everywhere an abnormal

libidinousness, unhealthy forms, male, female, painted, padded, dyed,

chignon'd, muddy complexions, bad blood, the capacity for good motherhood

decreasing or deceas'd, shallow notions of beauty, with a range of

manners, or rather lack of manners (considering the advantages enjoy'd)

probably the meanest to be seen in the world." [Footnote: "Democratic

Vistas," in his "Complete Works," pp. 205, 206.]

But it is no such desperate hope that the cities we have seen spring from

French fort and portage keep in their hearts. It is not even a confession

that one would have to make to-day in the American cities which Whitman

had in mind in his gloomy, foreboding vision. I have seen on the streets

of one of the Whitman cities [Footnote: New York City.] those same

grotesques, malformations, and meaningless antics, that flippancy and

vulgarity and cunning, that foppishness and premature ripeness, that

painted, bad-complexioned, bad-mannered, shallow-beautied humanity; but

touching, as I have had opportunity to touch, three of the great agencies

of its aspirations--its philanthropies, its literature, and its schools--I

know that no body of five million people, whether huddled in tenements or

scattered over plain and mountain and along rivers and seas, has with more

serious or sacrificing purpose aspired, though constantly disturbed in its

prayers, its operations, by people of every tongue, nearly a million

strong, who are emptied at her port every year from Europe and Asia,

besides the hundreds of thousands who come up from the country. There

are public schools, for example, in certain parts of that city where there

is not a child of American parentage. There is one, in particular, which I

visit frequently and which I call the "oasis" in the desert of humanity

(Walt Whitman's Sahara), where two or three thousand children are

gathered, literally from the plains of Russia, the valleys of Italy, and

other parts of Europe--for these were their ancestral homes, though they

come immediately from the swarming streets and dimly lighted, ill-smelling

tenements of New York--and there, aspiring under the hopeful teaching of

the city, I have heard them, boys and girls together, sing, with all the

joy and cleanliness of shepherd children, of a leading in green pastures

and by still waters.

But to come back to the cities in the valley of Nouvelle France, there is

no note of else than hope there. Mistakes, disappointments, crudities,

infidelities? Yes, but the mistakes, disappointments, crudities, failures

of youth--youth of strong passions and love of play but of a masterful

will that a generous nature has so much encouraged and aided as to obscure

its limitations.

A few rods from the Carnegie Library and Museum of Art and Concert Hall in

Pittsburgh is a baseball field, where a million people or more come in the

course of the season to see trained men play an out-of-door game (and if

it chanced that the President of the United States were visiting the city,

he might be seen there accompanied by his secretary of state or the

president of a great university). In Chicago I found the whole city, young

and old, united in its interest in the results of the "game" of the day

before or the prospects of the next. When games are played for the great

championship pennant the city virtually takes a holiday.

But that is the spirit of youth in those overgrown, awkward cities that

are only now beginning to be self-conscious and seriously purposeful in

doing more than the things conventionally and for the most part selfishly

done by cities generally. In the conjugation of their busy, noisy life

they do not often use the past tense, never the past-perfect, and they

have had for the most part little concern as to the future, except the

rise in real-estate values and the retaining of markets. When in

Pittsburgh I asked a prominent man, of French ancestry, why the people did

not keep from the destroying hand of private enterprise the site of old

Fort Duquesne (the fecund plot from which the great city had grown), and

he said it was all they could do to keep the little blockhouse that

remained of Fort Pitt, filling a space a few yards square. What claim has

the past as against the needs of industry in the present? That was the

attitude of that grimy individualism born in "barefoot square" or in "slab

alley," in the land of smoke and flame and "rusty rivers."

And the future? Well, the voice of the French priest and of those

ministers of his own and other faiths that have followed in his footsteps

is still heard there crying of the world to come.

Several years ago on my way into that valley, on one of those fast trains

that tie the east and west together, we came shrieking, thundering down

the mountain slopes in the dusk of the day, past Jumonville's grave, past

Braddock's field, past miles on miles of glowing coke-ovens, past acres

upon acres of factories with their thousands of lighted windows, past

flaming towers and chimneys into the midst of the modern babel, the tops

of whose buildings were hidden in smoke, when suddenly, above the noise

and clangor of whistles and wheels, I heard the rich, deep voice of a

cathedral bell telling that the priest was still at the side of the

explorer and trader and the iron coureur de bois.

It is not, however, of the celestial but of the terrestrial future that I

am permitted to speak.

For, as I intimated, these young cities of the west, only a half-century

old as cities--children by the side of Paris, London, Rome--are beginning

seriously to take thought of the morrow, not simply of multiplying their

numbers nor of sending their multitudes back to the country but of giving

them prospect and promise of a better, more comfortable, more wholesome

life, capable of a higher individual and collective development within the

city. For while cities have been preached against since the time when

Jonah cried against Nineveh, and while cities have perished and have been

buried, even as Nineveh, the generic city, the assembling of gregarious

men, continues and increases.

The census returns for 1910 for the American cities show, so far as I

noticed, scarcely a single loss of population in the last ten years

[Footnote: Cities with losses of population in the decade are Galveston,

Texas: 37,389 in 1900, 36,981 in 1910; Chelsea, Mass.: 34,072 in 1900,

32,452 in 1910; St. Joseph, Mo.: 102,979 in 1900, 77,403 in 1910.] and a

large gain for nearly every city of the middle west. It is prophesied that

before long one-half of the people of the United States will be living in

cities, and there is the more distant prospect that the urban population

will be two-thirds of the whole. [Footnote: In 1910 46.3 per cent resided

in communities classed by the census as urban, and 55.1 per cent in cities

and incorporated or unincorporated villages.]

It is hopeless to try to turn that tide away from the cities except to

suburban fields. So the great problem of that valley is to improve the

cities, since from them are to be the issues of the new life, since they

are, indeed, the hope of democracy.

I have thought it of significance that the envisioned place of ultimate

celestial felicity-seen though it was by a man in the solitude of a cave

in an island of the Mediterranean (the place which the civilized world has

dimly hanging over it, whenever it looks away from its tasks and into the

beyond)--is not a lotus-land, not an oasis of spring and palm, not a

stretch of forest and mountain, not even a quiet place by a sea of jasper,

but a place of many tenements--a city, a perfect city to be sure, let down

ultimately from the skies, with walls of precious stones--and no zone for

Kipling's "Tomlinsons" about it--with gates whose octroi officials keep

out whatever makes an abomination or a lie, but which are open to the east

and west, the north and south, that the kings of earth may bring their

glory and honor into it--a city whose streets are clean and smooth--a city

that has flowing through it a river of pure water, on whose banks grow

trees whose leaves are for the healing of the nations.

The obvious thing to do, since, good or bad, the country is emptying its

population into the cities, since we cannot go back through the gates of

Eden into the garden paradise of Genesis, is to go toward the city of the

Apocalypses, not, to be sure, as the Oriental mind of John saw it, paved

and walled with precious stones and gold, but made as beautiful as the

Occidental taste and architectural skill will permit, as comfortable as

Occidental standards demand, and as sanitary as the mortal desire for

immortality can with finite wisdom make it.

I was speaking some time ago of a painting I once saw, in illustration of

the death of Eve, which represented her as on a journey in her haggard old

age, accompanied by Cain (whose son built the first city in a wilderness),

and as pausing in the journey on a height of ground, pointing toward a

little cluster of trees in the distance, and saying to her son: "There was

Paradise." But paradise is not to be realized by the masses of men in the

return of man to the forests. The healing trees and the river are to be

carried to the city.

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