TUCKER'S TEACHING
1.--GENERAL
Benjamin R. Tucker was born in 1854 at South Dartmouth, near New
Bedford, Massachusetts. From 1870 to 1872 he studied technology in
Boston; there he made the acquaintance of Josiah Warren[655] in 1872. In
1874 he traveled in England, France, and Italy.
In 1877 Tucker took the temporary editorship of the "Word," published at
Princeton, Massachusetts. In 1878 he published the quarterly "The
Radical Review" in New Bedford; but only four numbers appeared. In 1881,
in Boston, he founded the semi-monthly paper "Liberty," of which there
also appeared for a short time a German edition under the title
"Libertas"; in Boston, also, he was for ten years one of the editorial
staff of the "Globe." Since 1892 he has lived in New York, and "Liberty"
has appeared there as a weekly.[656]
2. Tucker's teaching about law, the State, and property is contained
mainly in his articles in "Liberty." He has published a collection[657]
of these articles under the title "Instead of a Book. By a Man Too Busy
to Write One. A fragmentary exposition of philosophical Anarchism"
(1893).
[Illustration]
3. Tucker calls his teaching "Anarchism." "Circumstances have combined
to make me somewhat conspicuous as an exponent of the theory of Modern
Anarchism."[658] "Anarchy does not mean simply opposed to the _archos_,
or political leader. It means opposed to _arch[=e]_. Now, _arch[=e]_, in
the first instance, means _beginning_, _origin_. From this it comes to
mean _a first principle_, _an element_; then _first place_, _supreme
power_, _sovereignty_, _dominion_, _command_, _authority_; and finally
_a sovereignty_, _an empire_, _a realm_, _a magistracy_, _a governmental
office_. Etymologically, then, the word anarchy may have several
meanings. But the word Anarchy as a philosophical term and the word
Anarchist as the name of a philosophical sect were first appropriated in
the sense of opposition to dominion, to authority, and are so held by
right of occupancy, which fact makes any other philosophical use of them
improper and confusing."[659]
2.--BASIS
_Tucker considers that the law which has supreme validity for every one
of us is self-interest; and from this he derives the law of equal
liberty._
1. For every man self-interest is the supreme law. "The Anarchists are
not only utilitarians, but egoists in the farthest and fullest
sense."[660]
What does self-interest mean? My interest is everything that serves my
purposes.[661] It takes in not only the lowest but also "the higher
forms of selfishness."[662] Thus, in particular, the interest of society
is at the same time that of every individual: "its life is inseparable
from the lives of individuals; it is impossible to destroy one without
destroying the other."[663]
Self-interest is the supreme law for man. "The Anarchists totally
discard the idea of moral obligation, of inherent rights and
duties."[664] "So far as inherent right is concerned, might is its only
measure. Any man, be his name Bill Sykes or Alexander Romanoff, and any
set of men, whether the Chinese highbinders or the Congress of the
United States, have the right, if they have the power, to kill or coerce
other men and to make the entire world subservient to their ends."[665]
"The Anarchism of to-day affirms the right of society to coerce the
individual and of the individual to coerce society so far as either has
the requisite power."[666]
2. From this supreme law Tucker derives "the law of equal liberty."[667]
The law of equal liberty is based on every individual's self-interest.
For "liberty is the chief essential to man's happiness, and therefore
the most important thing in the world, and I want as much of it as I can
get."[668] On the other hand, "human equality is a necessity of stable
society,"[669] and the life of society "is inseparable from the lives
of individuals."[670] Consequently every individual's self-interest
demands the equal liberty of all.
"Equal liberty means the largest amount of liberty compatible with
equality and mutuality of respect, on the part of individuals living in
society, for their respective spheres of action."[671] "'Mind your own
business' is the only moral law of the Anarchistic scheme."[672] "It is
our duty to respect others' rights, assuming the word 'right' to be used
in the sense of the limit which the principle of equal liberty logically
places upon might."[673]--On the law of equal liberty is founded "the
distinction between invasion and resistance, between government and
defence. This distinction is vital: without it there can be no valid
philosophy of politics."[674]
"By 'invasion' I mean the invasion of the individual sphere, which is
bounded by the line inside of which liberty of action does not conflict
with others' liberty of action."[675] This boundary-line is in part
unmistakable; for instance, a threat is not an invasion if the
threatened act is not an invasion, "a man has a right to threaten what
he has a right to execute."[676] But the boundary-line may also be
dubious; for instance, "we cannot clearly identify the maltreatment of
child by parent as either invasive or non-invasive of the liberty of
third parties."[677] "Additional experience is continually sharpening
our sense of what constitutes invasion. Though we still draw the line by
rule of thumb, we are drawing it more clearly every day."[678] "The
nature of such invasion is not changed, whether it is made by one man
upon another man, after the manner of the ordinary criminal, or by one
man upon all other men, after the manner of an absolute monarch, or by
all other men upon one man, after the manner of a modern
democracy."[679]
"On the other hand, he who resists another's attempt to control is not
an aggressor, an invader, a governor, but simply a defender, a
protector."[680] "The individual has the right to repel invasion of his
sphere of action."[681] "Anarchism justifies the application of force to
invasive men,"[682] "violence is advisable when it will accomplish the
desired end and inadvisable when it will not."[683] And "defensive
associations acting on the Anarchistic principle would not only demand
redress for, but would prohibit, all clearly invasive acts. They would
not, however, prohibit non-invasive acts, even though these acts create
additional opportunity for invasive persons to act invasively: for
instance, the selling of liquor."[684] "And the nature of such
resistance is not changed whether it be offered by one man to another
man, as when one repels a criminal's onslaught, or by one man to all
other men, as when one declines to obey an oppressive law, or by all
other men to one man, as when a subject people rises against a despot,
or as when the members of a community voluntarily unite to restrain a
criminal."[685]
3.--LAW
_According to Tucker, from the standpoint of every one's self-interest
and the equal liberty of all there is no objection to law._ Legal norms
are to obtain: that is, norms that are based on a general will[686] and
to which obedience is enforced, if necessary, by every means,[687] even
by prison, torture, and capital punishment.[688] But the law is to be
"so flexible that it will shape itself to every emergency and need no
alteration. And it will then be regarded as _just_ in proportion to its
flexibility, instead of as now in proportion to its rigidity."[689] The
means to this end is that "juries will judge not only the facts, but the
law";[690] machinery for altering the law is then unnecessary.[691]--In
particular, there are to be recognized the following legal norms, whose
correctness Tucker tries to deduce from the law of equal liberty:
First, a legal norm by which the person is secured against hurt. "We are
the sternest enemies of invasion of the person, and, although chiefly
busy in destroying the causes thereof, have no scruples against such
heroic treatment of its immediate manifestations as circumstances and
wisdom may dictate."[692] Capital punishment is quite compatible with
the protection of the person against hurt, for its essence is not that
of an act of hurting, but of an act of defence.[693]
Next, there is to be recognized a legal norm by virtue of which
"ownership on a basis of labor"[694] exists. "This form of property
secures each in the possession of his own products, or of such products
of others as he may have obtained unconditionally without the use of
fraud or force."[695] "It will be seen from this definition that
Anarchistic property concerns only products. But anything is a product
upon which human labor has been expended. It should be stated, however,
that in the case of land, or of any other material the supply of which
is so limited that all cannot hold it in unlimited quantities, Anarchism
undertakes to protect no titles except such as are based on actual
occupancy and use."[696] Against injury to property, as well as against
injury to the person, Anarchism has no scruples against "such heroic
treatment as circumstances and wisdom may dictate."[697]
Furthermore, there is to be recognized the legal norm that contracts
must be lived up to. Obligation comes into existence when obligations
are "consciously and voluntarily assumed";[698] and the other party thus
acquires "a right."[699] To be sure, the obligatory force of contract is
not without bounds. "Contract is a very serviceable and most important
tool, but its usefulness has its limits; no man can employ it for the
abdication of his manhood";[700] therefore "the constituting of an
association in which each member waives the right of secession would be
a mere _form_."[701] Furthermore, no one can employ it for the invasion
of third parties; therefore a promise "whose fulfilment would invade
third parties"[702] would be invalid.--"I deem the keeping of promises
such an important matter that only in the extremest cases would I
approve their violation. It is of such vital consequence that associates
should be able to rely upon each other that it is better never to do
anything to weaken this confidence except when it can be maintained only
at the expense of some consideration of even greater importance."[703]
"The man who has received a promise is defrauded by its non-fulfilment,
invaded, deprived of a portion of his liberty against his will."[704] "I
have no doubt of the right of any man to whom, for a consideration, a
promise has been made, to insist, even by force, upon the fulfilment of
that promise, provided the promise be not one whose fulfilment would
invade third parties. And, if the promisee has a right to use force
himself for such a purpose, he has a right to secure such co-operative
force from others as they are willing to extend. These others, in turn,
have a right to decide what sort of promises, if any, they will help him
to enforce. When it comes to the determination of this point, the
question is one of policy solely; and very likely it will be found that
the best way to secure the fulfilment of promises is to have it
understood in advance that the fulfilment is not to be enforced."[705]
4.--THE STATE
I. _With regard to every man's self-interest, especially on the basis of
the law of equal liberty, Tucker rejects the State; and that
universally, not merely for special circumstances determined by place
and time._ For the State is "the embodiment of the principle of
invasion."[706]
1. "Two elements are common to all the institutions to which the name
'State' has been applied: first, aggression."[707] "Aggression,
invasion, government, are interconvertible terms."[708] "This is the
Anarchistic definition of government: the subjection of the non-invasive
individual to an external will."[709] And "second, the assumption of
authority over a given area and all within it, exercised generally for
the double purpose of more complete oppression of its subjects and
extension of its boundaries."[710] Therefore "this is the Anarchistic
definition of the State: the embodiment of the principle of invasion in
an individual, or a band of individuals, assuming to act as
representatives or masters of the entire people within a given
area."[711]
"Rule is evil, and it is none the better for being majority rule."[712]
"The theocratic despotism of kings or the democratic despotism of
majorities"[713] are alike condemnable. "What is the ballot? It is
neither more nor less than a paper representative of the bayonet, the
billy, and the bullet. It is a labor-saving device for ascertaining on
which side force lies and bowing to the inevitable. The voice of the
majority saves bloodshed, but it is no less the arbitrament of force
than is the decree of the most absolute of despots backed by the most
powerful of armies."[714]
2. "In the first place, all the acts of governments are indirectly
invasive, because dependent upon the primary invasion called
taxation."[715] "The very first act of the State, the compulsory
assessment and collection of taxes, is itself an aggression, a violation
of equal liberty, and, as such, vitiates every subsequent act, even
those acts which would be purely defensive if paid for out of a treasury
filled by voluntary contributions. How is it possible to sanction, under
the law of equal liberty, the confiscation of a man's earnings to pay
for protection which he has not sought and does not desire?"[716]
"And, if this is an outrage, what name shall we give to such
confiscation when the victim is given, instead of bread, a stone,
instead of protection, oppression? To force a man to pay for the
violation of his own liberty is indeed an addition of insult to injury.
But that is exactly what the State is doing."[717] For "in the second
place, by far the greater number of their acts are directly invasive,
because directed, not to the restraint of invaders, but to the denial of
freedom to the people in their industrial, commercial, social, domestic,
and individual lives."[718]
"How thoughtless, then, to assert that the existing political order is
of a purely defensive character!"[719] "Defence is a service, like any
other service. It is labor both useful and desired, and therefore an
economic commodity subject to the law of supply and demand. In a free
market this commodity would be furnished at the cost of production. The
production and sale of this commodity are now monopolized by the State.
The State, like almost all monopolists, charges exorbitant prices. Like
almost all monopolists, it supplies a worthless, or nearly worthless,
article. Just as the monopolist of a food product often furnishes poison
instead of nutriment, so the State takes advantage of its monopoly of
defence to furnish invasion instead of protection. Just as the patrons
of the one pay to be poisoned, so the patrons of the other pay to be
enslaved. And the State exceeds all its fellow-monopolists in the extent
of its villany because it enjoys the unique privilege of compelling all
people to buy its product whether they want it or not."[720]
3. It cannot be alleged in favor of the State that it is necessary as a
means for combating crime.[721] "The State is itself the most gigantic
criminal extant. It manufactures criminals much faster than it punishes
them."[722] "Our prisons are filled with criminals which our virtuous
State has made what they are by its iniquitous laws, its grinding
monopolies, and the horrible social conditions that result from them. We
enact many laws that manufacture criminals, and then a few that punish
them."[723]
No more can the State be defended on the ground that it is wanted for
the relief of suffering. "The State is rendering assistance to the
suffering and starving victims of the Mississippi inundation. Well, such
work is better than forging new chains to keep the people in subjection,
we allow; but is not worth the price that is paid for it. The people
cannot afford to be enslaved for the sake of being insured. If there
were no other alternative, they would do better, on the whole, to take
Nature's risks and pay her penalties as best they might. But Liberty
supplies another alternative, and furnishes better insurance at cheaper
rates. Mutual insurance, by the organization of risk, will do the utmost
that can be done to mitigate and equalize the suffering arising from the
accidental destruction of wealth."[724]
II. _Every man's self-interest, and equal liberty particularly, demands,
in place of the State, a social human life on the basis of the legal
norm that contracts must be lived up to._ The "voluntary association of
contracting individuals"[725] is to take the place of the State.
1. "The Anarchists have no intention or desire to abolish society. They
know that its life is inseparable from the lives of individuals; that it
is impossible to destroy one without destroying the other."[726]
"Society has come to be man's dearest possession. Pure air is good, but
no one wants to breathe it long alone. Independence is good, but
isolation is too heavy a price to pay for it."[727]
But men are not to be held together in society by a concrete supreme
authority, but solely by the legally binding force of contract.[728] The
form of society is to be "voluntary association,"[729] whose
"constitution"[730] is nothing but a contract.
2. But what is to be the nature of the voluntary association in detail?
In the first place, it cannot bind its members for life. "The
constituting of an association in which each member waives the right of
secession would be a mere _form_, which every decent man who was a party
to it would hasten to violate and tread under foot as soon as he
appreciated the enormity of his folly. To indefinitely waive one's right
of secession is to make one's self a slave. Now, no man can make himself
so much a slave as to forfeit the right to issue his own emancipation
proclamation."[731]
In the next place, the voluntary association, as such, can have no
dominion over a territory. "Certainly such voluntary association would
be entitled to enforce whatever regulations the contracting parties
might agree upon within the limits of whatever territory, or divisions
of territory, had been brought into the association by these parties as
individual occupiers thereof, and no non-contracting party would have a
right to enter or remain in this domain except upon such terms as the
association might impose. But if, somewhere between these divisions of
territory, had lived, prior to the formation of the association, some
individual on his homestead, who for any reason, wise or foolish, had
declined to join in forming the association, the contracting parties
would have had no right to evict him, compel him to join, make him pay
for any incidental benefits that he might derive from proximity to their
association, or restrict him in the exercise of any previously-enjoyed
right to prevent him from reaping these benefits. Now, voluntary
association necessarily involving the right of secession, any seceding
member would naturally fall back into the position and upon the rights
of the individual above described, who refused to join at all. So much,
then, for the attitude of the individual toward any voluntary
association surrounding him, his support thereof evidently depending
upon his approval or disapproval of its objects, his view of its
efficiency in attaining them, and his estimate of the advantages and
disadvantages involved in joining, seceding, or abstaining."[732]
For the members of the voluntary association numerous obligations arise
from their membership. The association may require, as a condition of
membership, the agreement to perform certain services,--for instance,
"jury service."[733] And "inasmuch as Anarchistic associations recognize
the right of secession, they may utilize the ballot, if they see fit to
do so. If the question decided by ballot is so vital that the minority
thinks it more important to carry out its own views than to preserve
common action, the minority can withdraw. In no case can a minority,
however small, be governed without its consent."[734] The voluntary
association is entitled to compel its members to live up to their
obligations. "If a man makes an agreement with men, the latter may
combine to hold him to his agreement";[735] therefore a voluntary
association is "entitled to enforce whatever regulations the contracting
parties may agree upon."[736] To be sure, one must bear in mind that
"very likely the best way to secure the fulfilment of promises is to
have it understood in advance that the fulfilment is not to be
enforced."[737]
Of especial importance among the obligations of the members of a
voluntary association is the duty of paying taxes; but the tax is
voluntary by virtue of the fact that it is based on contract.[738]
"Voluntary taxation, far from impairing the association's credit, would
strengthen it";[739] for, in the first place, because of the simplicity
of its functions, the association seldom or never has to borrow; in the
second place, it cannot, like the present State upon its basis of
compulsory taxation, repudiate its debts and still continue business;
and, in the third place, it will necessarily be more intent on
maintaining its credit by paying its debts than is the State which
enforces taxation.[740] And furthermore, the voluntariness of the tax
has this advantage, that "the defensive institution will be steadily
deterred from becoming an invasive institution through fear that the
voluntary contributions will fall off; it will have this constant motive
to keep itself trimmed down to the popular demand."[741]
"Ireland's true order: the wonderful Land League, the nearest approach,
on a large scale, to perfect Anarchistic organization that the world has
yet seen. An immense number of local groups, scattered over large
sections of two continents separated by three thousand miles of ocean;
each group autonomous, each free; each composed of varying numbers of
individuals of all ages, sexes, races, equally autonomous and free; each
inspired by a common, central purpose; each supported entirely by
voluntary contributions; each obeying its own judgment; each guided in
the formation of its judgment and the choice of its conduct by the
advice of a central council of picked men, having no power to enforce
its orders except that inherent in the convincing logic of the reasons
on which the orders are based; all co-ordinated and federated, with a
minimum of machinery and without sacrifice of spontaneity, into a vast
working unit, whose unparalleled power makes tyrants tremble and armies
of no avail."[742]
3. Among the prominent associations of the new society are mutual
insurance societies and mutual banks,[743] and, especially, defensive
associations.
"The abolition of the State will leave in existence a defensive
association"[744] which will give protection against those "who violate
the social law by invading their neighbors."[745] To be sure, this need
will be only transitory. "We look forward to the ultimate disappearance
of the necessity of force even for the purpose of repressing
crime."[746] "The necessity for defence against individual invaders is
largely and perhaps, in the end, wholly due to the oppressions of the
invasive State. When the State falls, criminals will begin to
disappear."[747]
A number of defensive associations may exist side by side. "There are
many more than five or six insurance companies in England, and it is by
no means uncommon for members of the same family to insure their lives
and goods against accident or fire in different companies. Why should
there not be a considerable number of defensive associations in England,
in which people, even members of the same family, might insure their
lives and goods against murderers or thieves? Defence is a service, like
any other service."[748] "Under the influence of competition the best
and cheapest protector, like the best and cheapest tailor, would
doubtless get the greater part of the business. It is conceivable even
that he might get the whole of it. But, if he should, it would be by his
virtue as a protector, not by his power as a tyrant. He would be kept at
his best by the possibility of competition and the fear of it; and the
source of power would always remain, not with him, but with his patrons,
who would exercise it, not by voting him down or by forcibly putting
another in his place, but by withdrawing their patronage."[749] But, if
invader and invaded belong to different defensive associations, will not
a conflict of associations result? "Anticipations of such conflicts
would probably result in treaties, and even in the establishment of
federal tribunals, as courts of last resort, by the co-operation of the
various associations, on the same voluntary principle in accordance with
which the associations themselves were organized."[750]
"Voluntary defensive associations acting on the Anarchistic principle
would not only demand redress for, but would prohibit, all clearly
invasive acts."[751] To fulfil this function they may choose any
appropriate means, without thereby exercising a government. "Government
is the subjection of the _non-invasive_ individual to a will not his
own. The subjection of the _invasive_ individual is not government, but
resistance to and protection from government."[752]--"Anarchism
recognizes the right to arrest, try, convict, and punish for wrong
doing."[753] "Anarchism will take enough of the invader's property from
him to repair the damage done by his invasion."[754] "If it can find no
better instrument of resistance to invasion, Anarchism will use
prisons."[755] It admits even capital punishment. "The society which
inflicts capital punishment does not commit murder. Murder is an
offensive act. The term cannot be applied legitimately to any defensive
act. There is nothing sacred in the life of an invader, and there is no
valid principle of human society that forbids the invaded to protect
themselves in whatever way they can."[756] "It is allowable to punish
invaders by torture. But, if the 'good' people are not fiends, they are
not likely to defend themselves by torture until the penalties of death
and tolerable confinement have shown themselves destitute of
efficacy."[757]--"All disputes will be submitted to juries."[758]
"Speaking for myself, I think the jury should be selected by drawing
twelve names by lot from a wheel containing the names of all the
citizens in the community."[759] "The juries will judge not only the
facts, but the law, the justice of the law, its applicability to the
given circumstances, and the penalty or damage to be inflicted because
of its infraction."[760]
5.--PROPERTY
I. _According to Tucker, from the standpoint of every one's
self-interest and the equal liberty of all there is no objection to
property._ Tucker rejects only the distribution of property on the basis
of monopoly, as it everywhere and always exists in the State. That the
State is essentially invasion appears in the laws which "not only
prescribe personal habits, but, worse still, create and sustain
monopolies"[761] and thereby make usury possible.[762]
1. Usury is the taking of surplus value.[763] "A laborer's product is
such portion of the value of that which he delivers to the consumer as
his own labor has contributed."[764] The laborer does not get this
product, "at least not as laborer; he gains a bare subsistence by his
work."[765] But, "somebody gets the surplus wealth. Who is the
somebody?"[766] "The usurer."[767]
"There are three forms of usury: interest on money, rent of land and
houses, and profit in exchange. Whoever is in receipt of any of these is
a usurer. And who is not? Scarcely any one. The banker is a usurer; the
manufacturer is a usurer; the merchant is a usurer; the landlord is a
usurer; and the workingman who puts his savings, if he has any, out at
interest, or takes rent for his house or lot, if he owns one, or
exchanges his labor for more than an equivalent,--he too is a usurer.
The sin of usury is one under which all are concluded, and for which all
are responsible. But all do not benefit by it. The vast majority suffer.
Only the chief usurers accumulate: in agricultural and thickly settled
countries, the landlords; in industrial and commercial countries, the
bankers. Those are the Somebodies who swallow up the surplus
wealth."[768]
2. "And where do they get their power? From monopoly maintained by the
State. Usury rests on this."[769] And "of the various monopolies that
now prevail, four are of principal importance."[770]
"First in the importance of its evil influence they [the founders of
Anarchism] considered the money monopoly, which consists of the
privilege given by the government to certain individuals, or to
individuals holding certain kinds of property, of issuing the
circulating medium, a privilege which is now enforced in this country by
a national tax of ten per cent. upon all other persons who attempt to
furnish a circulating medium, and by State laws making it a criminal
offence to issue notes as currency. It is claimed that holders of this
privilege control the rate of interest, the rate of rent of houses and
buildings, and the prices of goods,--the first directly, and the second
and third indirectly. For, if the business of banking were made free to
all, more and more persons would enter into it until the competition
should become sharp enough to reduce the price of lending money to the
labor cost, which statistics show to be less than three-fourths of one
per cent."[771] "Then down will go house-rent. For no one who can borrow
capital at one per cent. with which to build a house of his own will
consent to pay rent to a landlord at a higher rate than that."[772]
Finally, "down will go profits also. For merchants, instead of buying at
high prices on credit, will borrow money of the banks at less than one
per cent., buy at low prices for cash, and correspondingly reduce the
prices of their goods to their customers."[773]
"Second in importance comes the land monopoly, the evil effects of which
are seen principally in exclusively agricultural countries, like
Ireland. This monopoly consists in the enforcement by government of
land-titles which do not rest upon personal occupancy and
cultivation."[774] "Ground-rent exists only because the State stands by
to collect it and to protect land-titles rooted in force or fraud."[775]
"As soon as individuals should no longer be protected in anything but
personal occupancy and cultivation of land, ground-rent would disappear,
and so usury have one less leg to stand on."[776]
The third and fourth places are occupied by the tariff and patent
monopolies.[777] "The tariff monopoly consists in fostering production
at high prices and under unfavorable conditions by visiting with the
penalty of taxation those who patronize production at low prices and
under favorable conditions. The evil to which this monopoly gives rise
might more properly be called _mis_usury than usury, because it compels
labor to pay, not exactly for the use of capital, but rather for the
misuse of capital."[778] "The patent monopoly protects inventors and
authors against competition for a period long enough to enable them to
extort from the people a reward enormously in excess of the labor
measure of their services,--in other words, it gives certain people a
right of property for a term of years in laws and facts of nature, and
the power to exact tribute from others for the use of this natural
wealth, which should be open to all."[779] It is on the tariff and
patent monopolies, next to the money monopoly, that profit in exchange
is based. If they were done away along with the money monopoly, it would
disappear.[780]
II. _Every one's self-interest, and particularly the equal liberty of
all, demands a distribution of property in which every one is guaranteed
the product of his labor._[781]
1. "Equal liberty, in the property sphere, is such a balance between the
liberty to take and the liberty to keep that the two liberties may
coexist without conflict or invasion."[782] "Nearly all Anarchists
consider labor to be the only basis of the right of ownership in harmony
with that law";[783] "the laborers, instead of having only a small
fraction of the wealth in the world, should have all the wealth."[784]
This form of property "secures each in the possession of his own
products, or of such products of others as he may have obtained
unconditionally without the use of fraud or force, and in the
realization of all titles to such products which he may hold by virtue
of free contract with others."[785]
"It will be seen from this definition that Anarchistic property concerns
only products. But anything is a product upon which human labor has been
expended, whether it be a piece of iron or a piece of land. (It should
be stated, however, that in the case of land, or of any other material
the supply of which is so limited that all cannot hold it in unlimited
quantities, Anarchism undertakes to protect no titles except such as are
based on actual occupancy and use.)"[786]
2. A distribution of property in which every one is guaranteed the
product of his labor presupposes merely that equal liberty be applied in
those spheres which are as yet dominated by State monopoly.[787]
"Free money first."[788] "I mean by free money the utter absence of
restriction upon the issue of all money not fraudulent";[789] "making
the issue of money as free as the manufacture of shoes."[790]
Money is here understood in the broadest sense, it means both
"commodity money and credit money,"[791] by no means coin alone; "if the
idea of the royalty of gold and silver could once be knocked out of the
people's heads, and they could once understand that no particular kind
of merchandise is created by nature for monetary purposes, they would
settle this question in a trice."[792] "If they only had the liberty to
do so, there are enough large and small property-holders willing and
anxious to issue money, to provide a far greater amount than is
needed."[793] "Does the law of England allow citizens to form a bank for
the issue of paper money against any property that they may see fit to
accept as security; said bank perhaps owning no specie whatever; the
paper money not redeemable in specie except at the option of the bank;
the customers of the bank mutually pledging themselves to accept the
bank's paper in lieu of gold or silver coin of the same face value; the
paper being redeemable only at the maturity of the mortgage notes, and
then simply by a return of said notes and a release of the mortgaged
property,--is such an institution, I ask, allowed by the law of England?
If it is, then I have only to say that the working people of England are
very great fools not to take advantage of this inestimable
liberty."[794] Then "competition would reduce the rate of interest on
capital to the mere cost of banking, which is much less than one per
cent.,"[795] for "capitalists will not be able to lend their capital at
interest when people can get money at the bank without interest with
which to buy capital outright."[796] Likewise the charge of rent on
buildings "would be almost entirely and directly abolished,"[797] and
"profits fall to the level of the manufacturer's or merchant's proper
wage,"[798] "except in business protected by tariff or patent
laws."[799] "This facility of acquiring capital will give an unheard-of
impetus to business";[800] "if free banking were only a picayunish
attempt to distribute more equitably the small amount of wealth now
produced, I would not waste a moment's energy on it."[801]
Free land is needed in the second place.[802] "'The land for the
people,' according to 'Liberty', means the protection of all people who
desire to cultivate land in the possession of whatever land they
personally cultivate, without distinction between the existing classes
of landlords, tenants, and laborers, and the positive refusal of the
protecting power to lend its aid to the collection of any rent
whatsoever."[803] This "system of occupying ownership, accompanied by no
legal power to collect rent, but coupled with the abolition of the
State-guaranteed monopoly of money, thus making capital readily
available,"[804] would "abolish ground-rent"[805] and "distribute the
increment naturally and quietly among its rightful owners."[806]
In the third and fourth place, free trade and freedom of intellectual
products are necessary.[807] If they were added to freedom in money,
"profit on merchandise would become merely the wages of mercantile
labor."[808] Free trade "would result in a great reduction in the prices
of all articles taxed."[809] And "the abolition of the patent monopoly
would fill its beneficiaries with a wholesome fear of competition which
would cause them to be satisfied with pay for their services equal to
that which other laborers get for theirs."[810]
If equal liberty is realized in these four spheres, its realization in
the sphere of property follows of itself: that is, a distribution of
property in which every one is guaranteed the product of his labor.[811]
"Economic privilege must disappear as a result of the abolition of
political tyranny."[812] In a society in which there is no more
government of man by man, there can be no such things as interest, rent,
and profits;[813] every one is guaranteed the ownership of the product
of his labor. "Socialism does not say: 'Thou shalt not steal!' It says:
'When all men have Liberty, thou wilt not steal.'"[814]
3. "Liberty will abolish all means whereby any laborer can be deprived
of any of his product; but it will not abolish the limited inequality
between one laborer's product and another's."[815] "There will remain
the slight disparity of products due to superiority of soil and skill.
But even this disparity will soon develop a tendency to decrease. Under
the new economic conditions and enlarged opportunities resulting from
freedom of credit and land classes will tend to disappear; great
capacities will not be developed in a few at the expense of stunting
those of the many; freedom of locomotion will be vastly increased; the
toilers will no longer be anchored in such large numbers in the present
commercial centres, and thus made subservient to the city landlords;
territories and resources never before utilized will become easy of
access and development; and under all these influences the disparity
above mentioned will decrease to a minimum."[816]
"Probably it will never disappear entirely."[817] "Now, because liberty
has not the power to bring this about, there are people who say: We will
have no liberty, for we must have absolute equality. I am not of them.
If I can go through life free and rich, I shall not cry because my
neighbor, equally free, is richer. Liberty will ultimately make all men
rich; it will not make all men equally rich. Authority may (and may not)
make all men equally rich in purse; it certainly will make them equally
poor in all that makes life best worth living."[818]
6.--REALIZATION
_According to Tucker, the manner in which the change called for by every
one's self-interest takes place is to be that those who have recognized
the truth shall first convince a sufficient number of people how
necessary the change is to their own interests, and that then they all
of them, by refusing obedience, abolish the State, transform law and
property, and thus bring about the new condition._
I. First a sufficient number of men are to be convinced that their own
interests demand the change.
1. "A system of Anarchy in actual operation implies a previous education
of the people in the principles of Anarchy."[819] "The individual must
be penetrated with the Anarchistic idea and taught to rebel."[820]
"Persistent inculcation of the doctrine of equality of liberty, whereby
finally the majority will be made to see in regard to existing forms of
invasion what they have already been made to see in regard to its
obsolete forms,--namely, that they are not seeking equality of liberty
at all, but simply the subjection of all others to themselves."[821]
"The Irish Land League failed because the peasants were acting, not
intelligently in obedience to their wisdom, but blindly in obedience to
leaders who betrayed them at the critical moment. Had the people
realized the power they were exercising and understood the economic
situation, they would not have resumed the payment of rent at Parnell's
bidding, and to-day they might have been free. The Anarchists do not
propose to repeat their mistake. That is why they are devoting
themselves entirely to the inculcation of principles, especially of
economic principles. In steadfastly pursuing this course regardless of
clamor, they alone are laying a sure foundation for the success of the
revolution."[822]
2. In particular, according to Tucker, appropriate means for the
inculcation of the Anarchistic idea are "speech and the
press."[823]--But what if the freedom of speech and of the press be
suppressed? Then force is justifiable.[824]
But force is to be used only as a "last resort."[825] "When a physician
sees that his patient's strength is being exhausted so rapidly by the
intensity of his agony that he will die of exhaustion before the medical
processes inaugurated have a chance to do their curative work, he
administers an opiate. But a good physician is always loth to do so,
knowing that one of the influences of the opiate is to interfere with
and defeat the medical processes themselves. It is the same with the use
of force, whether of the mob or of the State, upon diseased society; and
not only those who prescribe its indiscriminate use as a sovereign
remedy and a permanent tonic, but all who ever propose it as a cure, and
even all who would lightly and unnecessarily resort to it, not as a
cure, but as an expedient, _are social quacks_."[826]
Therefore violence "should be used against the oppressors of mankind
only when they have succeeded in hopelessly repressing all peaceful
methods of agitation."[827] "Bloodshed in itself is pure loss. When we
must have freedom of agitation, and when nothing but bloodshed will
secure it, then bloodshed is wise."[828] "As long as freedom of speech
and of the press is not struck down, there should be no resort to
physical force in the struggle against oppression. It must not be
inferred that, because 'Libertas' thinks it may become advisable to use
force to secure free speech, it would therefore sanction a bloody deluge
as soon as free speech had been struck down in one, a dozen, or a
hundred instances. Not until the gag had become completely efficacious
would 'Libertas' advise that last resort, the use of force."[829]
"Terrorism is expedient in Russia and inexpedient in Germany and
England."[830]--In what form is violence to be used? "The days of armed
revolution have gone by. It is too easily put down."[831] "Terrorism and
assassination"[832] are necessary, but they "will have to consist of a
series of acts of individual dynamiters."[833]
3. But, besides speech and the press, there are yet other methods of
"propagandism."[834]
Such a method is "isolated individual resistance to taxation."[835]
"Some year, when an Anarchist feels exceptionally strong and
independent, when his conduct can impair no serious personal
obligations, when on the whole he would a little rather go to jail than
not, and when his property is in such shape that he can successfully
conceal it, let him declare to the assessor property of a certain value,
and then defy the collector to collect. Or, if he have no property, let
him decline to pay his poll tax. The State will then be put to its
trumps. Of two things one,--either it will let him alone, and then he
will tell his neighbors all about it, resulting the next year in an
alarming disposition on their part to keep their own money in their own
pockets; or else it will imprison him, and then by the requisite legal
processes he will demand and secure all the rights of a civil prisoner
and live thus a decently comfortable life until the State shall get
tired of supporting him and the increasing number of persons who will
follow his example. Unless, indeed, the State, in desperation, shall see
fit to make its laws regarding imprisonment for taxes more rigorous, and
then, if our Anarchist be a determined man, we shall find out how far a
republican government, 'deriving its just powers from the consent of the
governed,' is ready to go to procure that 'consent,'--whether it will
stop at solitary confinement in a dark cell or join with the czar of
Russia in administering torture by electricity. The farther it shall go
the better it will be for Anarchy, as every student of the history of
reform well knows. Who shall estimate the power for propagandism of a
few cases of this kind, backed by a well-organized force of agitators
outside the prison walls?"[836]
Another method of propaganda consists in "a practical test of
Anarchistic principles."[837] But this cannot take place in isolated
communities, but only "in the very heart of existing industrial and
social life."[838] "In some large city fairly representative of the
varied interests and characteristics of our heterogeneous civilization
let a sufficiently large number of earnest and intelligent Anarchists,
engaged in nearly all the different trades and professions, combine to
carry on their production and distribution on the cost principle,
and,"[839] "setting at defiance the national and State banking
prohibitions,"[840] "to start a bank through which they can obtain a
non-interest-bearing currency for the conduct of their commerce and
dispose their steadily accumulating capital in new enterprises, the
advantages of this system of affairs being open to all who should choose
to offer their patronage,--what would be the result? Why, soon the whole
composite population, wise and unwise, good, bad, and indifferent, would
become interested in what was going on under their very eyes, more and
more of them would actually take part in it, and in a few years, each
man reaping the fruit of his labor and no man able to live in idleness
on an income from capital, the whole city would become a great hive of
Anarchistic workers, prosperous and free individuals."[841]
II. If a sufficient number of persons are convinced that their
self-interest demands the change, then the time is come to abolish the
State, transform law and property, and bring about the new condition, by
"the Social Revolution,"[842] _i. e._ by as general a refusal of
obedience as possible. The State "is sheer tyranny, and has no rights
which any individual is bound to respect; on the contrary, every
individual who understands his rights and values his liberties will do
his best to overthrow it."[843]
1. Many believe "that the State cannot disappear until the individual is
perfected.
"In saying which, Mr. Appleton joins hands with those wise persons who
admit that Anarchy will be practicable when the millennium arrives. No
doubt it is true that, if the individual could perfect himself while
the barriers to his perfection are standing, the State would afterwards
disappear. Perhaps, too, he could go to heaven, if he could lift himself
by his boot-straps."[844] "'Bullion' thinks that 'civilization consists
in teaching men to govern themselves and then letting them do it.' A
very slight change suffices to make this stupid statement an entirely
accurate one, after which it would read: 'Civilization consists in
teaching men to govern themselves by letting them do it.'"[845]
Therefore it is necessary to "abolish the State"[846] by "the impending
social revolution."[847]
2. Others have the "fallacious idea that Anarchy can be inaugurated by
force."[848]
In what way it is to be inaugurated is solely a question of
"expediency."[849] "To brand the policy of terrorism and assassination
as immoral is ridiculously weak. 'Liberty' does not assume to set any
limit on the right of an invaded individual to choose his own methods of
defence. The invader, whether an individual or a government, forfeits
all claim to consideration from the invaded. This truth is independent
of the character of the invasion. It makes no difference in what
direction the individual finds his freedom arbitrarily limited; he has a
right to vindicate it in any case, and he will be justified in
vindicating it by whatever means are available."[850]
"The right to resist oppression by violence is beyond doubt. But its
exercise would be unwise unless the suppression of free thought, free
speech, and a free press were enforced so stringently that all other
means of throwing it off had become hopeless."[851] "If government
should be abruptly and entirely abolished to-morrow, there would
probably ensue a series of physical conflicts about land and many other
things, ending in reaction and a revival of the old tyranny. But, if the
abolition of government shall take place gradually, it will be
accompanied by a constant acquisition and steady spreading of social
truth."[852]
3. The social revolution is to come about by passive resistance; that
is, refusal of obedience.[853]
"Passive resistance is the most potent weapon ever wielded by man
against oppression."[854] "'Passive resistance,' said Ferdinand
Lassalle, with an obtuseness thoroughly German, 'is the resistance which
does not resist.' Never was there a greater mistake. It is the only
resistance which in these days of military discipline meets with any
result. There is not a tyrant in the civilized world to-day who would
not do anything in his power to precipitate a bloody revolution rather
than see himself confronted by any large fraction of his subjects
determined not to obey. An insurrection is easily quelled, but no army
is willing or able to train its guns on inoffensive people who do not
even gather in the street but stay at home and stand back on their
rights."[855]
"Power feeds on its spoils, and dies when its victims refuse to be
despoiled. They can't persuade it to death; they can't vote it to death;
they can't shoot it to death; but they can always starve it to death.
When a determined body of people, sufficiently strong in numbers and
force of character to command respect and make it unsafe to imprison
them, shall agree to quietly close their doors in the faces of the
tax-collector and the rent-collector, and shall, by issuing their own
money in defiance of legal prohibition, at the same time cease paying
tribute to the money-lord, government, with all the privileges which it
grants and the monopolies which it sustains, will go by the board."[856]
Consider "the enormous and utterly irresistible power of a large and
intelligent minority, comprising say one-fifth of the population in any
given locality," refusing to pay taxes.[857] "I need do no more than
call attention to the wonderfully instructive history of the Land League
movement in Ireland, the most potent and instantly effective
revolutionary force the world has ever known so long as it stood by its
original policy of 'Pay No Rent,' and which lost nearly all its strength
the day it abandoned that policy. But it was pursued far enough to show
that the British government was utterly powerless before it; and it is
scarcely too much to say, in my opinion, that, had it been persisted in,
there would not to-day be a landlord in Ireland. It is easier to resist
taxes in this country than it is to resist rent in Ireland; and such a
policy would be as much more potent here than there as the intelligence
of the people is greater, providing always that you can enlist in it a
sufficient number of earnest and determined men and women. If one-fifth
of the people were to resist taxation, it would cost more to collect
their taxes, or try to collect them, than the other four-fifths would
consent to pay into the treasury."[858]
FOOTNOTES:
[655] [Recognized by Tucker as the originator of Anarchism, so far as
any man can claim this title. See Bailie's life of Warren.]
[656] [At present (1908) a bi-monthly magazine.]
[657] [Or rather a selection.]
[658] Tucker p. 21.
[659] _Ib._ p. 112.
[660] _Ib._ p. 24.
[661] _Ib._ pp. 24, 64.
[662] _Ib._ p. 64.
[663] Tucker p. 35. [This passage refers merely to what it mentions, the
alleged intent utterly to destroy society. As to identity of interests,
I believe Tucker's position is that the interest of society is that of
_almost_ every individual.]
[664] _Ib._ p. 24.
[665] _Ib._ p. 24.
[666] _Ib._ p. 132.
[667] _Ib._ p. 42. [Eltzbacher does not seem to perceive that Tucker
uses this as a ready-made phrase, coined by Herbert Spencer and
designating Spencer's well-known formula that in justice "every man has
freedom to do all that he wills, provided he infringes not the equal
freedom of any other man."]
[668] _Ib._ p. 41.
[669] _Ib._ p. 64.
[670] Tucker p. 35. [This citation is again irrelevant, but Eltzbacher's
misapplication of it does not misrepresent Tucker's views.]
[671] _Ib._ p. 65.
[672] _Ib._ p. 15.
[673] _Ib._ p. 59. [It should be understood that a great part of
"Instead of a Book" is made up of the reprints of discussions with
various opponents whose language is quoted and alluded to.]
[674] _Ib._ p. 23.
[675] _Ib._ p. 67.
[676] _Ib._ p. 153.
[677] _Ib._ p. 135. [Since the publication of "Instead of a Book" Tucker
has had a notable discussion of the child question in "Liberty," which,
while developing much disagreement on this point among Tucker's friends,
has at least brought definiteness into the judgments passed upon it.]
[678] Tucker p. 78.
[679] _Ib._ p. 23.
[680] _Ib._ p. 23.
[681] _Ib._ p. 59. [The wording of this clause is so thoroughly
Eltzbacher's own that his quotation-marks appear unjustifiable; but the
doctrine is Tucker's.]
[682] _Ib._ p. 81.
[683] _Ib._ p. 80.
[684] _Ib._ p. 167.
[685] Tucker p. 23.
[686] _Ib._ pp. 60, 52, 158, 104, 167.
[687] _Ib._ p. 25.
[688] _Ib._ p. 60. [But see below, page 200, where Tucker's page 60 is
quoted _verbatim_.]
[689] _Ib._ p. 312.
[690] _Ib._ p. 312. [Tucker is not likely to think that he is fairly
represented without a fuller quotation: "not only the facts, but the
law, the justice of the law, its applicability to the given
circumstances, and the penalty or damage to be inflicted because of its
infraction." He would emphasize "the justice of the law"--a juryman will
disregard a law that he disapproves. Tucker here prefixes "All rules and
laws will be little more than suggestions for the guidance of juries."
Nevertheless the juryman is to be guided by norm and not by caprice: see
"Liberty" Sept. 7, 1895, where he says: "I am asked by a correspondent
if I would 'passively see a woman throw her baby into the fire as a man
throws his newspaper'. It is highly probable that I would interfere in
such a case. But it is as probable, and perhaps more so, that I would
personally interfere to prevent the owner of a masterpiece by Titian
from applying the torch to the canvas. My interference in the former
case no more invalidates the mother's property right in her child than
my interference in the latter case would invalidate the property right
of the owner of the painting. If I interfere in either case, I am an
invader, acting in obedience to my injured feelings. As such I deserve
to be punished. I consider that it would be the duty of a policeman in
the service of the defence association to arrest me for assault. On my
arraignment I should plead guilty, and it would be the duty of the jury
to impose a penalty on me. I might ask for a light sentence on the
strength of the extenuating circumstances, and I believe that my prayer
would be heeded. But, if such invasions as mine were persisted in, it
would become the duty of the jury to impose penalties sufficiently
severe to put a stop to them."]
[691] Tucker p. 312.
[692] _Ib._ p. 52.
[693] _Ib._ pp. 156-7. [Compare the exact words of this passage as
quoted on page 200 below.]
[694] _Ib._ p. 131. [Not _verbatim_.]
[695] _Ib._ p. 60.
[696] _Ib._ p. 61.
[697] Tucker p. 52.
[698] _Ib._ p. 24.
[699] _Ib._ pp. 146, 350.
[700] _Ib._ p. 48.
[701] _Ib._ p. 48.
[702] _Ib._ p. 158.
[703] _Ib._ p. 51.
[704] _Ib._ p. 158.
[705] Tucker pp. 157-8.
[706] _Ib._ p. 25.
[707] _Ib._ p. 22.
[708] _Ib._ p. 23.
[709] _Ib._ p. 23.
[710] Tucker p. 22.
[711] _Ib._ p. 23.
[712] _Ib._ p. 169.
[713] _Ib._ p. 115. [The words are Lucien V. Pinney's, but Tucker quotes
them approvingly.]
[714] _Ib._ pp. 426-7.
[715] _Ib._ p. 57.
[716] _Ib._ p. 25.
[717] Tucker pp. 25-6.
[718] _Ib._ p. 57.
[719] _Ib._ p. 26.
[720] _Ib._ p. [32-]33.
[721] Tucker p. 54.
[722] _Ib._ p. 53.
[723] _Ib._ pp. 26-7.
[724] _Ib._ pp. 158-9.
[725] Tucker p. 44. [See my note below, page 195.]
[726] _Ib._ p. 35.
[727] _Ib._ p. 321.
[728] _Ib._ p. 32.
[729] _Ib._ p. 44. [Or rather p. 167, and sundry other passages; on p.
44 see my note below, page 195.]
[730] _Ib._ p. 342.
[731] _Ib._ p. 48.
[732] Tucker pp. 44-5. [All this is a discussion of the characteristics
which the State of to-day would have to possess if it were to deserve to
be characterized as a voluntary association. The same conditions must of
course be fulfilled by any future voluntary association; but it does not
follow that all the points mentioned are such as Anarchistic
associations would have most occasion to contemplate.]
[733] Tucker p. 56.
[734] _Ib._ pp. 56-7.
[735] _Ib._ p. 24.
[736] _Ib._ p. 44. [For context and limitations see page 195 of the
present book.]
[737] _Ib._ p. 158.
[738] _Ib._ p. 32. [It is not necessary that taxation exist, though it
may be altogether presumable that it will. Still less is it necessary
that the taxation be considerable in amount.]
[739] Tucker pp. 36-7.
[740] _Ib._ p. 37.
[741] _Ib._ p. 43.
[742] Tucker p. 414.
[743] _Ib._ p. 159. [Tucker himself would assuredly have given the
emphasis of "especially" to the mutual banks. The defensive associations
receive especially frequent mention because of the need of incessantly
answering the objection "If we lose the State, who will protect us
against ruffians?" but Tucker certainly expects that the defensive
association will from the start fill a much smaller sphere in every
respect than the present police. See _e. g._ "Instead of a Book" p. 40.]
[744] _Ib._ p. 25.
[745] _Ib._ p. 25.
[746] _Ib._ p. 52.
[747] _Ib._ p. 40.
[748] Tucker p. 32.
[749] _Ib._ pp. 326-7.
[750] _Ib._ p. 36.
[751] _Ib._ p. 167. [But the restraint of aggressions against those with
whom the association has no contract, and also the possible refusal to
pay any attention to some particular class of aggressions which it may
be thought best to let alone, are optional; in these respects the
association will do what seems best to serve the interests (including
the pleasure, altruistic or other) of its members; those who do not
approve the policy adopted may quit the association if they like.]
[752] Tucker p. 39.
[753] _Ib._ p. 55 [where Tucker explicitly refuses to approve this
statement unless he is allowed to add the caveat "if by the words wrong
doing is meant invasion"].
[754] _Ib._ p. 56.
[755] _Ib._ p. 56.
[756] _Ib._ pp. 156-7. [But accompanied by a disapproval of the ordinary
practice of capital punishment.]
[757] _Ib._ p. 60 [where the particular torture under discussion is
failure to "feed, clothe, and make comfortable" the prisoners].
[758] _Ib._ p. 312. [But "Anarchism, as such, neither believes nor
disbelieves in jury trial; it is a matter of expediency," pp. 55-6.]
[759] Tucker p. 56.
[760] _Ib._ p. 312.
[761] _Ib._ p. 26.
[762] _Ib._ p. 178.
[763] _Ib._ pp. 178, 177.
[764] _Ib._ p. 241.
[765] _Ib._ p. 177. [This is given as an answer to the question here
quoted next, about "surplus wealth."]
[766] _Ib._ p. 177. [Quoted from N. Y. "Truth."]
[767] _Ib._ p. 178.
[768] Tucker p. 178.
[769] _Ib._ p. 178. [Not _verbatim_.]
[770] _Ib._ p. 11.
[771] Tucker p. 11.
[772] _Ib._ p. 12.
[773] _Ib._ p. 12.
[774] _Ib._ p. 12.
[775] _Ib._ p. 178.
[776] _Ib._ p. 12. [This is given as the view of Proudhon and Warren;
the next sentence states Tucker's belief that for perfect correctness it
should be modified by admitting that a small fraction of ground-rent,
tending constantly to a minimum, would persist even then, but would be
no cause for "serious alarm."]
[777] Tucker pp. 12-13.
[778] _Ib._ p. 12.
[779] _Ib._ p. 13.
[780] _Ib._ pp. 12-13, 178.
[781] _Ib._ pp. 59-60.
[782] Tucker p. 67.
[783] _Ib._ p. 131.
[784] _Ib._ p. 185. [Quoted, with express approval, from A. B. Brown.]
[785] _Ib._ p. 60.
[786] _Ib._ p. 61.
[787] _Ib._ p. 178.
[788] _Ib._ p. 273.
[789] _Ib._ p. 274.
[790] _Ib._ p. 374.
[791] Tucker p. 272.
[792] _Ib._ p. 198.
[793] _Ib._ p. 248.
[794] _Ib._ p. 226.
[795] _Ib._ p. 474.
[796] Tucker p. 287.
[797] _Ib._ pp. 274-5.
[798] _Ib._ p. 287.
[799] _Ib._ p. 178.
[800] _Ib._ p. 11.
[801] _Ib._ p. 243.
[802] _Ib._ p. 275.
[803] _Ib._ p. 299.
[804] _Ib._ p. 325.
[805] _Ib._ p. 275.
[806] _Ib._ p. 325. [Meaning, of course, John Stuart Mill's "unearned
increment" in the value of land.]
[807] _Ib._ pp. 12-13.
[808] Tucker pp. 474, 178.
[809] _Ib._ p. 12.
[810] _Ib._ p. 13.
[811] _Ib._ p. 403.
[812] _Ib._ p. 403.
[813] _Ib._ p. 470.
[814] _Ib._ p. 362. ["Socialism" is here used as including Anarchism;
and Tucker prefers so to use the word.]
[815] _Ib._ p. [347-]348.
[816] Tucker pp. 332-3.
[817] _Ib._ p. 333.
[818] _Ib._ p. 348.
[819] Tucker p. 104.
[820] _Ib._ p. 114.
[821] _Ib._ pp. 77-8.
[822] _Ib._ p. 416.
[823] Tucker pp. 397, 413.
[824] _Ib._ p. 413.
[825] _Ib._ p. 397.
[826] _Ib._ p. 428.
[827] _Ib._ p. 428 [where the subject is not "violence" of all sorts
great and small, but "terrorism and assassination"].
[828] _Ib._ p. 439.
[829] Tucker p. 397.
[830] _Ib._ p. 428.
[831] _Ib._ p. 440.
[832] _Ib._ p. 428 [with limiting context quoted above, page 211].
[833] _Ib._ p. 440.
[834] _Ib._ p. 45.
[835] _Ib._ p. 45 [where nothing is said as to whether the work is the
better or the worse for being "isolated"].
[836] Tucker p. 412.
[837] _Ib._ p. 423.
[838] _Ib._ p. 423.
[839] _Ib._ p. 423.
[840] Tucker p. 27.
[841] _Ib._ pp. 423-4.
[842] _Ib._ pp. 416, 439.
[843] _Ib._ p. 45.
[844] Tucker p. 114.
[845] _Ib._ p. 158.
[846] _Ib._ p. 114.
[847] _Ib._ p. 487.
[848] _Ib._ p. 427.
[849] _Ib._ p. 429.
[850] _Ib._ pp. 428-9.
[851] Tucker p. 439.
[852] _Ib._ p. 329 [where the course it must take is somewhat more
precisely described].
[853] _Ib._ p. 413.
[854] _Ib._ p. 415.
[855] _Ib._ p. 413.
[856] Tucker pp. 415-16.
[857] _Ib._ p. 412.
[858] Tucker pp. 412-13. [This chapter should be completed by a mention
of Tucker's doctrine that we must expect Anarchy to be established by
gradually getting rid of one oppression after another till at last all
the domination of violence shall have disappeared. See, for instance,
"Liberty" for December, 1900: "The fact is that Anarchist society was
started thousands of years ago, when the first glimmer of the idea of
liberty dawned upon the human mind, and has been advancing ever
since,--not steadily advancing, to be sure, but fitfully, with an
occasional reversal of the current. Mr. Byington looks upon the time
when a jury of Anarchists shall sit, as a point not far from the
beginning of the history of Anarchy's growth, whereas I look upon that
time as a point very near the end of that history. The introduction of
more Anarchy into our economic life will have made marriage a thing of
the past long before the first drawing of a jury of Anarchists to pass
upon any contract whatever." Also "Instead of a Book" p. 104:
"Anarchists work for the abolition of the State, but by this they mean
not its overthrow, but, as Proudhon put it, its dissolution in the
economic organism. This being the case, the question before us is not,
as Mr. Donisthorpe supposes, what measures and means of interference we
are justified in instituting, but which ones of those already existing
we should first lop off." Tucker has lately been laying more emphasis on
this view than on the more programme-like propositions cited by
Eltzbacher, which date from the first six years of the publication of
"Liberty." Indeed, I am sure I remember that somewhere lately, being
challenged as to the feasibility of some of the latter, he admitted that
those precise forms of action might perhaps not be adequate to bring the
State to its end, and added that the end of the State is at present too
remote to allow us to specify the processes by which it must ultimately
be brought about. All this, however, does not mean that Tucker's faith
in passive resistance as the most potent instrument discoverable both
for propaganda and for the practical winning of liberty has grown
weaker; he has no more given up this principle than he has given up the
plan of propaganda by discussion.]
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