DANIEL

Daniel is called a prophet in the New Testament (Matt. xxiv. 15). In

the Hebrew Bible, however, the book called by his name appears not

among the prophets, but among "the writings," between Esther and

Ezra. The Greek version placed it between the major and the minor

prophets, and this has determined its position in modern versions.

The book is both like and unlike the prophetic books. It is like

them in its passionate belief in the overruling Providence of God

and in the sure consummation of His kingdom; but in its peculiar

symbolism, imagery, and pervading sense of mystery it stands without

a parallel in the Old Testament. The impulse to the type of prophecy

represented by Daniel was given by Ezekiel and Zechariah. The book

is indeed rather apocalyptic than prophetic. The difference has been

well characterized by Behrmann. "The essential distinction," he

remarks, "between prophecy and apocalyptic lies in this: the

prophets teach that the present is to be interpreted by the past and

future, while the apocalyptic writers derive the future from the

past and present, and make it an object of consolatory hope. With

the prophets the future is the servant and even the continuation of

the present; with the apocalyptic writers the future is the

brilliant counterpart of the sorrowful present, over which it is to

lift them." This will be made most plain by a summary of the book

itself.

Chs. i.-vi. are narrative in form; chs. vii.-xii. are prophetic or

apocalyptic--they deal with visions. Curiously enough ii. 4-vii. 28,

for no apparent reason, are written in Aramaic. In ch. i. Daniel and

his three friends, Jewish captives at the court of Babylon, prove

their fidelity to their religion by refusing to defile themselves

with the king's food. At the end of three years they show themselves

superior to the "wise" men of the empire. Then (ii.) follows a dream

of Nebuchadrezzar, in which a great image was shivered to pieces by

a little stone, which grew till it filled the whole world. Daniel

alone could retell and interpret the dream: it denoted a succession

of kingdoms, which would all be ultimately overthrown and succeeded

by the everlasting kingdom of God. Ch. iii. deals not with Daniel

but with his friends. It tells the story of their refusal to bow

before Nebuchadrezzar's colossal image of gold, and how their

fidelity was rewarded by a miraculous deliverance, when they were

thrown into the furnace of fire. The supernatural wisdom of Daniel

is again illustrated in ch. iv., where he interprets a curious dream

of Nebuchadrezzar as a token that he would be humbled for a time and

bereft of his reason. Ch. v. affords another illustration of the

wisdom of Daniel, and of the humiliation of impiety and pride, this

time in the person of Belshazzar, who is regarded as

Nebuchadrezzar's son. Daniel interprets the enigmatic words written

by the mysterious hand on the wall as a prediction of the overthrow

of Belshazzar's kingdom, which dramatically happens that very night.

Ch. vi. is intended to teach how precious to God are those who trust

Him and scrupulously conform to the practices of true religion

without regard to consequences. Daniel is preserved in the den of

lions into which he had been thrown by the cruel jealousy of the

officials of Darius' empire.

With ch. vii. Daniel's visions begin. Four great beasts are seen

coming up out of the sea, which, according to Babylonian mythology,

is the element opposed to the divine. The last of the beasts,

especially cruel and terrible, had ten horns, and among them a

little horn with human eyes and presumptuous lips. Then is seen the

divine Judge upon His throne, and the presumptuous beast is judged

and slain. Before this same Judge is brought one like a son of man,

who comes with the clouds of heaven--this human and heavenly figure

being in striking contrast to the beasts that rise out of the sea.

Daniel is informed that the beasts represent four kingdoms, whose

dominion is to be superseded by the dominion of the saints of the

most High, i.e. by the kingdom of God, which will be everlasting. In

a second vision (viii.) a powerful ram is furiously attacked and

overthrown by a goat. The angel Gabriel explains that the ram is the

Medo-Persian empire, and the goat is the king of Greece, clearly

Alexander the Great. From one of the four divisions of Alexander's

empire, a cunning, impudent and impious king would arise who would

abolish the daily sacrifice and lay the temple in ruins, but by a

miraculous visitation he would be destroyed. In ch. ix. Daniel,

after a fervent penitential prayer offered in behalf of his sinful

people, is enlightened by Gabriel as to the true meaning of

Jeremiah's prophecy (xxv. 11f., xxix. 10f.) touching the desolation

of Jerusalem. The seventy years are not literal years, but weeks of

years, i.e. 490 years. During the last week (i.e. seven years) there

would be much sorrow and persecution, especially during the last

half of that period, but it would end in the utter destruction of

the oppressor.

In another vision (x.-xii.) Daniel is informed by a shining one of a

struggle he had had, supported by Michael, with the tutelary angel

of Persia; and he makes a revelation of the future. The Persian

empire will be followed by a Greek empire, which will be divided

into four. In particular, alliances will be formed and wars made

between the kings of the north (no doubt Syria) and the south

(Egypt). With great elaboration and detail the fortunes of the king

of the north, who is called contemptible, xi. 21, are described: how

he desecrates the sanctuary, abolishes the sacrifice, cruelly

persecutes the holy people, and prescribes idolatrous worship. At

last, however, he too perishes, and his death is the signal that the

Messianic days are very soon to dawn. Israel's dead--especially

perhaps her martyred dead--are to rise to everlasting life, and her

enemies are also to be raised to everlasting shame. Well is it for

him who can possess his soul in patience, for the end is sure.

Two facts are obvious even to a cursory inspection of the contents

of Daniel (1), that certain statements about the exilic period,

during which, according to the book, Daniel lived, are inaccurate;

and (2) towards the close of the book and especially in ch. xi.,

which represents a period long subsequent to Daniel, the visions are

crowded with minute detail which corresponds, point for point, with

the history of the third and second centuries B.C., and in

particular with the career of Antiochus Epiphanes (xi. 21-45).

(1) Among the unhistorical statements the following may be noted.

There was no siege and capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadrezzar in 605

B.C., as is implied by i. 1 (cf. Jer. xxv. 1, 9-11), nor indeed

could there have been any till after the decisive battle of

Carchemish, which brought Western Asia under the power of Babylon.

Again, Belshazzar is regarded as the son of Nebuchadrezzar (v.),

though he was in reality the son of Nabunaid, between whom and

Nebuchadrezzar three monarchs lay. Nor is there any room in this

period of the history (538 B.C.) for "Darius the Mede," v. 31; the

conquest of Babylon threw the Babylonian empire immediately into the

hands of Cyrus, and the impossible figure of Darius the Mede appears

to arise through a confusion with the Darius who recaptured Babylon

after a revolt in 521, and perhaps to have been suggested by

prophecies (cf. Isa. xiii. 17) that the Medes would conquer Babylon.

Again, though in certain passages the Chaldeans represent the people

of that name, v. 30, ix. 1, in others (cf. ii. 2, v. 7) the word is

used to denote the wise men of Babylon--a use demonstrably much

later than the Babylonian empire and impossible to any contemporary

of Daniel. Such a seven years' insanity of Nebuchadrezzar as is

described in Daniel iv. is extremely improbable; equally improbable

is the attitude that Nebuchadrezzar in his decree (iii.) and

confession (iv.) and Darius in his decree (vi.) are represented as

having adopted towards the God of the Jews.

(2) Concerning the immediately succeeding period--from Cyrus to

Alexander--the author is apparently not well informed. He knows of

only four Persian kings, xi. 2 (cf. vii. 6). Ch. xi. 5-20 gives a

brief _résumé_ of the relations between the kings of the north

and the kings of the south--which, in this context, after a plain

allusion in _vv_. 3, 4 to Alexander the Great and the divisions

of his empire, can only be interpreted of Syria and Egypt. From

_v_. 21, however, to the end of ch. xi. interest is

concentrated upon one particular person, who must, in the context,

be a king of the north, i.e. Syria. The direct reference in

_v_. 31 to the pollution of the sanctuary, the temporary

abolition of sacrifice, and the erection of a heathen altar, put it

beyond all doubt that the impious and "contemptible" monarch is none

other than Antiochus Epiphanes. This conclusion is confirmed by the

details of the section, with their unmistakable references to his

Egyptian campaigns, _vv_. 25-28, and to the check imposed upon

him by the Romans, _v_. 30, in 168 B.C.

The phenomenon then with which we have to deal is this. A book

supposed to come from the exile, and to announce beforehand the

persecutions and ultimate triumph of the Jewish people in the second

century B.C. is occasionally inaccurate in dealing with the exilic

and early post-exilic period, but minute and reliable as soon as it

touches the later period. Only one conclusion is possible--that the

book was written in the later period, not in the earlier. _It is a

product of the period which it so minutely reflects_, 168-165

B.C. The precise date of the book depends upon whether we regard

viii. 14 as implying that the dedication of the temple by Judas

Maccabaeus in 165 B.C. is a thing of the past or still an object of

contemplation. In any case it must have been written before the

death of Antiochus in 164 (xi. 45). Like all the prophets, the

author of Daniel addresses his own age. The brilliant Messianic days

are always the issue of the existing or impending catastrophe; and

so it is in Daniel. The redemption which is to involve the

resurrection is to follow on the death of Antiochus and the

cessation of the horrors of persecution--horrors of which the author

knew only too well.[1]

[Footnote 1: Daniel is fittingly chosen as the hero of the book and

the recipient of the visions, as he appears to have enjoyed a

reputation for piety and wisdom (Ezek. xiv. 14, 20, xxviii. 3).

Ezekiel's references to him, however, would lead us to suppose that

he is a figure belonging to the gray patriarchial times, rather than

a younger contemporary of his own.]

Thus the belief in the late date of the book is reached by a study

of the book itself, and is not due to any prejudice against the

possibility of miracle or predictive prophecy. But the late date is

confirmed by evidence of other kinds, especially (1) linguistic, and

(2) theological. (1) There are over a dozen Persian words in the

book, some even in the Babylonian part of the story. These words

would place the book, at the earliest, within the period of the

Persian empire (538-331 B.C.). Further, within two verses, iii. 4,

5, occur no less than five Greek words (herald, harp, trigon,

psaltery and bagpipe), one of which, _psanterîn_, by its change

of l (psa_l_terion) into n, betrays the influence of the

Macedonian dialect and must therefore be later than the conquests of

Alexander, and another, _symphonia_, is first found in Plato.

Though it is not impossible that the names of the other musical

instruments may have been taken over by the Semites from the Greeks

at an early time, these words at any rate practically compel us to

put the book, at the earliest, within the Greek period (i.e. after

331 B.C.). Further, the Hebrew of the book has a strongly Aramaic

flavour. It is not classical Hebrew at all, but has marked

affinities, both in vocabulary and syntax, with some of the latest

books in the Old Testament, such as Chronicles and Esther.

(2) The theology of Daniel undoubtedly represents one of the latest

developments within the Old Testament. The transcendence of God is

emphasized. He is frequently called "the God of Heaven," ii. 18, 19,

and once "heaven" is used, as in the later manner (cf. Luke xv. 18)

almost as a synonym for "God," iv. 26. As God becomes more

transcendent, angels become more prominent: they constitute a very

striking feature in the book of Daniel--two of them are even named,

Gabriel and Michael. Very singular, too, and undoubtedly late is the

conception that the fortunes of each nation are represented and

guarded in heaven by a tutelary angel, x. 13ff. 20.

The view of the future life in xii. 2, 3 is the most advanced in the

Old Testament: not only the nation but the individuals shall be

raised, and of the individuals not only the good (cf. Isa. xxvi. 14,

19) but the bad, to receive the destiny which is their due. These

facts so conclusively suggest a late date for the book that it is

unnecessary to emphasize Daniel's prayer three times a day with his

face towards Jerusalem, vi. 10, though this is not without its

significance.[1]

[Footnote 1: It is worthy of notice that the reference to "the

books" from which the prophecy of Jeremiah is quoted in ix. 2 seems

to imply that the prophetic canon of Scripture was already closed;

and this was hardly the case before 200 B.C.]

The interpretation of this difficult book loses much of its

difficulty as soon as we recognize it to be a product of the time of

Antiochus Epiphanes. It is best to begin with ch. xi, for there the

allusions are, in the main, unmistakable and undeniable. Antiochus

is the last of the kings of the north, i.e. Syria, regarded as one

of the divisions of the Greek empire of Alexander the Great. Without

enigma or symbolism of any kind, the Persian empire is mentioned in

xi. 2 as preceding the Greek, and in _v_. 1 as being preceded

by the Median, which in its turn had been preceded by the

Babylonian. Here, then, in the plainest possible terms, is a

succession of four empires--Babylonian, Median, Persian, Greek--the

last to be succeeded by the kingdom of God (ch. xii.); and with this

key in our hand we can unlock the secret of chs. vii. and ii.

In ch. vii. the four kingdoms, represented by the four beasts and

contrasted with the humane kingdom which is to follow them, are no

doubt these very same kingdoms, as are also the four kingdoms of ch.

ii., symbolized by the different parts of the colossal image of

Nebuchadrezzar's dream: the little stone which destroys the image is

again the kingdom of God. In ch. viii. the ram with the two unequal

horns is the Medo-Persian empire, and the goat which overthrows the

ram is symbolic of the Greek empire, founded by Alexander.

These great features of the book are practically certain. It is

further extremely probable that, in spite of a noticeable difference

in the context, the "little horn" of viii. 9 is the same as the

little horn of vii. 8, 20: the detail of both descriptions--the war

with the saints, the destruction of the temple, the abolition of the

sacrifice--is an undisguised allusion to Antiochus Epiphanes in his

persecution of the faithful Jews and his efforts to extirpate their

religion. The one like a son of man in vii. 13 is almost certainly

not the Messiah: coming as he does with the clouds of heaven, he is

the symbol of the kingdom of God, in contrast to the beasts, which

emerge from the ungodly sea and symbolize the empires of this world.

Again, his being "like a man"--for this is probably all that the

phrase means--is meant to suggest that the kingdom of God is

essentially human and humane, in contrast to the four preceding

kingdoms, which are essentially brutal and cruel. This

interpretation, which the contrasts practically necessitate, is made

as certain as may be by _vv_. 18, 22, 27, where the kingdom and

dominion, which in _v_. 13 are assigned to one like a son of

man, are assigned in similar terms to "the people of the saints of

the most High," i.e. the faithful Jews.

The passages whose interpretation is least certain occur in ch. ix.

In each of two consecutive verses, _vv_ 25f., is a reference to

an "anointed one"--a different person being intended in each case.

The question of their identity involves the further question of the

precise interpretation of the prophecy of the seventy weeks. In ix.

2 Daniel is reminded by a study of Jeremiah (xxv. 11f., xxix. 10) of

the prophecy that the desolation of Jerusalem would last for seventy

years. But it is not over yet.[1] Gabriel then explains, _v_.

24, that the years are in reality weeks of years, i.e. by the

seventy years prophesied by Jeremiah are really meant 490 years. The

period of seventy weeks, thus interpreted, is further subdivided in

_vv_. 25, 26 (a passage almost unintelligible in the Authorized

Version) into three periods, viz. seven weeks (=forty-nine years),

sixty-two weeks, and one week (=seven years).

[Footnote 1: Another incidental proof that the book is late. In the

time presupposed by it for the activity of Daniel, the seventy years

had not yet expired, and so there could have been no problem.]

With the first and last periods there is no difficulty. Starting

from 586 B.C., the date of the exile, forty-nine years would bring

us to 537, just about the time assigned to the edict of Cyrus, which

permitted the Jews to return and rebuild their city. Cyrus would

thus be "the anointed, the prince," and it is an interesting

corroboration of this view that Cyrus is actually called the

anointed in Isaiah xlv. 1. Now, as the book ends with the

anticipated death of Antiochus in 164 B.C., the last week would

represent the years 171 to 164; and in 171 the high priest, who, as

such, would naturally be an anointed one, was assassinated.

Attention is specially called to the sorrows of the last half of the

last week, when the sacrifice would be taken away. This corresponds

almost exactly with the suspension of the temple services from 168

to 165; and this period, again, is that which is elsewhere

characterized as "a time, and times, and half a time," i.e. three

and a half years (vii. 25, xii. 7), or "2,300 evenings-mornings,"

i.e. 1,150 days (viii. 14) or 1,290 or 1,335 days (xii. 11, 12).

These varying estimates of the period, not differing widely,

probably suggest that the book was written at intervals, and not all

at once. The beginning and the close of the seventy weeks or 490

years are thus satisfactorily explained; but the period between 537

and 171 represents 366 instead of 434 years, as the sixty-two weeks

demand. Probably the simplest explanation of the difficulty is that

during much of this long period the Jews had no fixed method of

computing time. Also it ought not to be forgotten that the numbers

are, in any case, partly symbolical, and ought not to be too

strictly pressed. For the purposes of the author, the first and last

periods are more important than the middle.

The precise interpretation of the enigmatic writing on the wall

(_mene_, _tekel_, _peres_, v. 28) is uncertain. It

has been cleverly explained as equivalent to "a mina (=60 shekels),

a shekel and a part" (i.e. about sixty-two) and regarded as a

cryptogram for Darius, who, according to _v_. 31, was on the

eve of destroying Belshazzar's kingdom. More probably it simply

means "number, weigh, divide"--the ambiguity being caused by the

different possibilities of pointing and therefore of precisely

interpreting these words, which were of course unpointed in the

original. Further, in the word _peres_ (divide), there is a

veiled allusion to the Persians.

It is difficult to account for the fact that part of the book, ii.

4-vii., is written in Aramaic. It has been supposed that the author

began to use that language in ii. 4, either because he regarded that

as the language spoken by the wise men, or because they, being

aliens, must not be represented as speaking in the sacred tongue;

and that, having once begun to use it, and being equally familiar

with both languages, he kept it up till he came to the more purely

prophetic part of the book, in which he would naturally recur to the

more appropriate Hebrew. Ch. vii., on this view, is difficult to

account for, as it, no less than viii.-xii., is prophetic; and we

should then have to assume, rather unnaturally, that the vision in

ch. vii. was written in Aramaic because it so strongly resembled the

dream of ch. ii. Besides it is not certain that the word "in

Aramaic" in ii. 4 is meant to suggest that the wise men spoke in

that language: it may have originally been only a marginal note to

indicate that the Aramaic section begins here, just as vii.

28_a_ may indicate the end of the section. Some have supposed

that part of a book originally Hebrew was translated into the more

popular Aramaic, or that part of a book originally Aramaic was

translated into the sacred Hebrew tongue. The difficulty in either

case is to account reasonably for the presence of Aramaic in that

particular section which does not coincide with either of the main

divisions of the book (narrative or apocalyptic), but appears in

both (i.-vi., vii.-xii.). Probably, as Peters has suggested, the

Aramaic portion represents old and popular folk-stories about Daniel

and his friends, that language being retained because in it the

stories were familiarly told, while for the more prophetic or

apocalyptic message the sacred language was naturally used. Ch.

vii., however, presents a stumbling-block on any view of the Aramaic

section. The Aramaic of the book is that spoken when the book was

written: it was certainly not the language spoken by the Babylonian

wise men. It is most improbable that they would have used Aramaic at

all; and if they had, it would not have been the dialect of the book

of Daniel, which is a branch of western Aramaic, spoken in and

around Palestine.

In spite of its somewhat legendary and apocalyptic form, the

religious value of Daniel is very high. It is written at white heat

amid the fires of persecution, and it is inspired by a passionate

faith in God and in the triumph of His kingdom over the cruel and

powerful kingdoms of the world. Its object was to sustain the tried

and tempted faith of the loyal Jews under the fierce assaults made

upon it by Antiochus Epiphanes. Never before had there been so awful

a crisis in Jewish history. In 586 the temple had been destroyed,

but that was practically only an incident in or the consequence of

the destruction of the city; but Antiochus had made a deliberate

attempt to exterminate the Jewish religion. It was to console and

strengthen the faithful in this crisis that the book was written.

The author reminds his readers that there is a God in heaven, and

that He reigns, iv. 26. He bids them lift their eyes to the past and

shows them how the fidelity of men like Daniel and his friends was

rewarded by deliverance from the lions and the flames. He bids them

lift their eyes to the future, the very near future: let them only

be patient a little longer, xii. 12, and their enemies will be

crushed, and the kingdom of God will come--that kingdom which shall

know no end.

It is of especial interest that Antiochus died at the time when our

author predicted he would, in 164 B.C., though not, as he had

anticipated, in Palestine, xi. 45. In the kingdom that was so

swiftly coming, the lives that had been lost on its behalf would be

found again: the martyrs would rise to everlasting life. The

narrative parts have an application to the times not much less

immediate than the apocalyptic. The proud and mighty, like

Nebuchadrezzar, are humbled: the impious, like Belshazzar, who drank

wine out of the temple vessels, are slain. Any contemporary, reading

these tales, would be bound to think of Antiochus, who had

demolished the temple and suspended the sacrifices. So Daniel's

refusal to partake of the king's food was well calculated to

encourage men who had been put to the torture for declining to eat

swine's flesh.

Man's extremity is God's opportunity. However cruel the sufferings

or desperate the outlook, yet the Lord is mindful of His own, and He

will Himself deliver them. For one of the most impressive features

of the book is its utter confidence in God and its refusal to appeal

to the sword (Ps. cxlix. 6). It counsels to patience, xii. 12.

Without human hands, God's kingdom comes, ii. 34, and His enemies

are destroyed, viii. 25. In the most skilful way, the book reaches

its splendid climax. It moves steadily on, from a distant past in

which God's servants had been rewarded and His enemies crushed, down

through the centuries in which successive empires were all

unconsciously working out His predetermined plan, and on to the

darkest days in history--so dark, because the glorious and

everlasting kingdom of God was so soon to dawn.

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