LINDI AND KILWA
THE operations of the last few months had narrowed the area from which
supplies for the troops could be obtained. The productive areas of
Lupembe, Iringa, Kissaki and the lower Rufiji had been lost, and the
newly-occupied districts included wide stretches of barren land. The
productivity of the more fertile areas was for the most part unknown;
for instance, it was not known until during the subsequent operations
what yield could be expected south-west of Kilwa and south-west of
Livale, for example. At that time I only had a general idea that the
eastern part of the Lindi area was very fertile and known as the
granary of the colony. But this fertile region, owing to its nearness
to the coast, was in a very precarious position, and it was already
necessary to consider what should be done if it were lost.
Our eyes naturally turned to the Portuguese territory across the
Rovuma, but we had even less information about this than about parts
of the German colony. Fortunately, however, a number of Portuguese
chiefs had immigrated into German territory out of hatred for their
oppressors, and, apart from this, we Germans enjoyed a very good
reputation among the intelligent natives of Portuguese East Africa,
many of whom worked on German plantations. Thus we were able to get
at least an approximate picture of the district east of Lake Nyassa,
and to take it as probable that south of the steppe-like zone of the
Rovuma, in the neighbourhood of Mwembe, several days’ march, broad and
thinly populated, lay a fertile region. An expeditionary force of a few
hundred rifles under Major von Stuemer, crossed the Rovuma south of
Tundura, and quickly took possession of Mwembe from where our patrols
explored the banks of Lake Nyassa as far as the neighbourhood of Fort
Jackson, and east half-way to Port Amelia.
[Illustration: Fig. xvi. March of Main Force during operations on
interior lines west of Lindi, June to November, 1917.]
[Illustration: Fig. xvii. Battle of Mahiwa.]
In view of the difficulty of communication—messengers from the
telegraph station at Livale took about three days to get to Tunduru
and five from there to Mwembe—it was difficult to get a clear idea
of the situation at Mwembe. We had no definite news until Lieutenant
Brucher personally reported at Headquarters in January, 1917. The
European potatoes he brought with him gave us good hopes that supplies
could be expected there. He reported that the country was fertile, as
was also the region round Tunduru, where the war had so far hardly been
felt. There were still large numbers of eggs and fowls in the richly
cultivated district. When Brucher slept on the ground in Tunduru, this
was regarded as a piece of bravado by the inhabitants, so little did
they know about war. In view of the difficulties of transport and the
constant movement of the troops, it became increasingly necessary to
make the force less and less dependent on their inadequate line of
communication. With this object the forces of Captains Goering and
von Lieberman were also moved to the region south of Kilwa, where,
according to the stories of some Europeans in the Kiturika mountains,
there was plenty of food. In order to relieve the transport of supplies
from the rear the troops were marched off to Kilwa without waiting for
further investigation, and it was fortunate that the reports as to the
fertility of this district were realized. In order to take the enemy,
who had already moved some small forces half-way to Livale, as far as
possible from south of his point of debarkation, and at the same time
to secure the fertile districts south of Kilwa to Mbemkuru, Goering’s
and von Lieberman’s divisions made a détour from Mpotora southwards and
pressed forward, Goering’s force following the coast straight to Kilwa,
and von Lieberman keeping further west and making for the Kilwa-Livale
road. A weaker force followed this road to Kilwa and served as a
reserve for the patrols, which several times surprised the enemy in
his camps and threw him back. Our patrols were soon swarming in the
neighbourhood of Kilwa. Several enemy dumps were surprised and part of
the garrisons killed. On one of these occasions brave Sergeant-Major
Struwe, who was afterwards killed, skilfully forced his way, with a
large part of the 3rd Field Company, inside a dump, and, taking cover
behind the sacks of flour, inflicted heavy losses on the enemy, who
appeared from outside in great force. It was difficult to get much away
from the dump, so the patrol had to content itself with destroying the
greater part of the stores. One patrol took a field gun with it—a
strange weapon for a patrol. After careful reconnaissance this reached
the coast at Kilwa—Kissiwami, and bombarded some of the transports
lying there.
[Illustration: Native Types (1).
(From a drawing by General von Lettow-Vorbeck’s Adjutant.)]
[Illustration: Native Types (2).
(From a drawing by General von Lettow-Vorbeck’s Adjutant.)]
In May, 1917, Captain von Lieberman, who, with the 11th and 17th
Companies, was occupying an entrenched position at Ngaula, a day’s
march south of Kilwa on the Kilwa-Livale road, was attacked by eight
companies with two guns. Lieutenant Buechsel, with his 17th Company,
made such a heavy flank attack that he completely routed, one after
the other, several of the enemy’s Askari companies, who took to
their heels, followed by the 40th Indian Pathan Regiment. The enemy
left about seventy dead on the field, and, as the English related
afterwards, it was only by chance that we did not find his guns, which
had stuck fast in a river.
On the whole it seemed to us that the enemy’s forces were once
more getting exhausted. Unless he brought over very considerable
reinforcements it was obvious that the forces available would before
long be worn out and his operations end in failure. It was already
apparent that they were involving a great strain. It had been
ascertained that a battery from the Indian interior had been brought to
Kilwa and that a large number of new Askari companies were being raised.
More dangerous than the enemy seemed to me the material position of
our men. The cargo of wheat from the relief ship was coming to an end,
and I thought it questionable whether bread could be baked from Mtama
flour alone, without the addition of wheat flour. At that time I still
regarded bread as an indispensable necessity for the nourishment of
Europeans, and therefore I made experiments personally in baking bread
without wheat flour. Unfortunately the results were unsatisfactory.
Afterwards, under the stress of necessity, we all produced excellent
bread without wheat. The methods differed widely. Later we made bread
not only with mtama, but also with muhogo, sweet potatoes, maize, in
short, with nearly every kind of meal, and with mixtures of all sorts
of combinations, and later still improved the quality by the addition
of boiled rice.
The necessary kit also required attention. A shortage of boots was in
sight. My experiments showed me that a European can go barefoot where
there are tolerable paths, but never through the bush. Sandals, which
anyone can make, given an odd bit of leather, proved helpful, but did
not take the place of boots. To be ready for any emergency, I had some
lessons in boot-making, and succeeded, with supervision, in producing
an object that at a push could be taken for a left boot, though it was
intended to be a right. It is very convenient for a European who knows
the simplest rudiments of this craft to be able to kill an antelope and
make a boot, or at any rate repair one, from his skin a few days later,
without the help of any of the tools of civilization. A nail must
serve as an awl, a tent-pole as a last, and the thread he can cut from
the tough leather of a small antelope. As a matter of fact, however,
we were never driven to these extremities, as we were always able to
obtain the necessary kit and equipment from captured stores, and many
captured saddles were cut up to make soles and heels for boots.
Every European was becoming more and more like a South-African
“Trekker” and was his own workman. Naturally, not always in person, but
within the small independent household, consisting of his black cook
and his black servant, which followed him about. Many had even provided
themselves with a few hens which they took about with them, and the
noise of these betrayed the position of German camps even as far as the
native settlements. An order issued in one force that the crowing of
cocks before 9 a.m. was forbidden brought no relief.
The important question of salt was very simply solved by the troops
at Kilwa, by the evaporation of sea-water. In order to secure the
supply, which was beginning to run short, against the loss of the
coast, salt-yielding plants were collected and the salt obtained from
their ashes by lixiviation. We got this idea from the natives of the
district, who supplied themselves with salt in this way. The salt thus
obtained was not bad, but was never required to any extent, as we were
always able to meet our requirements from the captured stores. The
large numbers of elephants in this district furnished us with fat;
sugar was replaced by the excellent wild honey which was found in large
quantities. The troops had made an important step forward as regards
supplies of grain. They found out how to ripen it artificially, and in
this way provided against want.
It should be noted here particularly that the Medical Corps, in spite
of the difficult and constantly changing circumstances of life in the
field, had succeeded in satisfactorily solving the important questions
of quinine and material for bandages. It has already been mentioned
that in the north quinine tablets of better quality than the English
had been added to the stock of Peruvian bark. After the evacuation of
the northern area a large consignment of Peruvian bark had been sent
to Kilossa. Through the efforts of the Deputy Staff Medical Officer,
Staff-Surgeon Teute, a part of this was transported further south. It
was of course impossible without the necessary apparatus to manufacture
tablets, but liquid quinine was produced by boiling Peruvian bark. This
had an infernal taste and was drunk unwillingly but with beneficial
results by the patients, among whom it was known as “Lettow-Schnaps.”
The other difficulty was the supply of bandages. To supplement the
stock of linen, which was beginning to give out, not only was clothing
of all kinds disinfected and used for this purpose, and then after
being boiled used again, but quite a good bandage-material was made
from bark. This idea, too, we got from the methods of the natives,
who for a long time had made clothing and sacks from Myombo bark.
The medical service had done everything humanly possible to keep the
troops alive and well. The great resource of this service and the
necessary husbanding of the primitive material available deserve
special recognition, as this service had always been accustomed under
the special conditions of a tropical climate, and rightly so, to be
very free with their stocks. The Staff Medical Officer, Staff-Surgeon
Stolowsky, and later his successor, Staff-Surgeon Teute, showed
exemplary devotion, energy and foresight.
The surgery was on an equally high level. The hospitals which, during
the early part of the campaign, had been accommodated for the most
part in solid buildings, and had worked the whole year round without
moving their quarters, had now to turn themselves into movable columns,
which might at any moment be called upon to pack up, with patients
and baggage, and keep up with the march in various directions of the
troops. All not absolutely indispensable material had to be eliminated,
so that the preparations for a surgical operation had always to be more
or less improvised. The operating-theatre was as a rule a newly-erected
grass hut. In spite of all this, Staff-Surgeon Müller, Dr. Thierfelder,
of the Imperial Medical Service, and others successfully performed even
serious operations, including several for appendicitis.
As has already been mentioned, the confidence even of the enemy in the
German medical service was fully justified. The successful and devoted
activity of these men went far to strengthen the mutual confidence
between white and black. In such ways as this the strong bond was
formed which united the different elements of our force.
At Lindi the enemy had strengthened himself more and more, and it was
reported that detachments were being transported by sea to Lindi,
which hitherto had been posted west of Kilwa. General O’Grady, who had
commanded a brigade at Kibata, also appeared at Lindi. The obvious idea
that the enemy would advance from Lindi against our weak forces and our
main supply area, as had been his intention earlier at Kilwa, appeared
to be materializing. Several attacks had been beaten off by Captain
Looff’s force west of Lindi. At the request of the Governor three of
the companies which had arrived under Major Kraut were not, as had
been the original intention, used to subjugate quickly and thoroughly
the rebellious inhabitants of Makonde, in the south-east corner of our
Protectorate, but were put under the command of Captain Looff. Two of
them took part in an attack on Sudi, south of Lindi, where the enemy
was strongly entrenched. The attack on the fortified position was
bravely launched, but suffered heavy losses, and could not be brought
to a successful conclusion.
Later, Captain Rothe was ordered to Lindi with reinforcements
consisting of three companies from Mpotora. But the rains spoiled our
plans. The crossing of the Matendu had already become difficult. All
the rain that had fallen in Donde district collected ultimately in
the valley of the Matendu, which in the dry season is simply a series
of pools. It had become a strong, rushing torrent, like the Fulda in
spate at Cassel, and tore up great trees in its course. By making use
of some islands, tree-trunks were got into position under the direction
of skilled engineers and a bridge to take transport was built; but
a sudden rise in the stream repeatedly swept it away, several men
being drowned. A footbridge further downstream met with the same
fate; a narrow suspension-bridge of ropes made from twisted bark was
only of slight service and was somewhat uncertain as, in view of the
alternation of strong sunlight and wet, there was always a danger of
the ropes rotting and giving way.
At Nahungu, on the Mbemkuru, similar conditions hindered Captain
Rothe’s march. The stream was so strong that the first attempt to
cross by the few ferry-boats available failed. Driven out of Nahungu
by scarcity of supplies, Captain Rothe marched into the fertile region
to the north-east, in this way seriously compromising the plans of
Headquarters. It was necessary that this fertile country north-east of
Nahungu should be spared to serve as a reserve for the forces south of
Kilwa and to provide for a strong reinforcement of these troops should
tactical reasons make this necessary. The time that was lost before a
message could be got through to Captain Rothe was very vexatious, but
finally his division was diverted towards Lindi again in time to take
part in some of the fighting.
In view of the need for reinforcement of our troops at Lindi owing
to increased tension of the military situation and the projected
transference of fresh troops to that area, General Wahle had been
withdrawn from Mahenge and had taken over the command of the Lindi
front; Captain Tafel succeeded him at Mahenge. In the middle of June,
1917, General Wahle had, after several engagements which had brought
to light a considerable increase in the enemy’s strength, retired so
far up the Lukuledi river that the enemy seemed to be incautiously
exposing his north flank.
I decided to make use of this advantage without, indeed, knowing
exactly how it was to be done. So much was clear: that only a surprise
attack promised success. I therefore advanced, with four companies and
the mountain-battery consisting of two guns, through Nahungu, along
the main road leading via Lutende to Lindi. At Lutende were encamped
Captain von Chappuis’ company and Lieutenant Wunder’s company, and
the rest were further back. I went on ahead to reconnoitre, with my
able companion Nieuwenhuizen, who had played the chief part in the
horse-drive on Erok mountain. From the height on which Chappuis’
company lay, there was an extensive view: one could see the different
farmhouses round Lindi and the Lukuledi river with the steamer
_President_, which had taken refuge there and been rendered useless. It
was, perhaps, fortunate that no wild pigs or bush deer had come within
range of our guns in this otherwise gameless district, for not far from
Chappuis’ camp we crossed the trail of a strong enemy patrol which must
only just have passed. The talk of the natives, too, led us to suppose
that they had recently seen something interesting. When we questioned
them they would tell us nothing. Making a wide détour, we arrived in
the evening, after dark, at the camp of Wunder’s company. We reported
our observations to the company commander and the capable guide
Inkermann, who died a hero’s death a few days later, warning them to
keep a sharp look-out. Orders were also given that this camp, situated
as it was in an open plain and exposed to fire from the surrounding
bush, should be moved. After a cup of tea we returned to our main force
about a quarter of an hour’s march to the rear.
On the morning of 30th June we heard increasing rifle-fire from the
direction of Wunder’s company. Assuming that the enemy had taken
advantage of the lie of the ground and was firing on the camp from
the surrounding bush, I immediately advanced with the three companies
to the right through the bush, so as to strike the road further south
and so take the enemy in the rear. Soon, however, we met some Askari,
who told us that a strong force of the enemy had forced its way into
the camp, taking the company by surprise and driving it out. A young
Askari complained to an old “Betschausch” (sergeant) of the third
company that the enemy had taken everything from them. “Niemaza we,
tutawafukuza” (shut your mouth, we’ll soon have ’em out), was the
defiant answer which at once shamed the excited youth into silence. The
sergeant’s answer indeed hit off the position. The enemy, consisting
of the 5th Indian Regiment and a few natives, had thought to find only
a weak German outpost. He had rashly penetrated into our badly-placed
entrenchments and was now in his turn exposed on all sides to a
concentrated fire from the bush.
The position was so clear that it called for the quickest possible
independent action by the subordinate leaders, and Captain von Chappuis
also attacked at once. Staff-Surgeon Mohn (afterwards killed), who had
remained in Wunder’s camp and had temporarily fallen into the enemy’s
hands, described the very harassing effect of our concentrated fire
at short range and the panic it caused among the enemy. Nevertheless,
the cover afforded by a few ravines and the undergrowth enabled some
of the enemy to get away. These fled wildly. A number so entirely lost
themselves that they were picked up in the bush days afterwards by our
patrols in a half-starved condition. We inflicted about 120 casualties.
In addition to recovering our own ammunition, which had fallen
temporarily into the enemy’s hands, we captured the enemy’s ammunition
which he had just brought into the camp, about a hundred rifles and
some machine guns. Among the severely wounded whom we took to the
English camp at Naitiwi, and there handed over, was the commanding
officer of the English regiment. He afterwards died of his wound.
We stayed a few weeks longer in the fertile district of Lutende and
tried with our patrols to inflict losses on the enemy, whose fortified
camps at, and south of, Naitiwi offered no prospect of successful
attack. Far to the south we often heard the explosion of air-bombs
and of the heavy guns which were bombarding Wahle’s division. Von
Chappuis’ company was marched to reinforce Wahle’s force. Apart from
some skirmishing our success at Lindi was followed by a lull in the
operations.
That this was only the prelude to new efforts on the enemy’s part was
borne out not only by the reports of the transport of strong forces to
Kilwa, and also by the fact that at the end of May General Hoskins,
who had taken over command from General Smuts, had been relieved by
General van Deventer. Once more a Boer was in command, and the rumours
that fresh European troops were being brought from South Africa seemed
to be confirmed. South of Kilwa the enemy attacked our nine companies
with three brigades, but Captain von Lieberman, who had taken over
from Captain Goering, the latter being seriously ill, succeeded with
extraordinary skill in beating off the superior forces of the enemy. On
July 6th, at least a brigade made a frontal attack on Captain Lieberman
at Unindi and was repulsed with heavy losses. The bold charge of our
companies cost us heavily too; among the casualties was Lieutenant
Bleeck, who received a mortal wound in the stomach while leading his
company. This brave and upright personality had done excellent service
both as a fearless patrol-leader and on the Headquarters Staff, and I
knew him intimately. Von Lieberman’s right flank was covered against
another enemy brigade by Captain Spangenberg with two of the nine
companies. He carried out his task and attacked the enemy brigade so
energetically with his two companies that, as we heard later, the
English reports spoke of an attack by very strong enemy forces.
In spite of this success at Unindi, the great superiority of the enemy
and the danger from enveloping movements to our supplies in the rear,
induced Captain von Lieberman to withdraw gradually south, fighting all
the time. I thought the moment had come to make a rapid counter-march
with the available companies at Lutende, and the mountain-battery come
unexpectedly to the aid of Captain von Lieberman and perhaps seize a
favourable opportunity to inflict a decisive defeat upon the enemy.
We moved due north from Lutende by forced marches and crossed the
Mbemkuru, now once more an insignificant stream, without difficulty,
two days’ march below Nahungu. The only opposition we encountered was
from swarms of wild bees which forced us to make a slight détour. North
of Mbemkuru we continued our march north into the Ruawa hills.
I made use of the two days required to muster the force again to
reconnoitre thoroughly the surrounding country, and on the 28th July,
to my astonishment, I learned accidentally from some natives that a
road through the mountains led almost in a straight line from our camp
to Captain Lieberman’s camp at the Narungomba water-hole, about six
hours’ march. A patrol of Europeans was sent at once to reconnoitre
this road. In the morning of the 29th July I heard from my camp at
Ruawa some explosions from the direction of Lieberman’s force. I did
not think this could denote serious fighting, as the sounds ceased and,
further, the patrol which I had sent to Lieberman’s force, and which
had returned that morning, reported that everything was quiet there. I
had, however, to change my mind when at noon van Rooyen, who was very
reliable, returned from a hunting expedition and reported that he had
certainly heard continuous machine-gun fire. The reader will, perhaps,
wonder that I had not already begun the march to Lieberman’s camp,
but it must be remembered that there was no water on the way, and my
men were very exhausted, while some had only just reached Ruawa. By
nightfall I was just three hours’ march nearer the scene of action, but
it was not until the night was well advanced that my companies had all
come up. A continuance of the march through the bush in pitch darkness
was hopeless; it was bound to lead to a good deal of misunderstanding
and would have meant a useless waste of the men’s strength, which had
already been severely tried.
At 3 a.m. the march was continued and soon after a report came from
the advance officer patrol that Captain von Lieberman had certainly
defeated the enemy, but, owing to shortage of ammunition, had marched
to Mihambia during the night. The rearguard had evacuated the springs
and at the time of the report was following the rest. My order to
hold the springs at all costs until my arrival at 6 a.m. to join in
the battle had, therefore, been disregarded owing to pressure of
circumstances. I now thought that the enemy, who was stronger than we,
would have strongly entrenched the springs position, as was his habit,
and that I should have to carry out any attack with thirsty troops.
That seemed to offer little prospect of success. Later, when I learned
the enemy’s real position, I inclined to the opposite view. In spite
of his superiority the enemy had suffered a severe defeat. His 7th
South African and 8th European regiments were almost broken up. Again
and again his infantry had hurled themselves in deep waves against the
front of our Askari regiments, and each time they had been driven back
by counter-attacks. A forest fire had broken out and spread among his
ranks. Finally the main body of his troops had broken away and fled
in wild disorder through the bush. Machine guns, masses of rifles and
hundreds of cases of ammunition had been left on the field. In this
condition, my attack, even after the withdrawal of Lieberman’s force,
would perhaps have sealed the doom of the enemy’s main body. It is
much to be regretted that at that time large numbers of the troops did
not show sufficient initiative to make good the shortage of German
ammunition during the battle itself, by using the enemy rifles and
cartridges which were lying about in quantities. We had been within
reach of a most important success which was snatched from our grasp by
accident. We must, however, be grateful for the feat of arms which the
7th Askari Company performed under the doubtless brilliant leadership
of Captain von Lieberman, against overwhelming odds.
I did not get a clear report of this action, however, until later. For
the moment I thought it right to march to Mihambia in order, by joining
with Lieberman’s detachment, to secure unity of command, to supply it
with sufficient ammunition to carry on and, if necessary, to raise
its _moral_ after the severe battle by a visible reinforcement. This
last turned out to be unnecessary; when I arrived I found Lieberman’s
detachment in excellent spirits, all the companies being proud to have
dealt such a heavy blow to the superior enemy. For me the operation
at Narungombe was a further proof how difficult it is in the unknown
African bush and in face of the uncertainty of communication, even
if other circumstances are favourable, to carry through an operation
in which several columns are taking part, so as to secure the
necessary unity of action on the battlefield. At Narungombe, where
all the conditions were as favourable as could have been hoped, the
decision was finally thwarted by slight mischances, and my belief was
strengthened that if I wanted to use different bodies of troops in one
operation it was necessary to secure the closest connection first.
The engagement at Narungombe brought the enemy at Kilwa to a standstill
for a considerable time, and the fighting was confined to patrols, who
inflicted losses on the enemy’s lines of communication, firing out
of the bush on his detachments and motor transport and attacked at
close quarters when a favourable opportunity offered. In order, for
one thing, to put this patrol work on a broader basis, but also to
counter the moving of enemy troops westward, and finally for reasons
of supply, I deployed the force laterally on the line Mihambia-Ndessa.
A large number of aircraft appeared over the fertile Ndessa district
against whose bombs we were defenceless, and some severe wounds
resulted; from this air-reconnaissance we could infer the enemy’s keen
interest in the district and soon it was reported that he was moving
still further west. Our patrols did such good work that from time
to time whole companies of the enemy were put to flight with heavy
losses. But the enemy continued his efforts to obtain information. He
hardly took the trouble to hide his intention when sending flags of
truce. I remember one occasion when the party bearing the white flag
arrived at our camp out of the bush; they had, therefore, not only
avoided the roads leading to it but had deliberately crossed them. The
closer proximity of the enemy made it more difficult for us to get up
our supplies, which were gradually running out. It was unavoidable
that the position of our requisitioning and hunting-parties should
become known to the enemy and that they should be surprised. The
influence of the enemy on the natives was shown by the fact that south
of Mihambia several villages had been suddenly deserted. I had long
regarded this phenomenon as a sign of the enemy’s intention to advance
in that direction. The state of our supplies made it impossible for
us to maintain so strong a force in the Mihambia-Ndessa area. As in
any case the evacuation of this area could not long be delayed, and
as the enemy west of Lindi was at the same time developing increased
activity in strong force on General Wahle’s front, I decided to join
General Wahle with some of the companies from Ndessa and perhaps bring
off the operation that had failed at Narungombe; a decisive success
by an unexpected reinforcement. On the 3rd August General O’Grady’s
forces had certainly suffered a serious defeat. An Indian regiment,
which had advanced through the gap between two strongly fortified
German outposts, was attacked by our reserves, held ready for such
a contingency, and almost annihilated. In the pursuit much valuable
material fell into our hands. The enemy, however, had renewed the
attack a few days later, and in face of the enveloping movement of his
strong detachments, General Wahle had fallen back on Narunyu and a
mountain of equal height south of the Lukuledi river.
Captain Koehl, with six companies and a battery, remained behind at
Ndessa; I crossed the river Mbemkuru below Nahungu with four companies
and two mountain-guns, and then marched diagonally across the Muera
plateau to the mission-station at Namupa. The prefect in charge
entertained us, among other things, with muhogo (a species of corn
with edible roots), prepared like fried potatoes, and supplemented the
scanty provisions of our Europeans with bananas and other fruit out of
his extensive gardens.
In the camp at Njangao the receipt of part of a German wireless message
directed to me, expressing his Majesty’s acknowledgments on the
occasion of the third anniversary of the outbreak of war, delighted us
all.
We pitched our camp with the first company at Njengedi, on the main
road between Njangao and Lindi, in the rear of Wahle’s division, in
unpleasant, rainy weather. I immediately set out for Narunyu to inform
General Wahle of our arrival. Here, in an almost impenetrable country
broken by numerous ravines, at the bottom of which lay deep swamps,
friend and foe faced one another in close proximity. Our men were
working at dug-outs covered by branches cut from the trees. Only five
of General Wahle’s seven companies were at Narunyu, the two others
being on Ruho Mountain on the south bank of the Lukuledi river. In
view of the danger of a surprise attack on our weak forces at Narunyu
I ordered them to be reinforced by the companies on Ruho Mountain and
marched two of those that had come with me to take their place. The
enemy attack on Narunyu occurred the following day. Captain Lieberman’s
Company from Ruho Mountain and the two companies I had brought with
me all took part in the engagement. The third company had literally
started their forced march to Karungu immediately after their arrival
at Njengedi. I can still see the Askari coming up just before dawn and
hear their shouts of delight at the thought of once more routing the
enemy.
Our attempt to envelop the enemy’s right wing, however, only served to
press it back; the bush was too thick for an offensive movement which
had to be developed at short range under a continuous machine-gun
and rifle fire. The darkness made it still more difficult to direct
the operations, and there is no doubt that in the confusion of the
two fronts in this broken country our detachments often fired on one
another: it was almost impossible to recognize friend or foe. For
instance, hearing loud sounds of shouting in front of me, in the
complete darkness of the bush, I thought this came from our enveloping
attack driving back the enemy. It was not discovered till some time
afterwards that this was the enemy and soon we heard him working at his
trenches. The exact location of his trenches gave us the advantage of
being able to get the range for the 10·5 cm. gun of the _Königsberg_,
which was with Wahle’s force. This was done with good results; at any
rate the enemy evacuated his trenches on the following day and retired.
The complete victory desired had not been attained and, in view of the
difficulties of the ground, could not be expected, as we had discovered
our strength to the enemy in the fighting of the 18th, and lost the
advantage of a surprise. Once more I had to content myself with delay.
In this fertile country there was no difficulty about holding our
ground from the point of view of supplies. The force has rarely been
so well fed as in the Lindi area. Great fields of sweet-potatoes
and muhogo stretched as far as the eye could see, and there was an
abundant supply of sugar-cane. The numerous Arab plantations indicated
the fertility and the ancient civilization of the country. We made
ourselves at home, and though rifle bullets often whistled through our
camp and aircraft dropped bombs on us, not much harm was done. On one
occasion the dentist, who had set up his surgery in a European house
and was giving us the attention we had long needed, was attending to a
patient when a bomb fell into the room. It was discovered later, when
the place was examined, that the planter kept his store of dynamite
in this very room. Fortunately the bomb did not touch this or both
patients and dentist would have been permanently freed from toothache.
It was no easy matter to decide what to do with the German women and
children, some of whom had fled from Lindi and did not know what to
do. A number of them had taken refuge in the planters’ houses, which
were within range of the enemy’s guns. In view of the restriction of
supplies and the difficulties of transport and accommodation, it was
desirable that these women and children should be sent back to Lindi.
Some were intelligent enough to see this. By means of a parley their
transference behind the British lines was duly arranged, and they were
able to leave for Lindi. For reasons unknown to me the English then
refused to keep to the arrangement, and the women and children, as well
as male non-combatants, gradually collected in the Catholic mission at
Ndanda. A military convalescent home had been quartered there for some
time and had developed into an important hospital. All the people who
were brought here found good food and accommodation in the spacious
buildings of the mission with its extensive gardens.