his own words. "But S. Chrysostom gives a much more rational account of
the apostle's argument, for he supposes him to refer to the Catholic
custom, of making every catechumen at his own baptism, with his own mouth
declare his belief of the resurrection of the dead by repeating the creed
of which that was a part, and so being baptized into that faith, or hope
of the resurrection of the dead. And, therefore, he puts them in mind of
this saying, 'If there be no resurrection of the dead, why art thou then
baptized for the dead, that is, the body? For, therefore, thou art
baptized for the dead, believing the resurrection of the dead, that the
body may not remain dead, but revive again.' So that 'baptizing for the
dead,' is an elliptical expression for being baptized into the faith or
belief of the resurrection of the dead. And so I think Tertullian is to
be understood when he says in opposition to the error of the Marcionites,
"That to be 'baptized for the dead' is to be 'baptized for the body,'
which is declared to be dead by baptism;--that is, we are baptized into
the belief of the resurrection of the body, both whose death and
resurrection are represented in baptism." And the interpretation of
Epiphanius comes pretty near these, when he says, "It refers to those who
were baptised upon the approach of death, in the hopes of the resurrection
from the dead; for they shewed thereby that the dead should rise again,
and that therefore they had need of the remission of sins, which is
obtained in baptism." The same sense is given by Theodoret, and
Theophylact, and Balsamon, and Zonaras, and Matthew Blastaras among the
Greeks; and it is embraced by Bishop Patrick, and Dr. Hammond, as the most
natural and genuine exposition of this difficult passage of the apostle."
The use of Sponsors in the administration of baptism dates from the
earliest times. Their duties varied according as the baptized person were
an infant or an adult. For the most part at first, parents were sponsors
for their own children, and it was the exception when they were not. "The
extraordinary cases," says Bingham, "in which [the baptized] were
presented by others were commonly such cases where the parent could not,
or would not, do that kind office for them; as when slaves were presented
to baptism by their masters; or children when parents were dead, brought
by the charity of any who would show mercy on them; or children exposed by
their parents, which were sometimes taken up by the holy virgins of the
church" (iii. 552.) Sponsors for children were called on, 1st, to answer
in their name to all the interrogatories of baptism; 2nd, to be guardian
of their spiritual life for the future. In the case of adults their duty
was to admonish and instruct them both before and after baptism. Very
commonly sponsors for adults were deacons or deaconesses. Only one sponsor
originally was required, in the case of adults, a man for a man and a
woman for a woman. For children there was no restriction as to the sex of
the sponsor.
Sponsors were called "spiritual parents," and out of this relationship
grew the practice in the Roman Catholic Church, which forbade sponsors, or
godparents, from marrying within the forbidden degrees of spiritual
relation. The first notice of this occurs in the laws of Justinian, which
forbid a man to marry a woman, whether she be slave or free, to whom he
has stood godfather, "because nothing induces a more parental affection,
or juster prohibition of marriage, than this tie, by which their souls are
in a divine manner, united together." This was afterwards extended to
prohibition between a godfather and the mother of the child, and the
prohibition took final shape in the decrees of Trent, which further forbid
marriages between the sponsors themselves, nor may the baptizer marry the
baptized. A host of troubles and difficulties are on record in the pages
of history, arising out of these prohibitions.
It is uncertain when proxies were first allowed. The first English record
appears to be the case of Jane, the daughter of Thomas Godfrey, of Grub
Street, who was baptized at S. Giles', Cripplegate, in 1615. Mr. Godfrey
kept a diary, in which he writes, "My gossips were Mrs. Jane Hallsye, wife
of Mr. John Hallsye, one of the Citty Captains, and my sister Howlt, and
Sir Multon Lombard, who sent Mr. Michael Lee for his deputy. My brother
Thomas Isles afterwards bestowed a christening sermon on us."
In mediaeval times a child on being baptized was arrayed by the priest in a
white robe, which had been anointed with sacred oil, and was called a
Chrismale. This robe was called the Chrisom, and if the child died within
a month, it was shrouded in this robe, and was called a Chrisom-child.
Parochial registers very frequently have the expression applied to
children who are buried, and it will be remembered by readers of
Shakespeare. Sometimes the cloth was called the Christening Palm. Later,
say a hundred years ago, though the arraying by the minister was not in
use, a newly baptized child was arrayed in a palm or pall to be brought
down to see company.
In Perthshire, it is said, a child who was about to be privately baptized
was placed in a clean basket covered over with a cloth, in which was
placed a portion of bread and cheese. The basket was then hung on the iron
crook over the fire, and turned round three times. It was to counteract
the malignant spells of witches and evil spirits. Here is an inventory of
christening garments of the seventeenth century (_Notes and Queries_):--
1. A lined, white figured satin cap.
2. A lined, white satin cap, embroidered with sprays in gold coloured
silk.
3. A white satin palm, embroidered to match. Size 44 in. by 34 in.
4. A pair of deep cuffs, white satin, similarly embroidered, trimmed with
lace, evidently intended to be worn by the bearer of the infant.
5. A pair of linen gloves or mittens for the baby, trimmed with narrow
lace, the back of the fingers lined with coloured figured silk.
6. A palm, 54 in. by 48 in., of rich still yellow silk lined with white
satin.
According to Sarum use, yellow was the altar colour for confessors'
festivals. This yellow pall may have been considered specially suitable at
the child's being first openly pledged to confess the faith of Christ
crucified. Another name for the christening palm is the christening sheet
or "cude cloth." This is a superstition that if it is not burned within a
year of the child's birth it will never be able to keep a secret.
The gift of "Apostle Spoons" by sponsors is said, by Stow, to have
originated in the days of Queen Elizabeth. Shakespeare, on being godfather
to one of Ben Jonson's children, gave him "a dozen of Latten spoons." In
the days of James I. it was the fashion for sponsors to give shirts with
little bands or cuffs wrought with silk or blue thread, but this did not
last, they went back to spoons or cups.
Brand quotes from "The Comforts of Wooing":--"The godmother hearing when
the child was to be _coated_, brings it a gilt coral, a silver spoon and
porringer, and a brave new tankard of the same metal." According to
Shipman the custom of making presents at baptisms declined in the time of
the Commonwealth.
Pepys, however, observed the custom:--"Nov. 24th. At my goldsmith's,
bought a basin for my wife, to give the parson's child, to which the other
day she was godmother. It cost me L10 14s. besides graving, which I do
with the cypher's name, Daniel Mills."
Christening tongs were also a favourite present, which were of the same
size as an ordinary pair of sugar tongs, but were in the form of a stork
standing upright upon the claws which partly form the handle. When opened
for the purpose of grasping the sugar, the body, which is hollow,
discloses the image of a baby in swaddling clothes.
This no doubt originated in the old Teutonic fiction that newly-born babes
were brought by storks.
Here are a few Scottish notes of gifts _from_ the child to its parents.
They are all from various columns of _Notes and Queries_:--
In 1871, a gentleman was met in one of the principal streets of Edinburgh
by a very respectably dressed female, with a nurse carrying a child. They
stopped him, and the former presented him with a paper bag containing a
biscuit, a bit of cheese, and a bit of gingerbread. On his expressing
surprise, she said, "Oh! sir, it is the christening bit."
In country places in Scotland, it was a custom, now nearly exploded, for
the mother on the way to baptism to take a supply of bread and cheese, a
"whang" or slice of which she gave to the first person she met on the
country road after leaving church, and it was accounted a high insult to
refuse it. Probably the provision was part of the "blythe" meat presented
to the friends in the house, who had assembled after the birth to offer
congratulations. Such offerings may perhaps be traced to the period when
the old Romans inhabited the Caledonian regions.
In 1855, at Candleriggs, a silver coin was given in return for the
eatables. The appearance of copper was, if possible, to be avoided.
In Fifeshire, before starting for the kirk, the "christening-piece,"
consisting of shortbread, cheese, and oatcake, was made up into a white
paper parcel tied with ribbon; this the mother held in her right hand as
she left the house, and presented to the first person met by her, whether
stranger or friend, gentle or simple. The "christening-piece" was always
gladly accepted, and in return kind wishes were expressed for the future
happiness of the child.
It is noticeable that at the other end of Great Britain we have the same
idea.
At Looe, in Cornwall, the gift was generally a small cake made for the
purpose, and called the "christening crib," crib being a provincialism for
a bit of bread. At Polperro, three miles from Looe, a gift termed the
"kimbly" was also made to the person who brought the first news of a birth
to those interested in the new arrival.
This custom was still practised in Devonshire in 1883.
Where children are brought in batches to be baptized, as is often the case
in large towns, it is curious to note that superstitions exist about the
precedence of sexes, though in different places the ideas are contrary.
Thus in the North of England there are places where the parents are very
anxious that the girls should be taken first, on the ground that otherwise
the boys will be beardless. In Surrey and Worcestershire the same desire
is expressed; in the West of Scotland the males have precedence. The old
ideas can hardly be classed under superstitions. In those churches, where
now-a-days ancient rules are revived, Holy Communion is always
administered to men before women, and Confirmation to boys. Maskell, in
his _Monumenta Ritualia_, Eccl., Angl., 1-23, quotes the following rubric
from Bishop Leofric's missal:--"Et accipiat presbyter eos a parentibus
eorum, et baptizantur primi masculi deinde feminae, sub trina mersione,
Sanctam Trinitatem semel invocando."
Cases are on record where a cottager's tenth child was christened with a
sprig of myrtle in its cap to mark it as the tithe child; it is said that
a Rector of Compton recognized such a tithe child, and sent him to school.
One of the silliest and most mischievous pieces of legislation was the Act
23, George III., c. 67. It enacted that after the 1st of October, 1783,
stamp duty of 3d. should be paid to His Majesty on the entry of every
marriage, birth, or christening, in the register of every parish,
precinct, or place in Great Britain, under penalty of L5 for each entry.
And that the churchwardens should provide a book for each entry, and the
parson, vicar, curate, and other person receiving the duty was to be
allowed 2s. in the L for his trouble. By 25 George III., c. 75, the tax
was extended to dissenters. People were furious, and the poor parson, who
was supposed to be charging for his own benefit, got the hardest words.
The Act was repealed by 34 George III., c. 11, the tax ceasing October
1st, 1794.
In conclusion, we will put together a few odds and ends of folk lore. In
Ayrshire, in the end of the last century, when a child was taken to a
distance to be baptized, a quantity of salt was placed round it before
leaving the house, to ward off evil.
In Worcestershire, it is considered that if an engaged couple stand as
god-parents to the same child, it is a sure sign that their engagement
will never end in marriage. This is clearly a relic of what we have
already noticed, the mediaeval church law by which those persons who stood
in any spiritual relationship to one another were thereby debarred from
contracting marriage.
In Dalston, Carlisle, there is a belief that if the baptism of a child
takes place after it has been "shortened," the baby will not only be noisy
and disagreeable in church during the administration of the sacrament, but
will remain bad-tempered and ill-natured for ever afterwards.
The belief still prevails in many rural districts that children dying
unbaptized wander in woods and solitudes lamenting their hard fate. In
Sweden parents will, therefore, carry a child miles away in the depth of
winter to the minister to have it baptized before it is half-a-day old.
There are, however, methods by which it is supposed even if baptism be
deferred, that the devil's power over the child can be neutralized. One is
to wrap it in red cloth and lay it in its cradle, with a psalm book and a
pair of scissors placed crosswise upon its breast.
"In presenting a child to the minister, its head must be on the right arm
of the male parent." (West of Scotland).
Brand quotes from a book on Scotland, published in 1793, the statement
that the inhabitants of Kirkwall and S. Ola would consider it as an
unhappy omen were they by any means disappointed in getting their
children baptized on the very day which they had previously fixed in
their minds for that purpose.
The same compiler has this:--In the North, when the child was taken to
church to be christened, a little boy was engaged to meet the infant on
leaving the house, because it was deemed an unlucky omen to encounter a
female first.
It is supposed to be lucky for children to cry at baptisms, as if they are
quiet and good then it shows they are too good to live. The idea arose
from the custom of exorcism. When the devil was going out of a possessed
person it cried and rent him sore; therefore the tears and struggles of
the infant would be convincing proof that the evil one had departed. In
Ireland, the nurses pinch the baby rather than let it be silent or
cheerful.
In Scotland (to quote Brand once more), on their return from church, they
take the newly baptized child and vibrate it three or four times gently
over a flame, saying thrice, "Let the flame consume thee now or never."
This is possibly derived from a feast called Amphidromia, held at Athens,
by private families on the fifth day after the birth of the child, when it
was the custom of the gossips to run round the fire with the infant in
their arms, and then, having delivered it to the nurse, they were
entertained with feasting and dancing.
Another Scotch fancy is that it is unlucky to tell the names of infants
before baptism.
In one of Dekker's plays (1630) occurs the following:--I am the most
wretched fellow, sure some _left-handed priest christened me_, I am so
unlucky.
In Greece, while the father is alive, none of his sons are baptized with
his name; thus a father and son never have the same Christian name at the
same time. But on the death of the father it is customary for one of his
sons to adopt his name. The eldest son always bears the name of his
paternal grandfather (a common custom in Scotland), even though the latter
be alive. On the other hand, for the obvious reason of identification, an
illegitimate son always takes the baptismal name of his father. It is
probable that this practice arises from a belief that the father would die
on giving to his son precisely his own name, and that the Greek church
does not allow the variation of a second Christian name.
Marriage Customs.
BY ENGLAND HOWLETT, F.S.A.
In all ages, and in all countries, a halo of interest attaches to the
marriage ceremony, and formerly, when superstition was so rife in the
country, it naturally followed that all sorts of curious customs arose in
connection with marriage--customs which, at the time of their
inauguration, were full of meaning and real interest, but many of which in
process of time, and owing to an altered state of society, have fallen
either into oblivion, or become so changed as to be hardly recognisable.
Marriage, in one form or other, is the oldest institution of society, and
the source of its most ancient laws. The primitive ceremonies of marriage
are of immense number, and many of them have left distinct survivals in
modern customs. As regards Christian Europe, in 1085 Hildebrand declared
Marriage to be a sacrament of the Church; and, at the Reformation, Calvin
declared it to be an institution of God. The School of Grotius, on the
other hand, describes it as a contract of partnership.
The Anglo-Saxon marriage ritual was for the parties, with their
attendants, to come to the porch of the Church: here they were met by the
priest; first he blessed the ring and gave it to the bridegroom, who
placed it on the middle finger of the bride's left hand. After this the
priest recited a form of blessing over the parties; then he led them into
the Chancel where they remained while mass was celebrated, towards the
close of which they received the solemn nuptial benediction, and
afterwards the Pax, and the holy communion.
Before the Council of Trent a valid marriage in the eyes of the church
might be effected by a simple declaration of the parties to be man and
wife; no witnesses were necessary under these circumstances, and the
presence of a priest might also be dispensed with. It will at once be seen
that a practice such as this was open to very great and grave abuse where
the interested parties were only too often the only witnesses of the
declaration. After the Council of Trent, and in all countries where the
discipline of Trent is received and promulgated, the presence of the
parish priest is absolutely necessary to constitute a valid marriage in
the eyes of the Roman Church by mere declaration of the parties to be man
and wife, and under no circumstances can marriages such as these be
recognized by the law.
It was customary in many places for the priest to entwine the ends of his
stole round the joined hands of the bride and bridegroom, at the words
"Those whom God hath joined together," in token of the indissoluble union
thereby effected. Most probably this practice led to the familiar
expression "Tying the knot." Neither the Roman nor the Sarum Missals
contain any direction for this ritual, which would appear to be a pure
innovation on the part of the priests.
In ancient Rome the Patrons or Patricians only might marry with each
other. If a Patrician married a client or vassal, their children were not
allowed to take Patrician rank; because these clients or vassals had not
connubium, or right of marriage with their Patrons. Under Caesar's rule a
married woman was allowed the use of more ornaments, and more costly
carriages, than the laws of Rome permitted to women generally. A married
man who had three children born at Rome, or four born in Italy, or five in
the provinces, enjoyed freedom from certain duties and charges: this no
doubt was done to encourage the marriage tie, which at that time had
become exceedingly lax.
The drinking of wine in the Church at weddings is enjoined by the Hereford
Missal. The Sarum Missal directs that sops immersed in wine, as well as
the liquor itself, and the cup containing it, should be blessed by the
priest. The beverage was drunk not only by the bride and bridegroom, but
by the rest of the company. A distinct survival of this custom, although
in a debased form, lingered beyond the middle of the present century, at
Whitburn, in Durham, where the custom of giving what they called
_Hot-Pots_ was kept up; that is, on the conclusion of the marriage service
the bride and bridegroom were served in the porch with steaming compounds
of brandy, ale, sugar, eggs, spices, etc., the bridesmaids also partook of
this, and the remainder was distributed amongst the guests. The custom of
nuptial drinking appears also to have prevailed in the Greek Church: and
the Jews have a custom at the present day, when a couple are married, to
break the glass in which the bride and bridegroom have drunk, to remind
them of mortality.
The use of torches at weddings is very ancient. At Rome the practice was
that two children should lead the bride, and a third carry before her a
torch of white thorn. The Greeks used also a nuptial torch, which was
carried by the bride's mother. Lamps and flambeaux are used at Japanese
weddings, and torches are still used at Turkish marriages.
Knives formerly formed part of the accoutrements of a bride. This is
easily accounted for by the fact that anciently it formed part of the
dress for women to wear a knife sheathed and suspended from their girdles.
A bride says to her jealous husband, in Dekker's _Match me in London_,
1631:
"See at my girdle hang my wedding knives!
With those despatch me."
The use of bridesmaids at weddings is of remote antiquity. Amongst the
Anglo-Saxons the bride was led to the Church by a matron, who was called
the bride's woman, and followed by a company of young girls who were
called bridesmaids. It was at one time the custom for the bridesmaids to
lead the bridegroom to Church, and for the bridegroom's men to conduct the
bride. This is clearly alluded to in the _Collier's Wedding_:
"Two lusty lads, well drest and strong,
Step'd out to lead the bride along:
And two young maids of equal size,
As soon the bridegroom's hands surprise."
The bridegroom's men were anciently called Bride Knights, which was an
appropriate name at the period when they actually fulfilled that office.
Bride cake is of ancient origin: it is a relic of the Roman period, when
the marriage ceremony consisted principally of the contracting parties
partaking of a cake made of flour, salt, and water, in the presence of the
Pontifex Maximus, or High Priest, and ten witnesses. The form of the cake
has varied in different ages. Ben Jonson refers to it in the _Tale of a
Tub_, iii., 8:
"The maids and her half-valentine have ply'd her,
With courtise of the Bride cake and the bowl,
As she is laid awhile."
As feasting was connected with nearly all religious ceremonies, and as
each feast speedily appropriated its particular article of food, the bride
cake became inseparably associated with the bridal feast. Anciently, small
cakes were made for weddings, and distributed amongst the guests; the
ingredients of these doubtless changed from age to age, but there is
little doubt the cake was always a sweet one which, in the early days,
would be sweetened with honey with spices in it, and, after their
introduction, currants. In the seventeenth century it was usual for the
bride and bridegroom to kiss over the cake, and many are the superstitions
connected with it.
It was formerly the custom for the brides to go to church with their hair
hanging loose behind. Anne Boleyn's was thus dishevelled when she went to
the altar with Henry VIII. Webster refers to this practice in _The White
Devil_:
"And let them dangle loose as a bride's hair."
Nuptial garlands or wreaths are of great antiquity; they were equally used
by both the Jews and the Heathens. The Roman custom was for the bride to
have a chaplet of flowers or herbs upon her head, whilst among the
Anglo-Saxons, after the benediction in the church, both the bride and
bridegroom were crowned with flowers. In the Eastern church the chaplets
used at marriages were first blessed by the priest. Wreaths made of ears
of corn were frequently worn by brides in the time of Henry VIII., and
myrtle was also much used for this purpose. In many churches it was usual
to keep a crown of metal for the use of brides, and for which they would
pay a fee. In the churchwardens' accounts of St. Margaret's, Westminster,
for the year 1540, is the following entry:--"Paid to Alice Lewis, a
goldsmith's wife, of London, for a serclett to marry Maydens in, the 26th
day of September, L3 10s. 0d."