To assume that the child is born a "tabula rasa" is superstition.

Cerebral processes and responses have been observed in utero. Sounds

condition the EEG of fetuses. They startle at loud, sudden noises. This

means that they can hear and interpret what they hear. Fetuses even

remember stories read to them while in the womb. They prefer these

stories to others after they are born. This means that they can tell

auditory patterns and parameters apart. They tilt their head at the

direction sounds are coming from. They do so even in the absence of

visual cues (e.g., in a dark room). They can tell the mother's voice

apart (perhaps because it is high pitched and thus recalled by them).

In general, babies are tuned to human speech and can distinguish sounds

better than adults do. Chinese and Japanese babies react differently to

"pa" and to "ba", to "ra" and to "la". Adults do not - which is the

source of numerous jokes.

The equipment of the newborn is not limited to the auditory. He has

clear smell and taste preferences (he likes sweet things a lot). He

sees the world in three dimensions with a perspective (a skill which he

could not have acquired in the dark womb). Depth perception is well

developed by the sixth month of life.

Expectedly, it is vague in the first four months of life. When

presented with depth, the baby realizes that something is different -

but not what. Babies are born with their eyes open as opposed to most

other animal young ones. Moreover, their eyes are immediately fully

functional. It is the interpretation mechanism that is lacking and this

is why the world looks fuzzy to them. They tend to concentrate on very

distant or on very close objects (their own hand getting closer to

their face). They see very clearly objects 20-25 cm away.

But visual acuity and focusing improve in a matter of days. By the time

the baby is 6 to 8 months old, he sees as well as many adults do,

though the visual system - from the neurological point of view - is

fully developed only at the age of 3 or 4 years. The neonate discerns

some colors in the first few days of his life: yellow, red, green,

orange, gray - and all of them by the age of four months. He shows

clear preferences regarding visual stimuli: he is bored by repeated

stimuli and prefers sharp contours and contrasts, big objects to small

ones, black and white to colored (because of the sharper contrast),

curved lines to straight ones (this is why babies prefer human faces to

abstract paintings). They prefer their mother to strangers. It is not

clear how they come to recognize the mother so quickly. To say that

they collect mental images which they then arrange into a prototypical

scheme is to say nothing (the question is not "what" they do but "how"

they do it). This ability is a clue to the complexity of the internal

mental world of the neonate, which far exceeds our learned assumptions

and theories. It is inconceivable that a human is born with all this

exquisite equipment while incapable of experiencing the birth trauma or

the even the bigger trauma of his own inflation, mental and physical.

As early as the end of the third month of pregnancy, the fetus moves,

his heart beats, his head is enormous relative to his size. His size,

though, is less than 3 cm. Ensconced in the placenta, the fetus is fed

by substances transmitted through the mother's blood vessels (he has no

contact with her blood, though). The waste that he produces is carried

away in the same venue.

The composition of the mother's food and drink, what she inhales and

injects - all are communicated to the embryo. There is no clear

relationship between sensory inputs during pregnancy and later life

development. The levels of maternal hormones do effect the baby's

subsequent physical development but only to a negligible extent. Far

more important is the general state of health of the mother, a trauma,

or a disease of the fetus. It seems that the mother is less important

to the baby than the romantics would have it - and cleverly so. A too

strong attachment between mother and fetus would have adversely

affected the baby's chances of survival outside the uterus. Thus,

contrary to popular opinion, there is no evidence whatsoever that the

mother's emotional, cognitive, or attitudinal state effects the fetus

in any way. The baby is effected by viral infections, obstetric

complications, by protein malnutrition and by the mother's alcoholism.

But these - at least in the West - are rare conditions.

In the first three months of the pregnancy, the central nervous system

"explodes" both quantitatively and qualitatively. This process is

called metaplasia. It is a delicate chain of events, greatly influenced

by malnutrition and other kinds of abuse. But this vulnerability does

not disappear until the age of 6 years out of the womb. There is a

continuum between womb and world. The newborn is almost a very

developed kernel of humanity. He is definitely capable of experiencing

substantive dimensions of his own birth and subsequent metamorphoses.

Neonates can immediately track colors - therefore, they must be

immediately able to tell the striking differences between the dark,

liquid placenta and the colorful maternity ward. They go after certain

light shapes and ignore others.

Without accumulating any experience, these skills improve in the first

few days of life, which proves that they are inherent and not

contingent (learned). They seek patterns selectively because they

remember which pattern was the cause of satisfaction in their very

brief past. Their reactions to visual, auditory and tactile patterns

are very predictable. Therefore, they must possess a MEMORY, however

primitive.

But - even granted that babies can sense, remember and, perhaps emote -

what is the effect of the multiple traumas they are exposed to in the

first few months of their lives?

We mentioned the traumas of birth and of self-inflation (mental and

physical). These are the first links in a chain of traumas, which

continues throughout the first two years of the baby's life. Perhaps

the most threatening and destabilizing is the trauma of separation and

individuation.

The baby's mother (or caregiver - rarely the father, sometimes another

woman) is his auxiliary ego. She is also the world; a guarantor of

livable (as opposed to unbearable) life, a (physiological or gestation)

rhythm (=predictability), a physical presence and a social stimulus (an

other).

To start with, the delivery disrupts continuous physiological processes

not only quantitatively but also qualitatively. The neonate has to

breathe, to feed, to eliminate waste, to regulate his body temperature

- new functions, which were previously performed by the mother. This

physiological catastrophe, this schism increases the baby's dependence

on the mother.

It is through this bonding that he learns to interact socially and to

trust others. The baby's lack of ability to tell the inside world from

the outside only makes matters worse. He "feels" that the upheaval is

contained in himself, that the tumult is threatening to tear him apart,

he experiences implosion rather than explosion. True, in the absence of

evaluative processes, the quality of the baby's experience will be

different to ours. But this does not disqualify it as a PSYCHOLOGICAL

process and does not extinguish the subjective dimension of the

experience. If a psychological process lacks the evaluative or analytic

elements, this lack does not question its existence or its nature.

Birth and the subsequent few days must be a truly terrifying

experience.

Another argument raised against the trauma thesis is that there is no

proof that cruelty, neglect, abuse, torture, or discomfort retard, in

any way, the development of the child. A child - it is claimed - takes

everything in stride and reacts "naturally" to his environment, however

depraved and deprived.

This may be true - but it is irrelevant. It is not the child's

development that we are dealing with here. It is its reactions to a

series of existential traumas. That a process or an event has no

influence later - does not mean that it has no effect at the moment of

occurrence. That it has no influence at the moment of occurrence - does

not prove that it has not been fully and accurately registered. That it

has not been interpreted at all or that it has been interpreted in a

way different from ours - does not imply that it had no effect. In

short: there is no connection between experience, interpretation and

effect. There can exist an interpreted experience that has no effect.

An interpretation can result in an effect without any experience

involved.

And an experience can effect the subject without any (conscious)

interpretation. This means that the baby can experience traumas,

cruelty, neglect, abuse and even interpret them as such (i.e., as bad

things) and still not be effected by them. Otherwise, how can we

explain that a baby cries when confronted by a sudden noise, a sudden

light, wet diapers, or hunger? Isn't this proof that he reacts properly

to "bad" things and that there is such a class of things ("bad things")

in his mind?

Moreover, we must attach some epigenetic importance to some of the

stimuli. If we do, in effect we recognize the effect of early stimuli

upon later life development.

At their beginning, neonates are only vaguely aware, in a binary sort

of way.

l."Comfortable/uncomfortable", "cold/warm", "wet/dry", "color/absence

of color", "light/dark", "face/no face" and so on. There are grounds to

believe that the distinction between the outer world and the inner one

is vague at best. Natal fixed action patterns (rooting, sucking,

postural adjustment, looking, listening, grasping, and crying)

invariably provoke the caregiver to respond. The newborn, as we said

earlier, is able to relate to physical patterns but his ability seems

to extend to the mental as well. He sees a pattern: fixed action

followed by the appearance of the caregiver followed by a satisfying

action on the part of the caregiver. This seems to him to be an

inviolable causal chain (though precious few babies would put it in

these words). Because he is unable to distinguish his inside from the

outside - the newborn "believes" that his action evoked the caregiver

from the inside (in which the caregiver is contained). This is the

kernel of both magical thinking and Narcissism.

The baby attributes to himself magical powers of omnipotence and of

omnipresence (action-appearance). It also loves itself very much

because it is able to thus satisfy himself and his needs. He loves

himself because he has the means to make himself happy. The

tension-relieving and pleasurable world comes to life through the baby

and then he swallows it back through his mouth. This incorporation of

the world through the sensory modalities is the basis for the "oral

stage" in the psychodynamic theories.

This self-containment and self-sufficiency, this lack of recognition of

the environment are why children until their third year of life are

such a homogeneous group (allowing for some variance). Infants show a

characteristic style of behaviour (one is almost tempted to say, a

universal character) in as early as the first few weeks of their lives.

The first two years of life witness the crystallization of consistent

behavioral patterns, common to all children. It is true that even

newborns have an innate temperament but not until an interaction with

the outside environment is established - do the traits of individual

diversity appear.

At birth, the newborn shows no attachment but simple dependence. It is

easy to prove: the child indiscriminately reacts to human signals,

scans for patterns and motions, enjoys soft, high pitched voices and

cooing, soothing sounds. Attachment starts physiologically in the

fourth week. The child turns clearly towards his mother's voice,

ignoring others. He begins to develop a social smile, which is easily

distinguishable from his usual grimace. A virtuous circle is set in

motion by the child's smiles, gurgles and coos. These powerful signals

release social behaviour, elicit attention, loving responses.

This, in turn, drives the child to increase the dose of his signaling

activity. These signals are, of course, reflexes (fixed action

responses, exactly like the palmar grasp). Actually, until the 18th

week of his life, the child continues to react to strangers favorably.

Only then does the child begin to develop a budding social-behavioral

system based on the high correlation between the presence of his

caregiver and gratifying experiences. By the third month there is a

clear preference of the mother and by the sixth month, the child wants

to venture into the world. At first, the child grasps things (as long

as he can see his hand). Then he sits up and watches things in motion

(if not too fast or noisy). Then the child clings to the mother, climbs

all over her and explores her body. There is still no object permanence

and the child gets perplexed and loses interest if a toy disappears

under a blanket, for instance. The child still associates objects with

satisfaction/non-satisfaction. His world is still very much binary.

As the child grows, his attention narrows and is dedicated first to the

mother and to a few other human figures and, by the age of 9 months,

only to the mother. The tendency to seek others virtually disappears

(which is reminiscent of imprinting in animals). The infant tends to

equate his movements and gestures with their results - that is, he is

still in the phase of magical thinking.

The separation from the mother, the formation of an individual, the

separation from the world (the "spewing out" of the outside world) -

are all tremendously traumatic.

The infant is afraid to lose his mother physically (no "mother

permanence") as well as emotionally (will she be angry at this new

found autonomy?). He goes away a step or two and runs back to receive

the mother's reassurance that she still loves him and that she is still

there. The tearing up of one's self into my SELF and the OUTSIDE WORLD

is an unimaginable feat. It is equivalent to discovering irrefutable

proof that the universe is an illusion created by the brain or that our

brain belongs to a universal pool and not to us, or that we are God

(the child discovers that he is not God, it is a discovery of the same

magnitude). The child's mind is shredded to pieces: some pieces are

still HE and others are NOT HE (=the outside world). This is an

absolutely psychedelic experience (and the root of all psychoses,

probably).

If not managed properly, if disturbed in some way (mainly emotionally),

if the separation - individuation process goes awry, it could result in

serious psychopathologies. There are grounds to believe that several

personality disorders (Narcissistic and Borderline) can be traced to a

disturbance in this process in early childhood.

Then, of course, there is the on-going traumatic process that we call

"life".

Parenting - The Irrational Vocation

By: Dr. Sam Vaknin

There are some grounds to assume that a cognitive dissonance is

involved in feeling that children are more a satisfaction than a

nuisance. Why do people bother with parenting? It is time consuming,

exhausting, strains otherwise pleasurable and tranquil relationships to

their limits. Still, humanity keeps at it: breeding.

It is the easiest to resort to Nature. After all, all living species

breed and most of them parent. We are, all taken into consideration,

animals and, therefore, subject to the same instinctive behaviour

patterns. There is no point in looking for a reason: survival itself

(whether of the gene pool or, on a higher level, of the species) is at

stake. Breeding is a transport mechanism: handing the precious cargo of

genetics down generations of "organic containers".

But this is a reductionist view, which both ignores epistemological and

emotional realities - and is tautological, thereby explaining something

in terms of itself. Calling something by a different name or describing

the mechanisms involved in minute detail does not an explanation make.

First hypothesis: we bring children to the world in order to

"circumvent" death. We attain immortality (genetically and

psychologically - though in both cases it is imaginary) by propagating

our genetic material through the medium of our offspring.

This is a highly dubious claim. Any analysis, however shallow, will

reveal its weaknesses. Our genetic material gets diluted beyond

reconstruction with time. It constitutes 50% of the first generation,

25% of the second and so on. If this were the paramount concern -

incest should have been the norm, being a behaviour better able to

preserve a specific set of genes (especially today, when genetic

screening can effectively guard against the birth of defective babies).

Moreover, progeny is a dubious way of perpetuating one's self. No one

remembers one's great great grandfathers. One's memory is better

preserved by intellectual feats or architectural monuments. The latter

are much better conduits than children and grandchildren.

Still, this indoctrinated misconception is so strong that a baby boom

characterizes post war periods. Having been existentially threatened,

people multiply in the vain belief that they thus best protect their

genetic heritage and fixate their memory.

In the better-educated, higher income, low infant mortality part of the

world - the number of children has decreased dramatically - but those

who still bring them to the world do so partly because they believe in

these factually erroneous assumptions.

Second hypothesis: we bring children to the world in order to preserve

the cohesiveness of the family nucleus. This claim can more plausibly

be reversed: the cohesiveness of the social cell of the family

encourages bringing children to the world. In both cases, if true, we

would have expected more children to be born into stable families (ante

or post facto) than into abnormal or dysfunctional ones. The facts

absolutely contradict this expectation: more children are born to

single parent families (between one third and one half of them) and to

other "abnormal" (non-traditional) families than to the mother-father

classic configuration. Dysfunctional families have more children than

any other type of family arrangement. Children are an abject failure at

preserving family cohesiveness. It would seem that the number of

children, or even their very existence, is not correlated to the

stability of the family. Under special circumstances, (Narcissistic

parents, working mothers) they may even be a destabilizing factor.

Hypothesis number three: children are mostly born unwanted. They are

the results of accidents and mishaps, wrong fertility planning, wrong

decisions and misguided turns of events. The more sex people engage in

and the less preventive measures they adopt - the greater the

likelihood of having a child. While this might be factually true

(family planning is all but defunct in most parts of the world), it

neglects the simple fact that people want children and love them.

Children are still economic assets in many parts of the world. They

plough fields and do menial jobs very effectively. This still does not

begin to explain the attachment between parents and their offspring and

the grief experienced by parents when children die or are sick. It

seems that people derive enormous emotional fulfilment from being

parents.

This is true even when the children were unwanted in the first place or

are the results of lacking planning and sexual accidents. That children

ARE the results of sexual ignorance, bad timing, the vigorousness of

the sexual drive (higher frequency of sexual encounters) - can be

proven using birth statistics among teenagers, the less educated and

the young (ages 20 to 30).

People derive great happiness, fulfilment and satisfaction from their

children. Is not this, in itself, a sufficient explanation? The

pleasure principle seems to be at work: people have children because it

gives them great pleasure. Children are sources of emotional

sustenance. As parents grow old, they become sources of economic

support, as well. Unfortunately, these assertions are not sustained by

the facts. Increasing mobility breaks families apart at an early stage.

Children become ever more dependent on the economic reserves of their

parents (during their studies and the formation of a new family). It is

not uncommon today for a child to live with and off his parents until

the age of 30. Increasing individualism leaves parents to cope with the

empty nest syndrome. Communication between parents and children has

rarefied in the 20th century.

It is possible to think of children as habit forming (see: "The Habit

of Identity"). In this hypothesis, parents - especially mothers - form

a habit. Nine months of pregnancy and a host of social reactions

condition the parents. They get used to the presence of an "abstract"

baby. It is a case of a getting used to a concept. This is not very

convincing. Entertaining a notion, a concept, a thought, an idea, a

mental image, or a symbol very rarely leads to the formation of a

habit.

Moreover, the living baby is very different to its pre-natal image. It

cries, it soils, it smells, it severely disrupts the lives of its

parents. It is much easier to reject it then to transform it to a

habit. Moreover, a child is a bad emotional investment. So many things

can and do go wrong with it as it grows. So many expectations and

dreams are frustrated. The child leaves home and rarely reciprocates.

The emotional "returns" on an investment in a child are rarely

commensurate with the magnitude of the investment.

This is not to say that people do NOT derive pleasure and fulfilment

from their offspring. This is undeniable. Yet, it is neither in the

economic nor in the mature emotional arenas. To have children seems to

be a purely Narcissistic drive, a part of the pursuit of Narcissistic

supply.

For further elaboration, please refer to: "Malignant Self Love -

Narcissism Revisited" and the Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs)

sections.

We are all Narcissists, to a greater or lesser degree. A Narcissist is

a person who projects a (false) image to the people around him. He then

proceeds to define himself by this very image reflected back at him.

Thus, he regards people as mere instruments, helpful in his Sisyphean

attempt at self-definition. Their attention is crucial because it

augments his weak ego and defines its boundaries. The Narcissist feeds

off their admiration, adoration and approval and these help him to

maintain a grandiose (fantastic and delusional) sense of self. As the

personality matures, Narcissism is replaced with the ability to

empathize and to love.

The energy (libido) initially directed at loving one's (false) self is

redirected at more multidimensional, less idealized "targets": others.

This edifice of maturity seems to crumble at the sight of one's

offspring. The baby evokes in the parent the most primordial drives, a

regression to infancy, protective, animalistic instincts, the desire to

merge with the newborn and a sense of terror generated by such a desire

(a fear of vanishing and of being assimilated). The parent relives his

infancy and childhood through the agency of the baby. The newborn

provides the parent with endless, unconditional and unbounded

Narcissistic supply. This is euphemistically known as love - but it is

really a form of symbiotic dependence, at least in the beginning of the

relationship. Such narcissistic supply is addictive even to the more

balanced, more mature, more psychodynamically stable of parents.

It enhances the parent's self-confidence, self esteem and buttresses

his self image. It fast becomes indispensable, especially in the

emotionally vulnerable position in which the parent finds himself. This

vulnerability is a result of the reawakening and reconstruction of all

the conflicts and unsolved complexes that the parent had with his own

parents.

If explanation is true, the following should also hold true:

a. The higher the self confidence, the self esteem, the self worth, the

clearer and more realistic the self image of the potential parent - the

less children he will have (the Principle of the Conservation of the

Ego boundaries)

b. The more sources of readily available Narcissistic supply - the less

children are needed (the substitutability of Narcissistic sources of

supply)

Sure enough, both predictions are validated by reality. The higher the

education and the income of adults - the fewer children they tend to

have. People with a higher education and with a greater income are more

likely to have a more established sense of self worth. Children become

counter-productive: not only is their Narcissistic input (supply)

unnecessary, they can also hinder further progress.

The Developmental Psychology of Psychopathology · 第 3 / 6 段