II

In the year 1242 we find the House of May appealing to the Court of the

Archdeaconry of Lothian against the encroachment of an ecclesiastic. The

case for the monks was that Adam Black, of Dunbar, had bequeathed to

them a house and croft, together with two "perticates" of arable land,

but that, at his death, the property in question had been occupied and

unjustly detained by Patrick, Chaplain of Dunbar. When the matter came

before the authorities, Patrick could not deny the justice of the claim

put forward. That he himself was not without some justification for the

course he had taken is suggested by the decision of the Court. It was

that he should remain in possession of the house and grounds, but should

make to the Priory a payment of three shillings a year for them. This

settlement was made by William Mortimer as representing the Bishop of

St. Andrews, and by Baldred, Dean of Lothian, within the parish church

of Haddington, in presence of the incumbent and of the vicar of North

Berwick.[215]

When David I conveyed the Priory of May to the Monks of Reading, he also

granted them the lands of Rindalgros, in Perthshire, where another cell

for monks was erected, subject to the House of May. Here, too, questions

of property and privilege brought the monks into conflict with their

neighbours. Thus, between them and Duncan of Inchesiryth a dispute arose

with regard to their respective fishing rights. The matter was so

adjusted that both parties should be entitled to cast their nets in the

contested waters, as it might suit them, and with no further restriction

than the common use of the country.[216]

The records of the Priory also furnish details of disputes that arose

between the Monks of May and other religious houses. Thus, in 1231, a

case in which they were the pursuers came before a commission appointed

by the Pope, and consisting of the Prior and of the Archdeacon of St.

Andrews, together with the Dean of Fife. They complained that, although

the church of Rind, with the teinds of the whole parish, belonged in

property to them, the Brethren of Scone detained from them the tithes of

four fishings--namely, of Sleples, Elpenslau, Chingil, and

Inchesiryth--all situated within the bounds of the parish. After hearing

the pleadings, allegations, and exceptions of both parties, the judges

and their legal assessors decided that, for the sake of peace, the Monks

of Scone should pay two merks of silver yearly to the House of May, and

should, in return, be held free from all claims for the tithes.[217]

A few years before this, in 1225, the Prior and Brethren of the May

were themselves the defendants in an action raised by the House of

Dryburgh. From the official statement of the case it appears that the

Parish Church of Anstruther belonged to the former and that of Kilrenny

to the latter, and that the two parishes were separated from each other

by a stream. In view of the fact that the boats which fished in this

stream were moored on the Kilrenny side and that their anchors were

fixed within the bounds of the parish, where they remained for the

night, the Canons of Dryburgh maintained that they were entitled to

one-half of the tithes arising from such boats, whilst the Monks of May

levied the whole. The Abbot and the Prior of Melrose and the Dean of

Teviotdale, acting as Papal Commissioners, decided that, "for the sake

of peace, the Monks of May should pay yearly one merk of silver within

the Parish Church of Kilrenny to the Canons of Dryburgh, for which

payment the monks were to be free of all claim on the part of the

canons, providing the latter should receive full tithes from their

proper parishioners--that is, from the parishioners receiving spiritual

benefits in the church of Kilrenny and using the said part of the shore;

and that the monks should receive full tithes from all coming from other

quarters, and using the said part of the shore".[218]

Amongst the documents relating to the May there is one which records an

agreement arrived at between the Prior and Convent on the one hand and

Malcolm, the King's Cupbearer, on the other, with regard to the Chapel

of Ricardestone. The monks authorized the celebration of mass in the

chapel by a chaplain from the House of Rindalgros, or some other in his

stead, on every Sunday, Wednesday, and Friday, as well as on the

principal feast days, such being Christmas and the three days after it,

the Purification, Easter, the Ascension, Pentecost, the Assumption, the

Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, and All Saints. They also permitted that

the holy bread--that is to say, the loaf offered by the people, blessed

by the priest before the beginning of the mass, and distributed amongst

the congregation--should be given there, but only by the men of the

vill. There, too, the women of the vill--but they alone--might be

churched, and also be heard in confession; but they were to pay the

offering for wax to the Mother Church of Rindalgros, and there, too,

were to receive communion at Easter. The Cupbearer himself and all his

successors were to be at liberty to communicate either in the chapel or

in the Mother Church. Malcolm might also have a priest attached to his

chapel, provided such priest acknowledged submission to the Church of

Rindalgros. In return for these concessions and privileges, the

Cupbearer not only confirmed the gifts of land made by his father to the

chapel, but also added a grant of other four acres in pure and perpetual

alms.[219]

Apart from such incidents as the Records of the Priory of May indicate,

there seems to have been only one event of importance in connection with

it for more than a century from the time when King David conveyed it to

the Monks of Reading, on condition that they should maintain in it nine

priests of their brethren, to offer up the Mass for the benefit of his

soul and of the souls of his predecessors and successors, Kings of

Scotland. It is briefly referred to by the chronicler Torfæus in his

account of one of Swein Asleif's expeditions. Steering southwards, he

says, Swein and his followers arrived at the Isle of May. In that island

there was a monastery, the abbot of which was named Baldwin. Being

detained there for seven days, they professed to be ambassadors from

Earl Ronald to the King of Scotland. The monks, suspecting them to be

robbers, sent to the mainland for help. On this, Swein plundered the

monastery, and took much booty. As a strangely inconsistent sequel to

this story, Torfæus adds that Swein then sailed up the Firth of Forth,

and found King David in Edinburgh; that the King received Swein with

much honour, and entreated him to remain; and that Swein told David all

that had occurred between him and Earl Ronald, and how he had plundered

the Isle of May. The same historian also states that on another occasion

Swein anchored at the Isle of May, from which he dispatched messengers

to the King at Edinburgh.[220]

Spottswood states, in his _List of Religious Houses in Scotland_, that

the Priory of the May, originally put under the patronage of All Saints,

was subsequently consecrated to the memory of St. Adrian. He does not,

however, mention on what occasion. He adds that William Lamberton,

Bishop of St. Andrews, purchased it from the Abbot of Reading, and

notwithstanding the complaints made thereupon by Edward Longshanks, King

of England, bestowed it upon the canons regular of his cathedral. Fordun

and Prynne both give details of the transaction; but from documents

discovered at a later date and published in the _Records of the Priory

of the Isle of May_,[221] it appears that neither of them states the

case quite fully nor quite correctly. It is to be gathered from the

proceedings relative to the claim of the Abbot and Convent of Reading on

the Priory, that it was Robert de Burghgate, Abbot of Reading, who sold

the Scottish "cell" to William, Bishop of St. Andrews, and that he

received from him 1100 merks on account of the price. It would seem,

however, that he effected this transaction contrary to the wish of the

majority of his monks; and, on this ground, his successor, Abbot

William, attempted to overturn it. In the Parliament of John Baliol,

held at Scone on the 10th of February, 1292, John Sutton and Hugh

Stanford, appearing as his representatives, demanded either possession

of the Priory of May or payment of the balance of the price agreed to be

paid for it, together with the fruits and rents accruing from it during

the preceding four years. Failing recognition of their claims, they were

empowered to appeal to the judgment of the King of England--a

significant instruction which shows that Edward intended to turn the

dispute to account in the prosecution of his designs against the

independence of Scotland.

When the English representatives presented their abbot's petition they

were asked whether he was prepared to repay to the Bishop of St. Andrews

the 1100 merks already received on account. They cautiously replied that

they had not been sent to make any payment, and could not undertake to

do so; and they requested that the case, which had been brought to a

deadlock by reason of the Scottish counterclaim, might be adjourned to

the next, or to some subsequent Parliament, so that they might have time

to consult both the Abbot of Reading and the English King. To escape

from the necessity of either recognizing or challenging the sovereign

authority which Edward claimed, and by virtue of which it was intended

to get the dispute settled in favour of the Monks of Reading, the Bishop

of St. Andrews, on his side, appealed to the Roman See. The case being

thus removed from the Scottish Court, Baliol had a plausible reason for

refusing to proceed further in the matter. The English abbot's attorneys

were not, however, satisfied with this move on the part of their

opponents. Alleging a denial of justice in the Scottish Court, they

appealed to King Edward as Lord Superior of the Kingdom of Scotland. He

consequently issued a writ, dated at Dunton on the 2nd of September,

1293, by which he cited John Baliol to appear before him within a

fortnight of the feast of St. Martin. Baliol disregarded not only this

first summons, but also two others, which respectively called upon him

to appear within the octave of the feast of the Holy Trinity, and within

a month after Easter. A fourth writ was then forwarded to the Sheriff of

Northumberland. It was to be served by him in person on the Scottish

King, whom it commanded to appear before his suzerain within a month

after Michaelmas, and to bring with him the record of the proceedings in

the Scottish Court prior to the appeal to the Holy See. In the absence

of further documents bearing on the case, it may be assumed that "the

final overthrow of the paramount claims of England, which was one of the

happy results of Bannockburn, of course precluded any further English

interference with the agreement which had rescued the Priory of May from

an alien mother".[222]

The first extant document subsequent to the severance of the connection

between the Scottish cell and the English monastery is dated the 1st of

July, 1318, and is a deed of gift by which William, Bishop of St.

Andrews, makes over to the Canons of the Monastery of St. Andrews an

annual pension of sixteen merks formerly due by the Priory of May to the

Monastery of Reading.[223] In 1415 there is an obligation by Henry,

Bishop of St. Andrews, for payment to the same canons of twenty pounds

Scots out of the sequestrated revenues of the Priory of May. About the

middle of the century the "Priory of Pittenweem or May" was annexed by

Pope Paul II to the See of St. Andrews, as a mensal possession of the

bishop's, during his lifetime. In 1472 this annexation was made

perpetual by Pope Sixtus IV.[224]

In this deed of annexation, and in others anterior to it, from 1318

onwards, the alternative appellation "May or Pittenweem" occurs.

According to the editor of the _Records_, the explanation seems to be

"that the Monks of May had, from the first, erected an establishment of

some sort on their manor of Pittenweem, on the mainland of Fife, which,

after the priory was dissevered from the House of Reading and annexed to

that of St. Andrews, became their chief seat, and that thereafter the

monastery on the island was deserted in favour of Pittenweem, which was

less exposed to the incursions of the English, nearer to the superior

house at St. Andrews, and could be reached without the necessity of a

precarious passage by sea".[225]

By a charter bearing the date of the 30th of January, 1549, John Roull,

Prior of Pittenweem, feued the Isle of May to Patrick Learmonth of

Dairsy, Provost of St. Andrews. The deed of conveyance describes the

island as waste and spoiled by rabbits, which had once been an important

source of revenue, but of which the warrens were now completely

destroyed. As reasons justifying the alienation of the May, Roull

referred to its remoteness and to the consequent difficulty of access to

it, to its unprofitableness, and to its liability to invasion by those

ancient enemies, the English, who on the outbreak of hostilities were

wont to take possession of it, thus rendering it a useless adjunct to

his monastery. Amongst the rights ceded to Learmonth was that of

patronage of the church, which was to be maintained, and to which he was

to appoint a chaplain, for the purpose of continuing divine service

therein, out of reverence for the relics and sepulchres of the saints

interred in the island, and for the reception of pilgrims and their

offerings, according to the custom of old times, and even within memory

of man.[226]

Numerous records testify to the reverence in which the island shrine of

St. Adrian was held during the fifteenth and the sixteenth century.

Thus, it is stated that when Mary of Gueldres was on her way to Scotland

in June, 1449, to become the wife of James II, she anchored near the

May, and performed her devotions in the chapel before proceeding on her

voyage to Leith.[227] It may be seen from entries in the Accounts of the

Lord High Treasurer for Scotland that King James IV was a very assiduous

pilgrim to the island, and a liberal patron of the hermit who had

established his cell there. They record a visit which he paid in 1503.

It was not his first, as there is a brief notice of his having landed

in 1490; but it is the earliest of which any details are supplied. He

sailed from Leith, accompanied by a considerable retinue, amongst whom

were the clerks of the Chapel Royal, who sang mass in the chapel on the

island. After the celebration the Royal party took boat again, and,

safely piloted in "the litill bark callit the _Columb_" by Robert

Barton's mariners, who got fourteen shillings for their trouble, landed

at Anstruther. On that occasion the hermit of May received nine

shillings by the King's command. In the beginning of July, 1505, John

Merchamestoun was commissioned to pass to Kinghorn, Dysart, and

Kirkcaldy to seek mariners against the King's passing to May. Previous

to the voyage, the King himself drew a hundred French crowns for his own

purse. The men that rowed him to the ship received six shillings, and

next day, those "that rowit the King fra his schippes to Maij, and to

the schippes agane", got seven. Nine shillings were paid "to the botemen

that brocht the Kingis stuf, and the maister cuke with the Kingis souper

fra the schip to Maij, and fra Maij to the schip agane". The donation to

the hermit amounted to five shillings and fourpence. Similar entries

occur in 1506 and 1507; but those of the former of these years show

additional sums for offerings of candles and of bread, and for a

donation on behalf of the Queen. They also show that the royal ship was

provided with nine cross-bows. In 1508 there is evidence of a shooting

party on the May. On the last day of June in that year sixteen pence

were paid "to ane row bote that hed the King about the Isle of Maij to

schut at fowlis with the culveryn". There were other three boats "that

hed in the Kingis folkis and chanounis, with pairt of lardis of the

contree". It was in the _Lion_ that James came over from the mainland;

and amongst the provisions with which she was supplied for the voyage

mention is made of one puncheon of wine, three barrels of ale, and one

hundred and four score "breid of wheat". It is not unworthy of notice

that a charter, dated only a few days before the death of James IV at

Flodden, makes special mention of the May.[228] It erects certain lands

into a free barony in favour of Sir Andrew Wood of Largo on condition

that he or his heirs should accompany the King and his Consort, or their

successors, on their pilgrimages to the island.

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