KROPOTKIN'S TEACHING
1.--GENERAL
1. Prince Peter Alexeyevitch Kropotkin was born at Moscow in 1842. From
1862 to 1867 he was an officer of the Cossacks of the Amur; during this
time he traveled over a great part of Siberia and Manchuria. From 1867
to 1871 he studied mathematics at St. Petersburg; at this time he was
also secretary of the Geographical Society; under its commission he
explored the glaciers of Finland and Sweden in 1871.
In 1872 Kropotkin visited Belgium and Switzerland, where he joined the
_Association internationale des travailleurs_. In the same year he
returned to St. Petersburg and became a prominent member of the
Tchaikoffski secret society. This was found out in 1874. He was arrested
and kept in prison until in 1876 he succeeded in escaping to England.
From England Kropotkin went to Switzerland in 1877, but was expelled
from that country in 1881. Thenceforth he resided alternately in England
and France. In France, in 1883, he was condemned to five years'
imprisonment for membership in a prohibited association; he was kept in
prison till 1886, and then pardoned. Since then he has lived in England.
Kropotkin has published geographical works and accounts of travel, and
also writings in the spheres of economics, politics, and the philosophy
of law.
2. For Kropotkin's teaching about law, the State, and property, the most
important sources are his many short works, newspaper articles, and
lectures. The articles that he published from 1879 to 1882 in "_Le
Revolte_" of Geneva, appeared in 1885 as a book under the title
"_Paroles d'un revolte_." The only large work in which he develops his
teaching is "_La conquete du pain_" (1892).
3. Kropotkin calls his teaching "Anarchism." "When in the bosom of the
International there was formed a party which no more acknowledged an
authority inside that association than any other authority, this party
called itself at first federalist, then anti-authoritarian or hostile to
the State. At that time it avoided describing itself as Anarchistic. The
word _an-archie_ (it was so written at that time) seemed to identify the
party too much with the adherents of Proudhon, whose reform ideas the
International was opposing. But for this very reason its opponents
delighted in using this designation in order to produce confusion;
besides, the name made the assertion possible that from the very name of
the Anarchists it was evident that they aimed merely at disorder and
chaos, without thinking any farther. The Anarchistic party was not slow
to adopt the designation that was given to it. At first it still
insisted on the hyphen between _an_ and _archie_, with the explanation
that in this form the word _an-archie_, being of Greek origin, denoted
absence of dominion and not 'disorder'; but it soon decided to spare the
proof-reader his useless trouble and the reader his lesson in Greek, and
used the name as it stood."[431] And in fact "the word _anarchie_,
which negates the whole of this so-called order and reminds us of the
fairest moments in the lives of the nations, is well chosen for a party
that looks forward to conquering a better future."[432]
2.--BASIS
_According to Kropotkin, the law which has supreme validity for man is
the evolutionary law of the progress of mankind from a less happy
existence to an existence as happy as possible; from this law he derives
the commandment of justice and the commandment of energy._
1. The supreme law for man is the evolutionary law of the progress of
mankind from a less happy existence to an existence as happy as
possible.
There is "only one scientific method, the method of the natural
sciences,"[433] and we apply this method also "in the sciences that
relate to man,"[434] particularly in the "science of society."[435] Now,
a mighty revolution is at present taking place[436] in the entire realm
of science; it is the result of the "philosophy of evolution."[437] "The
idea hitherto prevalent, that everything in nature stands fast, is
fallen, destroyed, annihilated. Everything in nature changes; nothing
remains: neither the rock which appears to us to be immovable and the
continent which we call _terra firma_, nor the inhabitants, their
customs, habits, and thoughts. All that we see about us is a transitory
phenomenon, and must change, because motionlessness would be
death."[438] In the case of organisms this evolution is progress, in
consequence of "their admirable adaptivity to their conditions of life.
They develop such faculties as render more complete both the adaptations
of the aggregates to their surroundings and those of each of the
constituent parts of the aggregate to the needs of free
co-operation."[439] "This is the 'struggle for existence,' which,
therefore, must not be conceived merely in its restricted sense of a
struggle between individuals for the means of subsistence."[440]
"Evolution never advances so slowly and evenly as has been asserted.
Evolution and revolution alternate, and the revolutions--that is, the
times of accelerated evolution--belong to the unity of nature just as
much as do the times in which evolution takes place more slowly."[441]
"Order is the free equilibrium of all forces that operate upon the same
point; if any of these forces are interfered with in their operation by
a human will, they operate none the less, but their effects accumulate
till some day they break the artificial dam and provoke a
revolution."[442]
Kropotkin applies these general propositions to the social life of
men.[443] "A society is an aggregation of organisms trying to combine
the wants of the individual with those of co-operation for the welfare
of the species";[444] it is "a whole which serves toward the purpose of
attaining the largest possible amount of happiness at the least possible
expense of human force."[445] Now human societies evolve,[446] and one
may try to determine the direction of this evolution.[447] Societies
advance from lower to higher forms of organization;[448] but the goal of
this evolution--that is, the point towards which it directs
itself--consists in "establishing the best conditions for realizing the
greatest happiness of humanity."[449] What we call progress is the right
path to this goal;[450] humanity may for the time err from this path,
but will always be brought back to it at last.[451]
But not even here does evolution take place without revolutions. What is
true of a man's views, of the climate of a country, of the
characteristics of a species, is true also of societies: "they evolve
slowly, but there are also times of the quickest transformation."[452]
For circumstances of many kinds may oppose themselves to the effort of
human associations to attain to the greatest possible measure of
happiness.[453] "New thoughts germinate everywhere, try to get to the
light, try to get themselves applied in life; but they are kept back by
the inertia of those who have an interest in keeping up the old
conditions, they are stifled under long-established prejudices and
traditions."[454] "Political, economic, and social institutions fall in
ruins, and the building which has become uninhabitable hinders the
development of what is sprouting in its crevices and around it."[455]
Then there is need of "great events which rudely break the thread of
history and hurl mankind out of its ruts into new roads";[456] "the
Revolution becomes a peremptory necessity."[457]--"Man has recognized
his place in nature; he has recognized that his institutions are his
work and can be refashioned by him alone."[458] "What has not the
engineer's art dared, and what do not literature, painting, music, the
drama dare to-day?"[459] Thus must we also, where any institutions
hinder the progress of society, "dare the fight, to make a rich and
overflowing life possible to all."[460]
2. From the evolutionary law of the progress of mankind from a less
happy existence to the happiest existence possible Kropotkin derives the
commandment of justice and the commandment of energy.
In the struggle for existence human societies evolve toward a condition
in which there are given the best conditions for the attainment of the
greatest happiness of mankind.[461] When we describe anything as "good,"
we mean by this that it favors the attainment of the goal; that is, it
is beneficial to the society in which we live; and we call that "evil"
which in our opinion hinders the attainment of the goal, that is, is
harmful to the society we live in.[462]
Now, men's views as to what favors and what hinders the establishment of
the best conditions for the attainment of mankind's greatest happiness,
and hence as to what is beneficial or harmful to society, may certainly
change.[463] But one fundamental requisite for the attainment of the
goal will always have to be recognized as such, whatever the diversity
of opinions. It "may be summed up in the sentence 'Do to others as you
would have it done to you in the like case'."[464] But this sentence "is
nothing else than the principle of equality";[465] and equality, in
turn, "means the same as equity,"[466] "solidarity,"[467]
"justice."[468]
But there is indisputably yet another fundamental requisite for the
attainment of the goal. This is "something greater, finer, and mightier
than mere equality";[469] it may be expressed in the sentence "Be
strong; overflow with the passion of thought and action: so shall your
understanding, your love, your energy, pour itself into others."[470]
3.--LAW
I. _In mankind's progress from a less happy existence to an existence as
happy as possible, one of the next steps, according to Kropotkin, will
be the disappearance--not indeed of law, but--of enacted law._
1. Enacted law has become a hindrance to mankind's progress toward an
existence as happy as possible.
"For thousands of years those who govern have been repeating again and
again, 'Respect the law!'";[471] "in the States of to-day a new law is
regarded as the cure for all evils."[472] But "the law has no claim to
men's respect."[473] "It is an adroit mixture of such customs as are
beneficial to society, and would be observed even without a law, with
others which are to the advantage only of a ruling minority, but are
harmful to the masses and can be upheld only by terror."[474] "The law,
which first made its appearance as a collection of customs which serve
for the maintenance of society, is now merely an instrument to keep up
the exploitation and domination of the industrious masses by wealthy
idlers. It has now no longer any civilizing mission; its only mission is
to protect exploitation."[475] "It puts rigid immobility in the place of
progressive development,"[476] "it seeks to confirm permanently the
customs that are advantageous to the ruling minority."[477]
"If one looks over the millions of laws which mankind obeys, one can
distinguish three great classes: protection of property, protection of
government, protection of persons. But in examining these three classes
one comes in every case to the necessary conclusion that the law is
valueless and harmful. What the protection of property is worth, the
Socialists know only too well. The laws about property do not exist to
secure to individuals or to society the product of their labor. On the
contrary, they exist to rob the producer of a part of his product, and
to protect a few in the enjoyment of what they have stolen from the
producer or from the whole of society."[478] And as regards the laws for
the protection of government, "we know well that all governments,
without exception, have it for their mission to uphold by force the
privileges of the propertied classes--the nobility, the clergy, and the
_bourgeoisie_. A man has only to examine all these laws, only to observe
their every-day working, and he will be convinced that not one is worth
keeping."[479] Equally "superfluous and harmful, finally, are the laws
for the protection of persons, for the punishment and prevention of
'crimes'. The fear of punishment never yet restrained a murderer. He who
would kill his neighbor, for revenge or for necessity, does not beat his
brains about the consequences; and every murderer hitherto has had the
firm conviction that he would escape prosecution. If murder were
declared not punishable, the number of murders would not increase even
by one; rather it would decrease to the extent that murders are at
present committed by habitual criminals who have been corrupted in
prison."[480]
2. The stage of evolution to which enacted law belongs will soon be left
behind by man.
"The law is a comparatively young formation. Mankind lived for ages
without any written law. At that time the relations of men to each other
were regulated by mere habits, by customs and usages, which age made
venerable, and which every one learned from his childhood in the same
way as he learned hunting, cattle-raising, or agriculture."[481] "But
when society came to be more and more split into two hostile classes, of
which the one wanted to rule and the other to escape from rule, the
victor of the moment sought to give permanence to the accomplished fact
and to hallow it by all that was venerable to the defeated. Consecrated
by the priest and protected by the strong hand of the warrior, law
appeared."[482]
But its days are already numbered. "Everywhere we find insurgents who
will no longer obey the law till they know where it comes from, what it
is good for, by what right it demands obedience, and for what reason it
is held in honor. They bring under their criticism everything that has
until now been respected as the foundation of society, but first and
foremost the fetish, law."[483] The moment of its disappearance, for the
hastening of which we must fight,[484] is close at hand,[485] perhaps
even at the end of the nineteenth century.[486]
II. _In the next stage of evolution, which, as has been shown, mankind
must soon reach, there will indeed be no enacted law, but there will be
law even there._ "The laws will be totally abrogated;"[487] "unwritten
customs,"[488] "'customary law,' as jurists say,"[489] will "suffice to
maintain a good understanding."[490] These norms of the next stage of
evolution will be based on a general will;[491] and conformity to them
will be adequately assured "by the necessity, which every one feels, of
finding co-operation, support, and sympathy"[492] and by the fear of
expulsion from the fellowship,[493] but also, if necessary, by the
intervention of the individual citizen[494] or of the masses;[495] they
will therefore be legal norms.
Of legal norms of the next stage of evolution Kropotkin mentions in the
first place this,--that contracts must be lived up to.[496]
Furthermore, according to Kropotkin there will obtain in the next stage
of evolution a legal norm by virtue of which not only the means of
production, but all things, are common property.[497]
An additional legal norm in the next stage of evolution will, according
to Kropotkin, be that by virtue of which "every one who co-operates in
production to a certain extent has, for one thing, the right to live;
for another, the right to live comfortably."[498]
4.--THE STATE
I. _According to Kropotkin, in mankind's progress from a less happy
existence to an existence as happy as possible the State will shortly
disappear._
1. The State has become a hindrance to mankind's evolution toward a
happiness as great as possible.
"What does this monstrous engine serve for, that we call 'State'? For
preventing the exploitation of the laborer by the capitalist, of the
peasant by the landlord? or for assuring us of work? for providing us
food when the mother has nothing but water left for her child? No, a
thousand times no."[499] But instead of this the State "meddles in all
our affairs, pinions us from cradle to grave. It prescribes all our
actions, it piles up mountains of laws and ordinances that bewilder the
shrewdest lawyer. It creates an army of office-holders who sit like
spiders in their webs and have never seen the world except through the
dingy panes of their office-window. The immense and ever-increasing sums
that the State collects from the people are never sufficient: it lives
at the expense of future generations, and steers with all its might
toward bankruptcy. 'State' is tantamount to 'war'; one State seeks to
weaken and ruin another in order to force upon the latter its law, its
policy, its commercial treaties, and to enrich itself at its expense;
war is to-day the usual condition in Europe, there is a thirty years'
supply of causes of war on hand. And civil war rages at the same time
with foreign war; the State, which was originally to be a protection for
all and especially for the weak, has to-day become a weapon of the rich
against the exploited, of the propertied against the propertyless."[500]
In these respects there is no distinction to be made between the
different forms of the State. "Toward the end of the last century the
French people overthrew the monarchy, and the last absolute king
expiated on the scaffold his own crimes and those of his
predecessors."[501] "Later all the countries of the Continent went
through the same evolution: they overthrew their absolute monarchies and
flung themselves into the arms of parliamentarism."[502] "Now it is
being perceived that parliamentarism, which was entered upon with such
great hopes, has everywhere become a tool for intrigue and personal
enrichment, for efforts hostile to the people and to evolution."[503]
"Precisely like any despot, the body of representatives of the
people--be it called Parliament, Convention, or anything else; be it
appointed by the prefects of a Bonaparte or elected with all conceivable
freedom by an insurgent city--will always try to enlarge its competence,
to strengthen its power by all sorts of meddling, and to displace the
activity of the individual and the group by the law."[504] "It was only
a forty years' movement, which occasionally even set fire to
grain-fields, that could bring the English Parliament to secure to the
tenant the value of the improvements made by him. But if it is a
question of protecting the capitalist's interest, threatened by a
disturbance or even by agitation,--ah, then every representative of the
people is on hand, then it acts with more recklessness and cowardice
than any despot. The six-hundred-headed beast without a name has outdone
Louis IX and Ivan IV."[505] "Parliamentarism is nauseating to any one
who has seen it near at hand."[506]
"The dominion of men, which calls itself 'government,' is incompatible
with a morality founded on solidarity."[507] This is best shown by "the
so-called civil rights, whose value and importance the _bourgeois_ press
is daily praising to us in every key."[508] "Are they made for those who
alone need them? Certainly not. Universal suffrage may under some
circumstances afford to the _bourgeoisie_ a certain protection against
encroachments by the central authority, it may establish a balance
between two authorities without its being necessary for the rivals to
draw the knife on each other as formerly; but it is valueless when the
object is to overthrow authority or even to set bounds to it. For the
rulers it is an excellent means of deciding their disputes; but of what
use is it to the ruled? Just so with the freedom of the press. To the
mind of the _bourgeoisie_, what is the best thing that has been alleged
in its favor? Its impotence. 'Look at England, Switzerland, the United
States,' they say. 'There the press is free and yet the dominion of
capital is more assured than in any other country.' Just so they think
about the right of association. 'Why should we not grant full right of
association?' says the _bourgeoisie_. 'It will not impair our
privileges. What we have to fear is secret societies; public unions are
the best means to cripple them.' 'The inviolability of the home? Yes,
this we must proclaim aloud, this we must inscribe in the
statute-books,' say the sly _bourgeois_, 'the police certainly must not
be looking into our pots and kettles. If things go wrong some day, we
will snap our fingers at a man's right to his own house, rummage
everything, and, if necessary, arrest people in their beds.' 'The
secrecy of letters? Yes, just proclaim its inviolability aloud
everywhere, our little privacies certainly must not come to the light.
If we scent a plot against our privileges, we shall not stand much on
ceremony. And if anybody objects, we shall say what an English minister
lately said among the applause of Parliament: "Yes, gentlemen, it is
with a heavy heart and with the deepest reluctance that we are having
letters opened, but the country (that is, the aristocracy and
_bourgeoisie_) is in danger!"' That is what political rights are.
Freedom of the press and freedom of association, the inviolability of
the home, and all the rest, are respected only so long as the people
make no use of them against the privileged classes. But on the day when
the people begin to use them for the undermining of privileges all these
'rights' are thrown overboard."[509]
2. The stage of evolution to which the State belongs will soon be left
behind by man. The State is doomed.[510]
It is "of a relatively modern origin."[511] "The State is a historic
formation which, in the life of all nations, has at a certain time
gradually taken the place of free associations. Church, law, military
power, and wealth acquired by plunder, have for centuries made common
cause, have in slow labor piled stone on stone, encroachment on
encroachment, and thus created the monstrous institution which has
finally fixed itself in every corner of social life--nay, in the brains
and hearts of men--and which we call the State."[512]
It has now begun to decompose. "The peoples--especially those of the
Latin races--are bent on destroying its authority, which merely hampers
their free development; they want the independence of provinces,
communes, and groups of laborers; they want not to submit to any
dominion, but to league themselves together freely."[513] "The
dissolution of the States is advancing at frightful speed. They have
become decrepit graybeards, with wrinkled skins and tottering feet,
gnawed by internal diseases and without understanding for the new
thoughts; they are squandering the little strength that they still had
left, living at the expense of their numbered years, and hastening their
end by falling foul of each other like old women."[514] The moment of
the State's disappearance is therefore close at hand.[515] Kropotkin
says now that it will come in a few years,[516] now that it will come at
the end of the nineteenth century.[517]
II. _In the next stage of evolution, which, as has been shown, mankind
must soon reach, the place of the State will be taken by a social human
life on the basis of the legal norm that contracts must be lived up to._
Anarchism is the "inevitable"[518] "next phase,"[519] "higher
form,"[520] of society.
1. Even after the State is done away men will live together socially;
but they will no longer be held together in society by a governmental
authority, but by the legally binding force of contract. "Free expansion
of individuals into groups and of groups into associations, free
organization from the simple to the complex as need and inclination are
felt,"[521] will be the future form of society.
We can at present perceive a growing Anarchistic movement; that is, "a
movement towards limiting more and more the sphere of action of
government. After having tried all kinds of government, humanity is
trying now to free itself from the bonds of any government whatever, and
to respond to its needs of organization by the free understanding
between individuals prosecuting the same common aims."[522] "Free
associations are beginning to take to themselves the entire field of
human activity."[523] "The large organizations resulting merely and
simply from free agreement have grown recently. The railway net of
Europe--a confederation of so many scores of separate societies--is an
instance; the Dutch _Beurden_, or associations of ship and boat owners,
are extending now their organizations over the rivers of Germany, and
even to the shipping trade of the Baltic; the numberless amalgamated
manufacturers' associations, and the _syndicats_ of France, are so many
instances in point. But there also is no lack of free organizations for
nobler pursuits: the Lifeboat Association, the Hospitals Association,
and hundreds of like organizations. One of the most remarkable societies
which has[524] recently arisen is the Red Cross Society. To slaughter
men on the battle-fields, that remains the duty of the State; but these
very States recognize their inability to take care of their own wounded;
they abandon the task, to a great extent, to private initiative."[525]
"These endeavors will attain to free play, will find a new and vast
field for their application, and will form the foundation of the future
society."[526]
"The agreement between the hundreds of companies to which the European
railroads belong has been entered into directly, without the meddling of
any central authority that prescribed laws to the several companies. It
has been kept up by conventions at which delegates met to consult
together and then to lay before their principals plans, not laws. This
is a new procedure, utterly different from any government whether
monarchical or republican, absolute or constitutional. It is an
innovation which at first makes its way into European manners only by
hesitating steps, but to which the future belongs."[527]
2. "To rack our brains to-day about the details of the form which public
life shall take in the future society, would be silly. Yet we must come
to an agreement now about the main outlines."[528] "We must not forget
that perhaps in a year or two we shall be called on to decide all
questions of the organization of society."[529]
Communes will continue to exist; but "these communes are not
agglomerations of men in a territory, and know neither walls nor
boundaries; the commune is a clustering of like-minded persons, not a
closed integer. The various groups in one commune will feel themselves
drawn to similar groups in other communes; they will unite themselves
with these as firmly as with their fellow-citizens; and thus there will
come about communities of interest whose members are scattered over a
thousand cities and villages."[530]
Men will join themselves together by "contracts"[531] to form such
communes. They will "take upon themselves duties to society,"[532] which
on its part engages to do certain things for them.[533] It will not be
necessary to compel the fulfilment of these contracts,[534] there will
be no need of penalties and judges.[535] Fulfilment will be sufficiently
assured by "the necessity, which every one feels, of finding
co-operation, support, and sympathy among his neighbors;"[536] he who
does not live up to his obligations can of course be expelled from
fellowship.[537]
In the commune every one will "do what is necessary himself, without
waiting for a government's orders."[538] "The commune will not first
destroy the State and then set it up again."[539] "People will see that
they are freest and happiest when they have no plenipotentiary agents
and depend as little on the wisdom of representatives as on that of
Providence."[540] Nor will there be prisons or other penal
institutions;[541] "for the few anti-social acts that may still take
place the best remedy will consist in loving treatment, moral influence,
and liberty."[542]
The communes on their part will join themselves together by
contracts[543] quite in the same way as do the members of the individual
communes. "The commune will recognize nothing above it except the
interests of the league that it has of its own accord made with other
communes."[544] "Owing to the multiplicity of our needs, a single league
will soon not be enough; the commune will feel the necessity of entering
into other connections also, joining this or that other league. For the
purpose of obtaining food it is already a member of one group; now it
must join a second in order to obtain other objects that it
needs,--metal, for instance,--and then a third and fourth too, that will
supply it with cloth and works of art. If one takes up an economic atlas
of any country, one sees that there are no economic boundaries: the
areas of production and exchange for the different objects are blended,
interlaced, superimposed. Thus the combinations of the communes also, if
they followed their natural development, would soon intertwine in the
same way and form an infinitely denser network and a far more consummate
'unity' than the States, whose individual parts, after all, only lie
side by side like the rods around the lictor's axe."[545]
3. The future society will be able easily to accomplish the tasks that
the State accomplishes at present.
"Suppose there is need of a street. Well, then let the inhabitants of
the neighboring communes come to an understanding about it, and they
will do their business better than the Minister of Public Works would do
it. Or a railroad is needed. Here too the communes that are concerned
will produce something very different from the work of the promoters who
only build bad pieces of track and make millions by it. Or schools are
required. People can fit them up for themselves at least as well as the
gentlemen at Paris. Or the enemy invades the country. Then we defend
ourselves instead of relying on generals who would merely betray us. Or
the farmer must have tools and machines. Then he comes to an
understanding with the city workingmen, these supply him with them at
cost in return for his products, and the middleman, who now robs both
the farmer and the workingman, is superfluous."[546] "Or there comes up
a little dispute, or a stronger man tries to push down a weaker. In the
first case the people will know enough to create a court of arbitration,
and in the second every citizen will regard it as his duty to interfere
himself and not wait for the police; there will be as little need of
constables as of judges and turnkeys."[547]
5.--PROPERTY
I. _According to Kropotkin, the progress of mankind from a less happy
existence to an existence as happy as possible will shortly bring us to
the disappearance not indeed of property, but of its present form,
private property._
1. Private property has become a hindrance to the evolution of mankind
toward a happiness as great as possible.
What are the effects of private property to-day? "The crisis, which was
formerly acute, has become chronic; the crisis in the cotton trade, the
crisis in the production of metals, the crisis in watchmaking, all the
crises, rage concurrently now and do not come to an end. The unemployed
in Europe to-day are estimated at several million; those who beg their
way from city to city, or gather in mobs to demand 'work or bread' with
threats, are estimated at tens of thousands. Great branches of industry
are destroyed; great cities, like Sheffield, forsaken. Everything is at
a standstill, want and misery prevail everywhere: the children are pale,
the wife has grown five years older in one winter, disease and death are
rife among the workingmen--and people talk of over-production!"[548] One
might reply that in peasant ownership of land, at least, private
property has good effects.[549] "But the golden age is over for the
small farmer. To-day he hardly knows how to make both ends meet. He gets
into debt, becomes a victim of the cattle-dealer, the real-estate
jobber, the usurer; notes and mortgages ruin whole villages, even more
than the frightful taxes imposed by State and commune. Small
proprietorship is in a desperate condition; and even if the small farmer
is still owner in name, he is in fact nothing more than a tenant paying
rent to money-dealers and usurers."[550]
But private property has still more sweeping indirect effects. "So long
as we have a caste of idlers who have us feed them under the pretext
that they must lead us, so long these idlers will always be a focus of
pestilence to general morality. He who lives his life in dull laziness,
who is always bent merely on getting new pleasures, who by the very
basis of his existence can know no solidarity, and who by his course of
life cultivates the vilest self-seeking,--he will always pursue the
coarsest sensual pleasures and debase everything around him. With his
bag full of dollars and his bestial impulses he will go and dishonor
women and children, degrade art, the drama, the press, sell his country
and its defenders, and, because he is too cowardly to murder with his
own hands, will have his proxies murder the choicest of his nation when,
some day, he is afraid for his darling money-bag."[551] "Year by year
thousands of children grow up in the physical and moral filth of our
great cities, among a population corrupted by the struggle for daily
bread, and at the same time they daily see the immorality, idleness,
prodigality, and ostentation of which these same cities are full."[552]
"Thus society is incessantly bringing forth beings who are incapable of
an honorable and industrious life, and who are full of anti-social
feelings. It does homage to them when success crowns their crimes, and
sends them to the penitentiary when they are unlucky."[553]
Private property offends against justice. "The labor of all has produced
the entire accumulated mass of wealth, that of the present generation as
well as that of all that went before. The house in which we happen to be
together has value only by its being in Paris, this glorious city in
which the labor of twenty generations is piled layer upon layer. If it
were removed to the snow-fields of Siberia, it would be worth
substantially nothing. This machine, invented and patented by you, has
in it the labor of five or six generations; it has a value only as a
part of the vast whole that we call nineteenth-century industry. Take
your lace-making machine to the Papuans in New Guinea, and it is
valueless."[554] "Science and industry; theory and practice; the
invention and the putting the invention in operation, which leads to new
inventions again; head work and hand work,--all is connected. Every
discovery, every progress, every increase in our wealth, has its origin
in the total bodily and mental activity of the past and present. Then by
what right can any one appropriate to himself the smallest fraction of
this vast total and say 'this belongs to me and not to you'?"[555]--But
this unjust appropriation of what belongs to all has nevertheless taken
place. "Among the changes of time a few have taken possession of all
that is made possible to man by the production of goods and the increase
of his productive power. To-day the land, though it owes its value to
the needs of a ceaselessly increasing population, belongs to a minority
which can hinder the people from cultivating it, and which does so--or
at least does not permit the people to cultivate it in a manner
accordant with modern needs. The mines, which represent the toil of
centuries, and whose value is based solely on the needs of industry and
the necessities of population, belong likewise to a few, and these few
limit the mining of coal, or entirely forbid it when they find a better
investment for their money. The machines, too, are the property of a
handful of men; and, even if a machine has indubitably been brought to
its present perfection by three generations of workers, it nevertheless
belongs to a few givers of work. The roads, which would be scrap-iron
but for Europe's dense population, industry, trade, and travel, are in
the possession of a few shareholders who perhaps do not even know the
location of the lines from which they draw princely incomes."[556]
2. Mankind will soon have passed the stage of evolution to which private
property belongs. Private property is doomed.[557]
Private property is a historic formation: it "has developed
parasitically amidst the free institutions of our earliest
ancestors,"[558] and this in the closest connection with the State. "The
political constitution of a society is always the expression, and at the
same time the consecration, of its economic constitution."[559] "The
origin of the State, and its reason for existence, lie in the fact that
it interferes in favor of the propertied and to the disadvantage of the
propertyless."[560] "The omnipotence of the State constitutes the
foundation of the strength of the _bourgeoisie_."[561]
But private property is already on the way to dissolution. "The economic
chaos can last no longer. The people are tired of the crises which the
greed of the ruling classes provokes. They want to work and live, not
first drudge a few years for scanty wages and then become for many years
victims of want and objects of charity. The workingman sees the
incapacity of the ruling classes: he sees how unable they are either to
understand his efforts or to manage the production and exchange of
goods."[562] Hence "one of the leading features of our century is the
growth of Socialism and the rapid spreading of Socialist views among the
working classes."[563] The moment when private property is to disappear
is near, therefore: be it in a few years,[564] be it at the end of the
nineteenth century,[565] in any case it will come soon.[566]
II. _In mankind's next stage of evolution, which, as has been shown,
must soon be attained, property will take such form that only property
of society shall exist._ The "next phase of evolution,"[567] "higher
form of social organization,"[568] will "inevitably"[569] be not only
Anarchism, but "Anarchistic Communism."[570] "The tendencies towards
economical and political freedom are two different manifestations of the
very same need of equality which constitutes the very essence of all
struggles mentioned by history";[571] "these two powerful currents of
thought characterize our century."[572]
In this way a comfortable life will be guaranteed to every person who
co-operates in production to a certain extent.
1. Mankind's next stage of evolution will no longer know any but the
property of society.
"In our century the Communist tendency is continually reasserting
itself. The penny bridge disappears before the public bridge; and the
turnpike road before the free road. The same spirit pervades thousands
of other institutions. Museums, free libraries, and free public schools;
parks and pleasure grounds; paved and lighted streets, free for
everybody's use; water supplied to private dwellings, with a growing
tendency towards disregarding the exact amount of it used by the
individual; tramways and railways which have already begun to introduce
the season ticket or the uniform tax, and will surely go much further on
this line when they are no longer private property: all these are tokens
showing in what direction further progress is to be expected."[573]
So will the future society be Communistic. "The first act of the
nineteenth-century commune will consist in laying hands on the entire
capital accumulated in its bosom."[574] This applies "to the materials
for consumption as well as to those for production."[575] "People have
tried to make a distinction between the capital that serves for the
production of goods and that which satisfies the wants of life, and have
said that machines, factories, raw materials, the means of
transportation, and the land are destined to become the property of the
community; while dwellings, finished products, clothing, and provisions
will remain private property. This distinction is erroneous and
impracticable. The house that shelters us, the coal and gas that we
burn, the nutriment that our body burns up, the clothing that covers us,
and the book from which we draw instruction, are all essential to our
existence and are just as necessary for successful production and for
the further development of mankind as are machines, factories, raw
materials, and other factors of production. With private property in the
former goods, there would still remain inequality, oppression, and
exploitation; a half-way abolition of private property would have its
effectiveness crippled in advance."[576]
There is no fear that the Communistic communes will isolate
themselves.[577] "If to-day a great city transforms itself into a
Communistic commune, and introduces community of the materials for both
work and enjoyment, then in a very few days, if it is not shut in by
hostile armies, trains of wagons will appear in its markets, and raw
materials will arrive from distant ports; and the city's industrial
products, when once the wants of the population are satisfied, will go
to the ends of the earth seeking purchasers; throngs of strangers will
stream in from near and far, and will afterward tell at home of the
marvelous life of the free city where everybody works, where there are
neither poor nor oppressed, where every one enjoys the fruit of his
toil, and no one interferes with another's doing so."[578]
2. The Communism of the future society will "not be the Communism of the
convent or the barrack, such as was formerly preached, but a free
Communism which puts the joint products at the disposal of all while
leaving to every one the liberty of using them at home."[579] To get an
entirely clear idea of every detail of it, indeed, is not as yet
possible; "nevertheless we must come to an agreement about the
fundamental features at least."[580]
What form will production take?
That must first be produced which is requisite "for the satisfaction of
man's most urgent wants."[581] For this it suffices "that all adults,
with the exception of those women who are occupied with the education of
children, engage to do five hours a day, from the age of twenty or
twenty-two to the age of forty-five or fifty, of any one (at their
option) of the labors that are regarded as necessary."[582] "For
instance, a society would enter into the following contract with each of
its members: 'We will guarantee to you the enjoyment of our houses,
stores of goods, streets, conveyances, schools, museums, etc., on
condition that from your twentieth year to your forty-fifth or fiftieth
you apply five hours every day to one of the labors necessary to life.
Every moment you will have your choice of the groups you will join, or
you may found a new one provided that it proposes to do necessary
service. For the rest of your time you may associate yourself with whom
you like for the purpose of scientific or artistic recreation at your
pleasure. We ask of you, therefore, nothing but twelve or fifteen
hundred hours' work annually in one of the groups which produce food,
clothing, and shelter, or which care for health, transportation, etc.;
and in return we insure to you all that these groups produce or have
produced'."[583]
There will be time enough, therefore, to produce what is requisite for
the satisfaction of less urgent wants. "When one has done in the field
or the factory the work that he is under obligation to do for society,
he can devote the other half of his day, his week, or his year, to the
satisfaction of artistic or scientific wants."[584] "The lover of music
who wishes a piano will enter the association of instrument-makers; he
will devote part of his half-days, and will soon possess the longed-for
piano. Or the enthusiast in astronomy will join the astronomers'
association with its philosophers, observers, calculators, and
opticians, its scholars and amateurs; and he will obtain the telescope
he wishes, if only he dedicates some work to the common cause--for there
is a deal of rough work necessary for an observatory, masons' work,
carpenters' work, founders' work, machinists' work--the final polish, to
be sure, can be given to the instrument of precision by none but the
artist. In a word, the five to seven hours that every one has left,
after he has first devoted some hours to the production of the
necessary, are quite sufficient to render possible for him every kind of
luxury."[585]
"The separation of agriculture from manufactures will pass away. The
factory workmen will be at the same time field workmen."[586] "As an
eminently periodic industry, which at certain times (and even more in
the making of improvements than in harvest) needs a large additional
force, agriculture will form the link between village and city."[587]
And "the separation of mental from bodily labor will come to an
end"[588] too. "Poets and scientists will no longer find poor devils
who will sell their energies to them for a plate of soup; they will have
to get together and print their writings themselves. Then the authors,
and their admirers of both sexes, will soon acquire the art of handling
the type-case and composing-stick; they will learn the pleasure of
producing jointly, with their own hands, a work that they value."[589]
"Every labor will be agreeable."[590] "If there is still work which is
really disagreeable in itself, it is only because our scientific men
have never cared to consider the means of rendering it less so: they
have always known that there were plenty of starving men who would do it
for a few pence a day."[591] "Factories, smelters, mines, can be as
sanitary and as splendid as the best laboratories of our universities;
and the more perfectly they are fitted up the more they will
produce."[592] And the product of such labor will be "infinitely better,
and considerably greater, than the mass of goods hitherto produced under
the goad of slavery, serfdom, and wage-slavery."[593]
How will distribution take place?
Every one who contributes his part to production will also have his
share in the product. But it must not be assumed that this share in the
product will correspond to that share in the production. "Each according
to his powers; to each according to his wants."[594] "Need will be put
above service; it will be recognized that every one who co-operates in
production to a certain extent has in the first place the right to
live, and in the second place the right to live comfortably."[595]
"Every one, no matter how strong or weak, how competent or incompetent
he may be, will have the right to live,"[596] and "to have a comfortable
life; he will furthermore have the right to decide for himself what
belongs to a comfortable life."[597]
Society's stock of goods will quite permit this. "If one considers on
the one hand the rapidity with which the productive power of civilized
nations is increasing, and on the other hand the limits that are
directly or indirectly set to its production by present conditions, one
comes to the conclusion that even a moderately sensible economic
constitution would permit the civilized nations to heap up in a few
years so many useful things that we should have to cry out 'Enough!
enough coal! enough bread! enough clothes! Let us rest, take recreation,
put our strength to a better use, spend our time in a better way!'"[598]
However, what if the stock should in fact not suffice for all wants?
"The solution is--free taking of everything that exists in superfluity,
and rations of that in which there is a possibility of dearth: rations
according to needs, with preference to children, the aged, and the weak
in general. That is what is done even now in the country. What commune
thinks of limiting the use of the meadows so long as there are enough of
them? what commune, so long as there are chestnuts and brushwood enough,
hinders those who belong to it from taking as much as they please? And
what does the peasant introduce when there is a prospect that firewood
will give out? Rationing."[599]
6.--REALIZATION
_The change that is promptly to be expected in the course of mankind's
progress from a less happy existence to an existence as happy as
possible,--the disappearance of the State, the transformation of law and
property, and the appearance of the new condition,--will be
accomplished, according to Kropotkin, by a social revolution; that is,
by a violent subversion of the old order, which will come to pass of
itself, but for which it is the function of those who foresee the course
of evolution to prepare men's minds._
I. We know that we shall not reach the future condition "without intense
perturbations."[600] "That justice may be victorious, and the new
thoughts become reality, there is need of a frightful storm to sweep
away all this rottenness, to vivify torpid souls with its breath, and to
restore self-sacrifice, self-denial, and heroism to our senile,
decrepit, crumbling society."[601] There is need of "social revolution:
that is, the people's taking possession of society's total stock of
goods, and the abolition of all authorities."[602] "The social
revolution is at the door,"[603] "it stands before us at the end of this
century,"[604] "it will be here in a few years."[605] It is "the task
which history sets for us,"[606] but "whether we will or not, it will
be accomplished independently of our will."[607]
1. "The social revolution will be no uprising of a few days: we shall
have to go through a period of three, four, or five years of revolution,
till the transformation of the social and economic situation is
completed."[608] "During this time what we have sown to-day will be
coming up and bearing fruit; and he who now is yet indifferent will
become a convinced adherent of the new doctrine."[609] Nor will the
social revolution be limited to a narrow area. "We must not assume, to
be sure, that it will break out in all Europe at once."[610] "Germany is
nearer the revolution than people think";[611] "but whether it start
from France, Germany, Spain, or Russia, it will anyhow be a European
revolution in the end. It will spread as rapidly as that of our
predecessors the heroes of 1848, and set Europe afire."[612]
2. The first act of the social revolution will be a work of
destruction.[613] "The impulse to destruction, which is so natural and
justifiable because it is at the same time an impulse to renovation,
will find its full satisfaction. How much old trash there is to clear
away! Does not everything have to be transformed, the houses, the
cities, the businesses of manufacturing and farming,--in short, all the
arrangements of society?"[614] "Everything that it is necessary to
abolish should be destroyed without delay: the penitentiaries and
prisons, the forts that threaten cities, the slums whose disease-laden
air people have breathed so long."[615]
Yet the social revolution will not be a reign of terror. "Naturally the
fight will demand victims. One can understand how it was that the people
of Paris, before they hurried to the frontiers, killed the aristocrats
in the prisons, who had planned with the enemy for the annihilation of
the revolution. He who would blame the people for this should be asked,
'Have you suffered with them and like them? if not, blush and be
still.'"[616] But yet the people will never, like the kings and czars,
exalt terror into a system. "They have sympathy for the victims; they
are too good-hearted not to feel a speedy repugnance at cruelty. The
public prosecutor, the corpse-cart, the guillotine, speedily become
repulsive. After a little while it is recognized that such a reign of
terror is merely preparing the way for a dictatorship, and the
guillotine is abolished."[617]
The government will be overthrown first. "There is no need of fearing
its strength. Governments only seem terrible; the first collision with
the insurgent people lays them prostrate; many have collapsed in a few
hours before now."[618] "The people rise, and the State machine is
already at a standstill; the officials are in confusion and know not
what to do; the army has lost confidence in its leaders."[619]
But it cannot stop with this. "On the day when the people has swept away
the governments, it will also, without waiting for any directions from
above, abolish private property by forcible expropriation."[620] "The
peasants will drive out the great landlords and declare their estates
common property; they will annul the mortgages and proclaim general
release from debt";[621] and in the cities "the people will seize on the
entire wealth accumulated there, turn out the factory-owners, and
undertake the management themselves."[622] "The expropriation will be
general; nothing but an expropriation of the broadest kind can initiate
the re-shaping of society--expropriation on a small scale would appear
like ordinary plunder."[623] It will extend not only to the materials of
production, but also to those of consumption: "the first thing that the
people do after the overthrow of the governments will be to provide
itself with sanitary dwellings and with sufficient food and
clothing."[624]--Yet expropriation will "have its limits."[625] "Suppose
by pinching, a poor devil has got himself a house that will hold him and
his family. Will he be thrown on the street? Certainly not! If the house
is just big enough for him and his family, he shall keep it, and he
shall also continue to work the garden under his window. Our young men
will even lend him a hand in case of need. But, if he has rented a room
to somebody else, the people will say to this one, 'You know, friend,
don't you, that you no longer owe the old fellow anything? Keep your
room gratis; you need no longer fear the officer of the court, we have
the new society!"[626] "Expropriation will extend just to that which
makes it possible for any one to exploit another's labor."[627]
3. "The work of destruction will be followed by a work of
re-shaping."[628]
Most people conceive of revolution as with "a 'revolutionary
government'"[629]--this in two ways. Some understand by this an elective
government. "It is proposed to summon the people to elections, to elect
a government as quickly as possible, and entrust to it the work which
each of us ought to be doing of his own accord."[630] "But any
government which an insurgent people attains by elections must
necessarily be a leaden weight on its feet, especially in so immense an
economic, political, and moral reorganization as the social
revolution."[631] This is perceived by others; "therefore they give up
the thought of a 'legal' government, at least for the time of
insurrection against all laws, and preach the 'revolutionary
dictatorship.' 'The party which has overthrown the government,' say
they, 'will forcibly put itself in the government's place. It will seize
the authority and adopt a revolutionary procedure. For every one who
does not recognize it--the guillotine; for every one who refuses
obedience to it--the guillotine likewise.' So talk the little
Robespierres. But we Anarchists know that this thought is nothing but an
unwholesome fruit of government fetishism, and that any dictatorship,
even the best disposed, is the death of the revolution."[632]
"We will do what is needful ourselves, without waiting for the orders
of a government."[633] "If the dissolution of the State is once started,
if once the oppression-machine begins to give out, free associations
will be formed quite automatically. Just remember the voluntary
combinations of the armed _bourgeoisie_ during the great Revolution.
Remember the societies which were voluntarily formed in Spain, and which
defended the independence of the country, when the State was shaken to
its foundations by Napoleon's armies. As soon as the State no longer
compels any co-operation, natural wants bring about a voluntary
co-operation quite automatically. If the State be but overthrown, free
society will rise up at once on its ruins."[634]
"The reorganization of production will not be possible in a few
days,"[635] especially as the revolution will presumably not break out
in all Europe at a time.[636] The people will consequently have to take
temporary measures to assure themselves, first of all, of food,
clothing, and shelter. First the populace of the insurgent cities will
take possession of the dealers' stocks of food, and of the grain
warehouses and the slaughter-houses. Volunteers make an inventory of the
provisions found, and distribute printed tabular statements by the
million. Henceforth free taking of all that is present in abundance;
rations of what has to be measured out, with preference to the sick and
the weak; a supply for deficiencies by importation from the country
(which will come in plenty if we produce things that the farmer needs
and put them at his disposal) and also by the inhabitants of the city
entering upon the cultivation of the royal parks and meadows in the
vicinity.[637] The people will take possession of the dwelling-houses in
like manner. Again volunteers make lists of the available dwellings and
distribute them. People come together by streets, quarters, districts,
and agree about the allotment of the dwellings. But the evils that will
at first still have to be borne are soon to be done away: the artisans
of the building trades need only work a few hours a day, and soon the
over-spacious dwellings that were on hand will be sensibly altered, and
model houses, entirely new, will be built.[638] The same procedure will
be followed with regard to clothing. The people take possession of the
great clothiers' establishments, and volunteers list the stocks. People
take freely what is on hand in abundance, in rations what is limited in
quantity. What is lacking is supplied in the shortest of time by the
factories with their perfected machines.[639]
II. "To prepare men's minds"[640] for the approaching revolution is the
task of those who foresee the course of evolution. This is especially
"the task of the secret societies and revolutionary organizations."[641]
It is the task of "the Anarchist party."[642] The Anarchists "are to-day
as yet a minority, but their number is daily growing, will grow more and
more, and will on the eve of the revolution become a majority."[643]
"What a dismal sight France presented a few years before the great
Revolution, and how weak was the minority of those who thought of the
abolition of royalty and feudalism; but what a change three or four
years later! the minority had begun the revolution and had carried the
masses with it."[644]--But how are men's minds to be prepared for the
revolution?
1. First and foremost, the aim of the revolution is to be made generally
known. "It is to be proclaimed by word and deed till it is thoroughly
popularized, so that on the day of the rising it is in everybody's
mouth. This task is greater and more serious than is generally assumed;
for, if some few do have the aim clearly before their eyes, it is quite
otherwise with the masses, constantly worked upon as they are by the
_bourgeois_ press."[645]
But this does not suffice. "The spirit of insurrection must be aroused;
the sense of independence and the wild boldness without which no
revolution comes about must awake."[646] "Between the peaceable
discussion of evils and tumult, insurrection, lies a chasm--the same
chasm that in the greater part of mankind separates reflection from act,
thought from will."[647]
2. The way to obtain these two results is "action--constant, incessant
action by minorities. Courage, devotion, self-sacrifice are as
contagious as cowardice, servility, and apprehension."[648]
"What forms is the propaganda to take? Every form that is prescribed by
the situation, by opportunity, and propensity. It may be now serious,
now jocular; but it must always be bold. It must never leave a means
unused, never leave a fact of public life unobserved, to keep minds
alert, to give aliment and expression to discontent, to stir hate
against exploiters, to make the government ridiculous, and to
demonstrate its impotence. But above all, to arouse boldness and the
spirit of insurrection, it must continually preach by example."[649]
"Men of courage, willing not only to speak but to act; pure characters
who prefer prison, exile, and death to a life that contradicts their
principles; bold natures who know that in order to win one must
dare,--these are the advance-guard who open the fight long before the
masses are ripe to lift the banner of insurrection openly and to seek
their rights arms in hand. In the midst of the complaining, talking,
discussing, comes a mutinous deed by one or more persons, which
incarnates the longings of all."[650]
"Perhaps at first the masses remain indifferent and believe the wise
ones who regard the act as 'crazy', but soon they are privately
applauding the crazy and imitating them. While the first of them are
filling the penitentiaries, others are already continuing their work.
The declarations of war against present-day society, the mutinous deeds,
the acts of revenge, multiply. General attention is aroused; the new
thought makes its way into men's heads and wins their hearts. A single
deed makes more propaganda in a few days than a thousand pamphlets. The
government defends itself, it rages pitilessly; but by this it only
causes further deeds to be committed by one or more persons, and drives
the insurgents to heroism. One deed brings forth another; opponents
join the mutiny; the government splits into factions; harshness
intensifies the conflict; concessions come too late; the revolution
breaks out."[651]
3. To make still clearer the means by which the aim of the revolution is
to be made generally known and the spirit of insurrection is to be
aroused, Kropotkin tells some of the history of what preceded the
Revolution of 1789.
He tells how at that time thousands of lampoons acquainted the people
with the vices of the court, and how a multitude of satirical songs
flagellated crowned heads and stirred hatred against the nobility and
clergy. He sets before us how in placards the king, the queen, the
farmers-general, were threatened, reviled, and jeered at; how enemies of
the people were hanged or burned or quartered in effigy. He describes to
us the way in which the insurrectionists got the people used to the
streets and taught them to defy the police, the military, the cavalry.
We learn how in the villages secret organizations, the jacques, set fire
to the barns of the lord of the manor, destroyed his crops or his game,
murdered him himself, threatened the collection or payment of rent with
death. He sets forth to us how then, one day, the storehouses were
broken into, the trains of wagons were stopped on the highway, the
toll-gates were burned and the officials killed, the tax-lists and the
account-books and the city archives went up in flames, and the
revolution broke out on all sides.[652]
"What conclusions are to be drawn from this"[653] Kropotkin does not
think it necessary to explain. He contents himself with characterizing
as "a precious instruction for us"[654] the facts which he reports.
FOOTNOTES:
[431] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 99.
[432] _Ib._ p. 104.
[433] Kr. "_Temps nouveaux_" p. 39.
[434] _Ib._ p. 39.
[435] _Ib._ pp. 8, 39.
[436] _Ib._ p. 5.
[437] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
[438] Kr. "Studies" p. 9.
[439] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" pp. 8-9.
[440] _Ib._ p. 9.
[441] Kr. "_Temps nouveaux_" p. 13.
[442] _Ib._ p. 12.
[443] _Ib._ p. 7.
[444] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
[445] Kr. "Studies" p. 24.
[446] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 7.
[447] _Ib._ p. 4.
[448] _Ib._ p. 7.
[449] _Ib._ p. 4.
[450] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 28.
[451] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 17.
[452] Kr. "_Temps nouveaux_" p. 59.
[453] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
[454] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 275-6.
[455] _Ib._ pp. 277-8.
[456] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 17.
[457] _Ib._ p. 275.
[458] Kr. "Studies" p. 9.
[459] _Ib._ p. 10.
[460] Kr. "_Morale_" p. 74.
[461] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
[462] Kr. "_Morale_" pp. 24, 31.
[463] _Ib._ p. 30.
[464] Kr. "_Morale_" pp. 30-31.
[465] _Ib._ p. 41.
[466] _Ib._ p. 42.
[467] _Ib._ p. 38; Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 296.
[468] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 342, 129.
[469] Kr. "_Morale_" p. 57.
[470] _Ib._ pp. 61-2.
[471] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 215. [In Eltzbacher's general discussions, and
his summaries of the different writers' views on law, the word
translated "law" is everywhere _Recht_, French _droit_, Latin _jus_, law
as a body of rights and duties. But in the quotations from Kropotkin
under the heading "Law" the word is everywhere (with the single
exception of the phrase "customary law") _Gesetz_, French _loi_, Latin
_lex_, a law as an enacted formula to describe men's actions; and the
same is the word translated "law" in Eltzbacher's summaries under the
heading "Basis" in the different chapters.]
[472] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 214.
[473] _Ib._ p. 227.
[474] _Ib._ p. 227.
[475] _Ib._ p. 235.
[476] _Ib._ p. 219.
[477] _Ib._ p. 226.
[478] _Ib._ p. 236.
[479] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 239.
[480] _Ib._ pp. 240-42.
[481] _Ib._ p. 221.
[482] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 226.
[483] _Ib._ pp. 218-19.
[484] Kr. "_Morale_" p. 74.
[485] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 264-5.
[486] _Ib._ p. 235; Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" pp.
28-9.
[487] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 227, 235.
[488] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 29.
[489] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 221.
[490] _Ib._ p. 221.
[491] Kr. "_Conquete_" pp. 229, 109.
[492] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 24.
[493] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 202.
[494] Kr. "Studies" p. 30.
[495] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 110, 134-5, "_Conquete_" p. 109.
[496] Kr. "_Conquete_" pp. 169, 128-9, 203-5.
[497] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 136-7.
[498] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 229.
[499] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 14.
[500] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 11-14.
[501] _Ib._ p. 172.
[502] _Ib._ p. 173.
[503] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 175.
[504] _Ib._ pp. 181-2.
[505] _Ib._ pp. 183-4.
[506] _Ib._ p. 190.
[507] _Ib._ p. 19.
[508] _Ib._ p. 33.
[509] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 35-9.
[510] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 30.
[511] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 7.
[512] Kr. "_Temps nouveaux_" pp. 49-50.
[513] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 10.
[514] _Ib._ pp 9-10.
[515] _Ib._ pp. 264-5.
[516] _Ib._ p. 139.
[517] _Ib._ p. 235; Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" pp.
28-9.
[518] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 30.
[519] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
[520] _Ib._ p. 7.
[521] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 26.
[522] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 23.
[523] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 117-18.
[524] [_Sic_, edition of 1891].
[525] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" pp. 25-7.
[526] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 118.
[527] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 174.
[528] Kr. "Studies" p. 25.
[529] _Ib._ p. 26.
[530] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 117.
[531] Kr. "_Conquete_" pp. 169, 203.
[532] _Ib._ pp. 145, 136, 128-9.
[533] _Ib._ pp. 203-5.
[534] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" pp. 29-30, "_Conquete_" p. 188.
[535] Kr. "_Prisons_" p. 49.
[536] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 24. [Kropotkin prefixes "his own
social habits and."]
[537] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 202.
[538] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 139.
[539] _Ib._ p. 111.
[540] _Ib._ p. 175.
[541] Kr. "_Prisons_" p. 49.
[542] _Ib._ pp. 58-9.
[543] Kr. "_Conquete_" pp. 44-5.
[544] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 108.
[545] _Ib._ pp. 115-16.
[546] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 166.
[547] Kr. "_Studies_" p. 30.
[548] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 5-6.
[549] _Ib._ pp. 322-3.
[550] _Ib._ p. 326.
[551] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 24.
[552] Kr. "_Prisons_" p. 47.
[553] _Ib._ p. 49.
[554] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 10.
[555] Kr. "_Conquete_" pp. 8-9.
[556] Kr. "_Conquete_" pp. 9-10.
[557] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 30.
[558] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 11.
[559] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 169.
[560] Kr. "_Temps nouveaux_" p. 45.
[561] Kr. "Studies" p. 17.
[562] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 7-8.
[563] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
[564] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 139, "_L'Anarchie--sa philosophie son ideal_"
p. 25.
[565] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 235, "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_"
pp. 28-9.
[566] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 264-5.
[567] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
[568] _Ib._ p. 7.
[569] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 30.
[570] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 88, "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_"
p. 30.
[571] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 8.
[572] _Ib._ p. 8.
[573] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 21.
[574] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 110.
[575] _Ib._ p. 137.
[576] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 136.
[577] _Ib._ p. 114.
[578] _Ib._ pp. 113-14.
[579] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 12.
[580] Kr. "Studies" p. 25.
[581] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 239.
[582] _Ib._ pp. 128-9.
[583] _Ib._ pp. 203-4.
[584] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 136.
[585] _Ib._ pp. 150-51.
[586] _Ib._ p. 96.
[587] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 330-1.
[588] Kr. "_Conquete_" pp. 195-6.
[589] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 137.
[590] _Ib._ p. 153.
[591] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 31.
[592] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 156.
[593] _Ib._ p. 193.
[594] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 12.
[595] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 229.
[596] _Ib._ p. 26.
[597] _Ib._ p. 28.
[598] _Ib._ p. 20.
[599] Kr. "L'_Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 13.
[600] _Ib._ p. 28.
[601] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 280.
[602] _Ib._ p. 261.
[603] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 22.
[604] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 28. [The
nineteenth century, of course, is meant.]
[605] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 139.
[606] Kr. "_Siecle_" p. 32.
[607] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 29.
[608] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 90, "Studies" p. 23.
[609] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 90-91.
[610] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 85.
[611] Kr. "_L'Anarchie. Sa philosophie--son ideal_" p. 26.
[612] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" pp. 28-9.
[613] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 263.
[614] _Ib._ p. 342.
[615] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 342.
[616] Kr. "_Prisons_" p. 57.
[617] Kr. "_Studies_" p. 16.
[618] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 166.
[619] _Ib._ p. 246.
[620] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 134-5.
[621] _Ib._ p. 167.
[622] _Ib._ p. 135.
[623] _Ib._ p. 337.
[624] Kr. "_Conquete_" pp. 63.
[625] _Ib._ p. 56.
[626] _Ib._ p. 109.
[627] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 56.
[628] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 263.
[629] _Ib._ p. 246.
[630] _Ib._ pp. 248-9.
[631] _Ib._ p. 253.
[632] _Ib._ pp. 253-5.
[633] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 139.
[634] _Ib._ pp. 116-17.
[635] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 75.
[636] _Ib._ p. 85.
[637] Kr. "_Conquete_" pp. 76-96.
[638] _Ib._ pp. 104-7.
[639] _Ib._ pp. 114-16.
[640] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 260.
[641] _Ib._ p. 260.
[642] _Ib._ pp. 99, 254; Kr. "_Temps nouveaux_" p. 54.
[643] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 90.
[644] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 92-5.
[645] _Ib._ p. 312.
[646] _Ib._ p. 285.
[647] _Ib._ p. 283.
[648] _Ib._ p. 284.
[649] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 284.
[650] _Ib._ p. 285.
[651] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 285-8.
[652] _Ib._ pp. 293-304.
[653] _Ib._ p. 292.
[654] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 304.