deposited his típoni upright upon it; he then made the cloud-charm
altar,[79] arranging the corn at the ends of six radial lines of meal
in a sinistral circuit, placing two crystals upon each ear of corn
except that corresponding to the nadir. The aspergills (makwámpis) also
were laid down beside each ear of corn except that which was symbolic
of the nadir. The sequence of ceremonials which then took place about
this altar was as follows:
1. Ceremonial smoke.
2. Prayers.
3. Liquid poured into the crenelated vessel or nákwipi.
4. Songs.
Synopsis of ceremonial events during the songs:
(_a_) Meal shaken from the six aspergills into the liquid.
(_b_) Whistling into the liquid through a turkey bone, and asperging
to the cardinal points with the same, six times in all.
(_c_) Meal cast into liquid, on tray of páhos and over the típoni
in ceremonial circuit.
(_d_) Pollen cast on the same objects in sequence.
5. Prayers.
6. Ceremonial smoke into the liquid with two pipes.
At the close of this observance Hahaíwüqti and the Natáckas came to
the kiva hatch and a comic dialogue ensued. She demanded meat and
other food, and the elders went up the ladder and refused to grant
her wishes. Natácka hooted and Soyókmana whistled back, and then the
Hehéakatcinas threw down the end of their lariat, and those in the kiva
below hung a piece of sheepskin and horns of goats to it.
Íntiwa then called two youths, and without anointing them[80] gave them
instructions where to deposit the offerings which had been consecrated
on the cloud-charm altar.[81] One youth was told to deposit his at
shrines in a circuit, beginning with Tawapa (Sun spring), and the other
at Kokyanba (Spider spring) and Tuveskyabi. Two sets of offerings were
left, and these with Katcinas were placed on the southwest point of the
mesa. This closed the ceremony, for Íntiwa then replaced the plug of
the sípapû and tied up his típoni and other paraphernalia.
The Natácka group went to the Wikwaliobikiva, and there Sóyoko gave
each of them and the Hehéakatcina a handful of meal and a nakwákwoci.
Taláhoya blew puffs of smoke over them. They then marched around
the houses to the Nacabki, along the plaza to Tcivatoki, and then
to Álkiva, where they begged for meat and held comic dialogues with
different chiefs. At the last-mentioned place there came from the kiva
six men arrayed and costumed as the Mamzraúti tcatumakaa, who, singing
as they went, marched to the dance court and halted close to the edge
of the cliff, facing the houses. The Natácka group accompanied them,
and two men personifying Hehéakatcinas assumed erotic paroxysms and
lay down on their backs on the ground close to the disguised Mamzraúti
personages, endeavoring to lift up their kilts and performing obscene
actions. Then they rolled on the ground in assumed fits. The Natáckas,
as usual, maintained their prancing step around them, and occasionally
Soyókmana thumped them with the butt end of her crook. After about five
minutes of this exhibition the Hehéa seized the Mamzraúti personators
and tumbled them into an indiscriminate heap, fell on top of them, and
did other acts which need not be mentioned. The Natácka then retired
for food, and, unmasking in the kiva, did not again appear.
_February 6_—Food was carried to all the kivas yesterday morning, but
there was neither dancing nor ceremonials.
_February 7_—No ceremony took place on this day, but the kiva chief and
the Hehéakatcinas played a curious game of ball called sunwuwinpa, in
which the ball is attached to a looped string. The player lay on his
back and, passing the loop over the great toe, projected the ball back
over his head. Two groups of these players were noted.
The following Katcinas were personated in the Powámû of 1893:[82]
Hahaíwüqti, Ancient Woman, Mother of Monsters.
Natácka, Monster.
Soyókmana, Attendant of Natácka.
Tuñwúp, Flogging Katcina.
Ahü′l.
Tümác, Mother of Ahü′l.
Wuyókwati.
Tcakwaína.
Wuwíyomo.
Pawík, Duck.
Nüvák, Snow.
Hehéa.
Mamzraúti tcatumakaa.
Tcavaíyo, Giant Elk.
Wupámo, Great Cloud.
Owanazrozro, Stone Devourer.
PÁLÜLÜKOÑTI
The screen drama of the Pálülükoñti ceremonial as performed in 1893 has
already been described.[83]
The following personifications of Katcinas appeared in the Pálülükoñti
in 1893:
Coyóhim, All.
Pawík, Duck.
Tacáb, Navaho.
Hokyaña.
Húhian, Barter.
Cálako, Cálako.
Its presentation in other years differs very materially from the
description given.
In the celebration of 1891 a wooden figure representing Cálako was
introduced with two carved marionettes, which were manipulated as if
grinding corn, and serpent effigies were thrust through the sun opening
of the screen. These were likewise used in the presentation in 1894.[84]
The celebration of Pálülükoñti in 1894 was controlled by the Badger
people, and the exhibition of the screen drama occurred March 16.
A number of slabs with symbolic figures of Táwa (the sun), and
Cótükinuñwa (the heart of all the sky), and two small effigies of
Pálülükoñûh (plumed snake) were introduced. The two mechanical
figurines, which were so manipulated as to appear to be in the act of
grinding corn on metates, represented Cálakomanas, and were made by
Tótci of the Badger people.
This variation from year to year, it will be observed, preserves
without change the various deities introduced and recalls what I
have already written about the variations in altars of the Nimán in
different villages. In stage effects latitude is permissible, but there
is no change in the deities represented. Something similar occurs in
the Mamzraúti, where, in 1891, tablets with Palahíkomana symbols were
used, while in 1893 women represented that personage.
So far as I know the essential personages[85] to be represented by
symbolism or by men in disguise, are:
Táwa, Sun.
Mü′iyawû, Moon.
Cótokinuñwa, Heart of the Sky.
Hahaíwüqti, Ancient Mother.
Pálülükoñti, Plumed Snake.
Cálako taka or mana, Corn Man or Maid.
Various Katcinas, mentioned above, but these may vary year by year.
Másauwûh, Fire God.
Various Tcukúwympkiyas, Clowns.
NIMÁNKATCINA
An outline of the ceremonials attending the departure of the
Katcinas from three of the Tusayan villages has already been given
elsewhere.[86] From new observations it is found that much remains to
complete this account, but the main events have already been described.
While the dance resembles the abbreviated Katcinas, from which it
should not be widely separated, the altar and kiva ceremonials place
it in the group of elaborate Katcinas or those with complicated secret
usages. It is only in those villages in which are preserved the wími
of the Kachina móñwi that this celebration can occur, although, as
we shall later see, abbreviated Katcinas are not so limited. It will
probably be found that any abbreviated Katcina may be used for the
public dance of the Nimán, but no abbreviated Katcina can have the
secret ceremonials of the Nimán without becoming the same. When the
Katcina chief, Íntiwa, sets up his altar it is but natural that any
set of Katcinas may give the public dance, which, while a necessary
accompaniment, is far from being prescribed as to kind.
ABBREVIATED KATCINAS
CHARACTERISTICS
This group includes a large number of simple ceremonials in which
a masked dance in public is the most significant part. The general
character of these observances may be seen by a consultation of my
article, “A few summer ceremonials at the Tusayan pueblos.”[87]
The distinctive name is determined by the characters personified
as indicated by the symbolic markings of the masks or by other
paraphernalia. No elaborate kiva ceremonials are performed.[88]
All the abbreviated presentations have certain common features which
run through them. These characteristics may be learned from my
description in the article on “The summer ceremonials,”[89] but in
order to make them more prominent I have mentioned them in an appended
footnote.[87]
The special Katcina celebrated is designated by the symbolism depicted
on the mask, which is repainted and redecorated according to the
Katcina which it is intended to represent. For the special name and
the accompanying symbolism a study of the dolls will give as good an
idea as can yet be obtained from published articles.[90]
The participants in the abbreviated Katcinas may be divided into
two groups: (1) The Katcinas, male and female, with related masked
personages, and the priests who pray to them and sprinkle meal upon
them, and (2) the accompanying clowns and masked or other persons
who participate in their antics and presentation. The details of
the proceedings of the second or possibly subordinate group vary in
different dances more than those of the first.
The participants of the first group are:
1. Masked personages (always men) called Katcinas.
2. Masked men, personifying women, called Katcinamanas.
3. One or more masked persons, who vary in symbolic characters in
different Katcinas. These are often absent.
4. Priests (unmasked), directors of the dance, who sprinkle the
Katcinas with sacred meal. These priests are vehicles of prayers to the
Katcinas and masked participants, and are generally few in number.
The presentation is accompanied with a feast[91] (generally at noon)
limited to Katcinas and Katcinamanas. The Katcinas dance in line,
sing, distribute gifts, but never utter any continuous sentence or
prayer. The Katcinamanas dance in line facing the Katcinas, or kneel
in front of the same, accompanying their songs with a rasping noise
made by rubbing a scapula over a notched stick. Ordinarily their
mask is identical in all Katcinas of the abbreviated form, and they
generally have their hair in two whorls on the sides of the head,
and wear white blankets and other feminine apparel. The second group
of personifications are the Tcukúwympkiyas (Tatcü′kti, knob-head
priests; Tcü′ckütû, gluttons; or Paiakaíamû, horned clowns). Their
representation consists of a series of antics and dramatizations, story
telling, gluttony, obscene gestures or bawdy remarks, and flogging and
other indignities heaped upon each other or upon accompanying masked
persons. These representations and the personifications who carry on
their portion of the observance vary in different reproductions of the
same drama.
The Tcukúwympkiya do not dance or sing with the Katcinas, but sprinkle
them with meal and pray to them. While an essential feature in certain
abbreviated Katcinas, they are not always present, and their exhibition
has many secular or temporal characteristics or innovations more
or less dependent on the invention of the participants. The masked
persons who assist them are representatives of semimythologic beings,
called Píptuka, Ü′tci (Apache), Tacáb (Navaho), Kése, and others. A
description of the various modifications of their performances would
mean special account of each presentation and would vary in details
for each exhibition, but except in a very general way these variations
are quite unimportant in the study of the characteristics of the
abbreviated Katcinas. The following are some of the episodes introduced:
1. Inordinate eating and begging, urine drinking, gluttony, and
obscenity.
2. Flogging of one another, stripping off breechcloths, drenching with
foul water, ribald remarks to spectators, and comical episodes with
donkeys and dogs.
[Illustration: FIG. 40—The Áñakatcina.]
3. Story telling for pieces of corn under severe flogging by masked
persons, races, smearing one another with blood, urinating upon one
another, tormenting with cactus branches, etc.
The Katcina dance ordinarily lasts from daybreak to sunset, with
intermissions, during which the participants unmask under an
overhanging cliff on the southern side of the mesa. Here likewise they
have their feast at midday. The dances in the forenoon are slimly
attended by spectators, but in the afternoon all the terraces and roofs
of the houses surrounding the plaza[92] in which the pillar mound is
situated are occupied by natives and visitors. The line of Katcinas
is led by an uncostumed chief, who sprinkles meal on the ground as he
enters and leaves the dance court, and who from time to time shouts to
the dancers (figure 40). The leader of the Katcinas stands midway
in the line, and by a rapid movement of his rattle as a signal changes
the song and directs the termination. To him[93] as a representative
the prayers are addressed. The dance is a rhythmic stamping movement of
one foot on the ground, and all keep in line, elbowing their neighbors,
turning now to one side, then to another, as directed. The female
Katcinas face the male and stand about midway in the line. They use the
serrated stick and scapula as an accompaniment to the song.
[Illustration: PL. CIX.
A. HOEN & CO., LITH.
DOLL OF CÁLAKO TAKA.]
It is common for both male and female Katcinas to bring gifts to the
plaza for spectators, especially children, as they return to the
dance.[94] These gifts are ordinarily corn, bread, or tortillas. It is
customary for priests to sprinkle the Katcinas with sacred meal, and
the Tcukúwympkiyas, or clowns, also perform this function. The típoni
or Katcina badge of office is not carried in every celebration, nor
does the Katcina chief, Íntiwa, always lead the line.
[Illustration: FIG. 41—Maskette of Áñakatcinamana.]
The one garment worn by the male Katcinas is the ceremonial kilt. This
is not confined to them, but is likewise worn in other ceremonials, as
in the Snake-Antelope observance and in minor celebrations. Every male
Katcina, whatever his helmet, has one of these about his loins. It is
made of coarse cotton, on the ends of which are embroidered symbolic
figures of rain-clouds, falling rain, and lightning. Ordinarily half
of the width is painted green, and the lower edge is black, with nine
square blocks of the same color at regular intervals. This kilt is
represented on many dolls of the Katcinas figured in my article on that
subject.[95]
The Katcinas, irrespective of the special personage depicted, wear a
broad cotton sash with knotted strings at the proximal end. In this
belt spruce branches are held. A fox-skin depends from the belt, and
turtle-shell rattles on the leg are invariably part of a Katcina’s
costume. Moccasins and heel bands are prescribed and bodily decoration
with pigments is common, but none of the above are characteristic of
special kinds of Katcinas. The mask is in general the one distinctive
characteristic of a definite personification.
SÍOCÁLAKO
The Shálako is one of the most important observances at Zuñi, and is
partially described by Cushing in an article on his life in Zuñi.[96]
An exhaustive account, however, has never been published. The Hopi
occasionally celebrate a Cálako, which from its name and other reasons
is undoubtedly an incorporated modification of this ceremonial, as
the Tusayan legends distinctly state.[97] The following pages give an
outline of the Hopi presentation as a contribution to the comparative
study of Pueblo ritual. A complete account of the Shálako at Zuñi is a
great desideratum before it is possible to undertake close comparisons.
The presentation of Cálako is not an annual event at the East mesa of
Tusayan, but occurs after long intervals of time. The paraphernalia are
kept in a house in Sitcomovi and belong to the Badger clan. The house
in which they are deposited is the property of Koĭkáamü, the daughter
of Masiúmtiwa’s eldest sister, now deceased, and the wími likewise
belong to her by descent.
The chiefs of all the gentes in Walpi and Sitcomovi, the chief of the
Katcinas, and one or two others from Hano assembled in this house on
the 16th of July, 1893, and made a large number (over two hundred) of
páhos for use in the ceremonials to be described.
Early on the morning of the next day the masks and effigies of
Siocálako were renovated and carried to the spring called Kwañwába
(sweet water), which is situated on the Zuñi trail southward from
the mesa. In a modern house owned by a Sitcomovi family[98] at this
spring the masks were repainted and the hoops which were used to make a
framework for the bodies were set around with eagle feathers.
The effigies which were used in personifications were made up of masks
or helmets of the ordinary size for the heads and a crinoline-like[99]
framework of willow hoops for the bodies. These masks were made from
narrow shreds of leaves of the agave plaited together diagonally, and
this plaited frame was covered with a painted buckskin upon which the
symbolism of the Síocálako was delineated. The projecting beak of the
face had a movable under jaw, which was hinged and manipulated with
a string. The helmet was attached to a staff forming a backbone, 3½
feet long, by which it was carried. The series of crinoline hoops or
supports of the blankets which formed the body were about fifteen in
number, the upper being about the size of the helmet, the lower 4½ feet
in diameter. A tü′ihi or large white embroidered mantle was draped
about the upper hoops or the shoulders, and a gray fox-skin was hung
around the neck, which was likewise profusely decorated with shell
necklaces.
The man who acted the part of bearer walked inside the crinoline,
freely supporting the effigy by the staff or backbone, holding it at
such a height as to permit the lowest hoop with its attached feathers
to reach to his knees. Each effigy bearer was bareheaded, and although
hidden from view, was decorated with the white kilt of a typical
Katcina.
An uncostumed chief led the four giants in single file toward the mesa,
followed by a large number of men dressed as mud-heads or Tatcü′kti,
who were called “Koyímse,” a term adapted from their Zuñi name.[100]
All who had sufficient knowledge of the idiom spoke Zuñi, and the
procession reached the Sun spring (Tawápa) at about sunset. It was
there met by two priests, Taláhoya and a nephew of Masiúmtiwa, who
were to act as conductors. All were welcomed and homoya (prayers)
were recited and much sacred meal was sprinkled. Headed by the two
conductors the procession climbed the trail to the top of the mesa,
and from thence marched into the main court of Sitcomovi by the
northeastern entrance, near which the men bearing the four giant
effigies, together with the mud-heads, halted. The latter were closely
huddled together in four groups, drumming with deafening noise on as
many drums.
The Katcina chief, Íntiwa, and a man personifying Eótoto[101] then
drew four circles with intersecting lines of meal on the ground at
the north side of the court in the positions indicated. This was
followed by a command of Hahaíwüqti, who signaled with an ear of corn
for the first (kwiníwi, north) Cálako effigy to advance. He did so
with a short, rapid step, and halted over the first circle of meal.
The “bearer” bobbed the effigy up and down so that the feathers which
had been fastened to the lower hoop of the crinoline touched the
ground. The bearer then stooped and rested the end of his staff on the
ground, holding it upright. The other three giant impersonators were
then brought up, one at a time, by Hahaíwüqti. As each settled to its
position the bearer cried “Ho!” six times in a shrill falsetto, and
rapidly snapped the beak of the effigy he bore by means of a string.
The Cálakos were then sprinkled with meal by the chiefs and others,
after which the effigies were moved one by one to circles of meal on
the southern side of the plaza. Six times this removal was repeated,
each time attended by ceremonials similar to those mentioned above.
At the conclusion of this observance in the plaza the four giants were
conducted by the chiefs of the Lizard, Ása, Badger, and Water gentes
to the houses of the elder sisters of the respective clans. The Cálako
effigies were suspended by the mask from the rafters of each room, and
as the length of each was 7 feet 6 inches the tips of the radiating
feathers on the head and those on the last hoop of the framework of the
body just touched the roof and floor of the chamber. The same ceremony
look place in each house and there were prayers by the elders, dancing
by the effigy bearers, and singing and drumming by the “Koyímse.” At
sunrise—for the exhibitions in the houses lasted all night—a final
presentation in the court similar to that which opened the ceremonies
took place, after which the Cálakos and mud-heads went to the cliff and
unmasked at the Kachinaki. There they performed purification ceremonies
(navótciwa) and dismantled the effigies. They donned their ordinary
habiliments and smuggled the paraphernalia back into the chamber in
Sitcomovi, where it is ordinarily kept.
[Illustration: FIG. 42—Position of celebrants in the court of Sitcomovi
in Síocálako.[102]]
On the 8th and 9th of the month, following the demise of the Cálakos, a
most elaborate Wáwac or Racing Katcina was performed.[103]
PAWÍKKATCINA
The Pawíkkatcina, which I observed at Sitcomovi in 1892, had certain
differences from any abbreviated Katcina dance which I have yet
described, and illustrated the ceremonial reception of these personages
after they had visited another pueblo. A priest of Sitcomovi suggested
that his fellow villagers should send a delegation of young men to
Cipaulovi to return a dance with which they had previously been honored
by the latter pueblo. Accordingly the masks were painted and the
preliminary ceremonials took place in one of the Sitcomovi kivas, those
who were to participate in the ceremonial beginning their work on the
25th of June. The visitors danced all day of the 27th at Cipaulovi,
rested on the 28th, and continued their dance on the 29th at Sitcomovi.
The ceremonials on their return at the trail approaching Sitcomovi took
place on June 28th, an hour before sunset.
[Illustration: FIG. 43—Mask of Pawíkkatcina (front view).]
This dance differed very little from that of other Katcinas, to which
attention has hitherto been directed.[104] There were twenty-three
Katcinas and five[105] Katcinamanas, and the masks of both are
illustrated in figures 43, 44, and 45, while one of the staffs which
they bore is represented in figure 46. They sang five songs called
Ómowûh (cloud), Yoivíkka (swift), Pakwa (frog), Pawykia (duck), and
Patzro (quail). An interesting feature which I had never before seen in
Tusayan abbreviated Katcinas was the unmasked dance in the kiva.[106]
The secret ceremonials in the kiva were as follows: The three priests,
who had previously bathed their heads in their own houses, made the
páhos and nakwákwocis. Two of these men made four prayer sticks similar
to those described in the Walpi ceremonial, and one made a long single
páho. These were deposited in a flat basket tray and smoked upon by
those present. Before beginning the manufacture of the páhos the makers
prepared themselves by a ceremonial smoke.[107] At the same time that
the páhos were made twenty-three nakwákwocis for the Katcinas and five
for the Katcinamanas were likewise manufactured.
[Illustration: FIG. 44—Mask of Pawíkkatcina (side view).]
[Illustration: PL. CX.
A. HOEN & CO., LITH.
HEAD DRESS OF ALOSAKA.]
At midday food was passed down into the kiva, but before partaking of
it one of the priests took a pinch of each kind of food (dunópna) and
went with it to a cleft in the mesa on the north side of Sitcomovi. He
there deposited it with a páho, a pinch of each kind of pigment used in
painting the paraphernalia, a little tobacco,[108] but no sacred meal.
This was an offering, it was said, to the Grand Canyon of the Colorado
sípapû. He then went to the southern side of the mesa and placed in a
similar cleft a nakwákwoci, said to be an offering to Másauwûh.
[Illustration: FIG. 45—Mask of Pawíkkatcinamana.]
[Illustration: FIG. 46—Staff of Pawíkkatcina.]
At sunrise on the 29th two offerings were deposited, and each of the
twenty-three Katcinas placed his nakwákwoci in a shrine.