FURTHER ADVANCE OF THE ENEMY AND THE ACTION AT REATA
AT that time we noticed the first parties of hostile spies, and
captured some of them. They were “Shensi” (innocent-looking natives),
who, as a proof of having really reached the objective of their
mission, had to bring back certain objects, such as parts of the
permanent way of the Usambara Railway. The general review of the
situation showed that the enemy was making a detailed reconnaissance
of the Usambara Railway and the approaches to it. A glance at the
map shows that a simultaneous advance by the enemy from Oldorobo and
Longido towards New Moshi was bound to entail the loss of the Kilima
Njaro country, which was of value to us from the point of view of
maintenance. If, however, we wanted to retire before a superior enemy
on our main line of communication, we should be obliged to move our
main forces along the Usambara Railway, thus making almost an acute
angle with the direction of an attack coming from Oldorobo. The
danger of being cut off by the enemy from this, our principal line of
communication, was for us very great. Should the enemy advance north
of Lake Jipe, he would be cramped by Kilima Njaro and by the steep
group of the North Pare Mountains. It is obvious that in that case his
advance directly on Kahe would be the most inconvenient for us, and if
successful, would cut the Usambara Railway, our line of communications.
But it would be even more serious for us if the enemy should pass south
of Lake Jipe, and press forward by the valley leading between the North
and Middle Pare, to the Northern Railway, south of Lembeni. Finally,
he could reach the railway by way of the valley at Same, between the
Middle and South Pare. In his advance on Lembeni and Same the enemy
would be able to make a road suitable for motor traffic with rapidity,
and in places without preparation, across the open plain, and to base
his operations upon it.
The small forces we had in the Kilima Njaro country—about 4,000
rifles—rendered it impossible to divide them in order to render
ourselves secure against all these possibilities. Even for purely
defensive reasons we must keep our forces concentrated and maintain
close touch with the enemy, in order to hold him fast where we were,
and thus keep his movements under observation. It was from the outset
very doubtful whether we could in succession defeat the two main
hostile groups, whose advance towards the Kilima Njaro country was to
be expected from Longido and Makatau, and which were each considerably
stronger than ourselves. There was no prospect of doing so unless our
troops could be moved with lightning rapidity, first against one of
the enemy’s forces and then, just as quickly, against the other. The
necessary preparations were made, and after personal reconnaissance,
a number of cross-country tracks in the rugged forest country north
of the great road which leads from New Moshi to the west were decided
upon. As it happened, no considerable use was made of these tracks.
It would not do to be afraid of trying anything ninety-nine times, if
there was a chance of succeeding at the hundredth. In following this
principle we did not do badly.
The enemy’s activity increased, and he displayed good training in
numerous minor encounters. He had also raised a number of new Askari
formations, largely recruited among the intelligent tribes of the
Wyassa country. Being only sparsely covered with bush, and therefore
very open, the desert country lying to the north-west of Kilima Njaro
did not favour sudden offensive operations by us; for this purpose the
dense bush district between Kilima Njaro and Meru Mountain itself,
which the enemy, coming from Longido, would probably have to traverse,
was more promising. Here we concentrated a detachment of some 1,000
rifles, composed of five selected Askari Companies. But, owing to the
limited range of vision, this detachment did not succeed in forcing
a decisive engagement on any of the numerous hostile columns which
pushed down to the south in the beginning of March. The enemy, also,
had great difficulty in finding his way; and we only learned from an
Indian despatch-rider, who brought a report to us instead of to his own
people, that the 1st East African Division, under General Stewart, was
in this district. As these encounters took place in the neighbourhood
of Gararagua, and south-west of that place, it was too far away for
our reserves at New Steglitz and Himo to intervene. (It is about two
marches from Gararagua to New Moshi.) Before the chance of doing so
arrived the enemy also advanced from the east. The direction taken by
the enemy’s airmen showed his evident interest in the country one or
two hours north of Taveta. One was bound to hit on the idea that the
enemy encamped east of Oldorobo did not intend to get his head broken
a second time on that mountain, but meant to work round the position
by the north, and so reach the Lumi River, one hour north of Taveta.
On the 8th March observers on Oldorobo noticed huge clouds of dust
moving from the enemy’s camp in that direction. Numerous motors were
also seen. From East Kitovo, a mountain four miles west of Taveta,
Headquarters also observed these movements. Our fighting patrols, who
were able to fire with effect on the hostile columns, and to take a few
prisoners, established with certainty that the enemy’s main force was
approaching at this point, and that General Smuts was present.
On the afternoon of the 8th March Headquarters observed strong hostile
columns near Lake Dsalla, who advanced from there in a widely extended
line of skirmishers for some distance towards East Kitovo. On this
occasion, and on many others, our want of artillery obliged us to
look on quietly while the enemy executed unskilful movements at no
great distance from our front. But it was evident that this enveloping
movement of the enemy rendered the Oldorobo position, to which we owed
many successful engagements during the course of the war, untenable.
I therefore decided to deploy the troops for a fresh stand on the
mountains which close the gap between the North Pare Mountains and
Kilima Njaro to the westward of Taveta. Kraut’s Detachment was ordered
by telephone to take up a position on the Resta-Latema Mountains, on
the road leading from Taveta to New Steglitz. North-west of Latema
Mountain, on the road from Taveta to Himo, Schulz’s Detachment
occupied the mountains of North Kitovo, and covered the move of
Kraut’s Detachment. These movements were executed by night, without
being interfered with by the enemy. On our extreme left wing, on the
south-eastern slopes of Kilima Njaro, Captain Stemmermann’s Company
blocked the road leading from Rombo Mission to Himo and New Moshi.
Rombo Mission was occupied by the enemy. Some of the natives made no
attempt to conceal the fact that they now adhered to the English. This
lends colour to the supposition that English espionage and propaganda
among the natives had for a long time been going on in this district,
and that the light-signals which had often been seen on the eastern
slopes of Kilima Njaro had some connection with it.
The mountain position taken up by us was very favourable as regards
ground, but suffered from the great disadvantage that our few thousand
Askari were far too few really to fill up the front, which was some
12 miles in extent. Only a few points in the front line could be
occupied; the bulk of the force was kept at my disposal at Himo, to
be brought into action according to how the situation might develop.
It was a time of great tension. Before us was the greatly superior
enemy; behind us, advancing to the south from Londigo, another superior
opponent, while our communications, which also formed our line of
retreat, were threatened by the enemy in the very unpleasant manner
already described. But, in view of the ground, which we knew, and the
apparently not too skilful tactical leading on the part of the enemy,
I did not think it impossible to give at least one of his detachments
a thorough beating. The positions on the line Reata-North Kitovo were
therefore to be prepared for a stubborn defence. From Tanga, one of
the _Königsberg’s_ guns mounted there was brought up by rail. The
reader will rightly ask why this had not been done long before. But the
gun had no wheels, and fired from a fixed pivot, so that it was very
immobile. It is therefore comprehensible that we delayed bringing it
into action until there could be no doubt as to the precise spot where
it would be wanted.
The situation now developed so rapidly that the gun could not be used
against Taveta. It was therefore mounted near the railway at Kahe,
on the south bank of the Pangani River, from which position it did
excellent service later in the actions at Kahe.
On the 10th March the enemy reconnoitred along our whole front. Mounted
detachments of about 50 men rode up, dismounted, and then advanced in
a widely extended line, leading their horses, until they were fired
on. This was their object. The fire disclosed our positions, although
imperfectly. This method of reconnaissance gave us the opportunity for
scoring local successes, which cost the enemy a certain number of men,
and brought us in some score of horses. From North Kitovo Mountain we
could plainly see how portions of our firing line, taking advantage
of favourable situations, rapidly advanced and fired upon the enemy’s
reconnoitring parties from several directions. To me the force employed
by the enemy in these enterprises appeared too large to be explained
by the mere intention of reconnaissance; they looked to me more like
serious but somewhat abortive attacks. It was not yet possible to
form a clear idea of the direction from which the enemy’s main attack
would come. The tactical difficulties of enveloping our left (north)
wing were far less, but this operation would prevent him from exerting
effective pressure on our communications. The direction from Taveta
through Reata towards Kahe would be the worst for us, but entailed
for the enemy a difficult frontal attack on the fortified heights of
Reata and Latema, which promised but little success even if made in
greatly superior strength. I, therefore, thought it advisable to move
Captain Koehl with two companies so close up in rear of Major Kraut’s
Detachment, which was on the high ground between Reata and Latema, that
we could intervene rapidly without waiting for orders. For the moment,
telephonic communication with our detachments was secure. But it was to
be anticipated that it would become at least very difficult, so soon
as any detachment moved away from the existing lines. There was no
material available for rapidly laying a cable that could follow moving
troops. We were also deficient of light wireless apparatus, by means
of which later on the English successfully controlled the movements of
their columns in the bush.
On the 11th March another aeroplane appeared over New Moshi and dropped
a few bombs. I was just talking to an old Boer about the fight on the
12th February, and saying that the English were incurring a grave
responsibility in ruthlessly exposing so many young men, who were quite
ignorant of the Tropics, to the dangers of our climate and of tropical
warfare. Major Kraut reported from Reata that strong hostile forces
were moving up towards his positions from the direction of Taveta. Soon
after, a powerful attack was made by several thousand men on the three
companies holding our position. Our three light guns could, of course,
not engage in a duel with the heavy artillery, and, as at Oldorobo, had
to restrict themselves to employing their few shells against the denser
masses of the enemy at favourable moments. Knowing the difficulties
of the ground, I thought the attack had little prospect of success,
but the two companies of Captain Koehl held in readiness behind Major
Kraut’s Detachment were, nevertheless, sent in to attack. Captain
Koehl, who had originally intended to attack the enemy in flank, which
would have suited the situation and proved decisive, was obliged to
recognize that in the unknown and dense bush this was impossible. The
time and place, and, therefore, the effectiveness of this attack,
would have become matters of pure chance. He, therefore, quite rightly
marched up to the immediate support of Major Kraut. From what I could
observe for myself from North Kitovo, and according to the reports
that came in, it appeared that the enemy wanted to keep us occupied in
front from Reata to Kitovo, while his decisive movement was being made
round our left wing. In the first instance large bodies of horsemen
were moving in that direction who appeared and disappeared again among
the heights and gullies of the south-east slopes of Kilima Njaro. The
11th Company, under Captain Stemmermann, which was on the slopes
above these horsemen, prevented them from reaching the summit. During
the course of the afternoon the leading horsemen had worked their way
through the dense banana-plantations to near Marangu. They appeared
to be very exhausted. Some of them were seen to be eating the unripe
bananas.
During the afternoon it became evident that the enemy was making a
strong frontal attack against Kraut’s Detachment on Reata and Latema
Mountain. But the telephonic reports were favourable: the enemy was
obviously suffering heavy casualties; hundreds of stretchers were
being employed in getting away the wounded. By evening all the enemy’s
attacks on our front had been repulsed with heavy losses. In the
darkness Captain Koehl’s two companies had pursued with energy and
opened machine-gun fire on the enemy when he tried to make a stand.
In the evening I had gone to Himo, and about 11 p.m. I was engaged
in issuing orders for an attack to be made early on the 12th on the
enemy’s horsemen, whose presence had been established at Marangu. Just
then Lieutenant Sternheim, commanding the guns with Kraut’s Detachment,
telephoned that the enemy had attacked once more in the night and had
penetrated into the Reata position in great force. This report made
it appear probable that this strong hostile force would now press
forward from Reata in the direction of Kahe, and cut us off from our
communications. To accept this risk, and still carry out the attack
on the enemy at Marangu, appeared to be too dangerous. I therefore
ordered the troops at Kitovo and Himo to fall back during the night
to the Reata-Kahe road. As a covering force Stemmermann’s Company was
for the time being to remain at Himo. This march was bound to entail
the unpleasant consequence that, at the very best, all communication
between Headquarters and the various units would cease. Anyone who has
experienced these night marches knows also how easily some parts of the
force may become entirely detached and cannot be reached for ever and
a day. Fortunately I had at least some knowledge of the ground, as we
moved across country to the new road, while we heard continuous heavy
firing going on on Reata and Latema Mountains. A few stragglers who
had lost their way in the bush came towards us; when we said we were
Germans they did not believe us, and disappeared again. On the new road
we found the dressing station. Here, too, the reports of the numerous
wounded were so contradictory and obscure that one could only gather
the impression of very heavy fighting in the bush at close quarters,
but failed to learn anything of its various phases or results. By and
by we got through on the telephone to Major Kraut, who, with part
of his detachment, was on the Kahe-Taveta road, on the south-west
slope of Reata Mountain. On the heights the fire had gradually died
down, and his patrols had found no more trace of the enemy on Reata
Mountain. Early in the morning of the 12th Major Kraut found some of
his detachment again in their old positions on the hills: the enemy had
fallen back to Taveta.
When I arrived at Reata Mountain at six in the morning the great
quantity of booty was being collected. Very great confusion had
occurred in the close-quarter fighting by night. English dead, who
were lying in the bush far in rear of the front of Kraut’s Detachment,
proved that certain detachments of the enemy had got behind our
line. Individual snipers, hidden away among the rocks, maintained a
well-aimed fire, and could not be dislodged. It was, however, clear
that the enemy had been repulsed with heavy casualties. Both our own
wounded and those of the enemy were got away without a hitch, and so
were the prisoners. With the detachments that were moving from the
vicinity of Himo through the dense bush to the Kahe-Reata road we had
no communication, and could expect to have none for several hours more.
In this situation it was regrettable that I had ordered the troops
forming our left wing, who had been posted between Kitovo and Himo, to
withdraw to the Kahe-Reata road. After giving up the high ground held
by our left wing the Reata position would in time become untenable, the
more so as it had no supply of water, which had to be brought up from
a place an hour’s march further back. It was impossible to turn back
the units of the left wing to reoccupy the Himo-Kitovo area, as we
were at the moment completely out of touch with them, and, as has been
mentioned, there was no expectation of regaining it for hours to come.
I decided to evacuate the Reata position, and after the battlefield was
cleared I returned with the line that was nearest to the enemy to the
water south-west of Reata Mountain. In the course of the day the other
detachments reached the Kahe-Reata road at different points further to
the rear and encamped.
Headquarters moved to New Steglitz Plantation. The buildings are
situated half-way between Kahe and Reata, on a slight elevation
affording a distant view over the forest, which is particularly dense
along the Kahe-Reata road. On the way I met Captain Schoenfeld, who
reported that he had mounted his 4-inch gun out of the _Königsberg_
near Kahe village on the south bank of the Pangani. After our
withdrawal the enemy occupied Reata Mountain and for a while fired into
the blue with light guns and rifles.
During the next few days we observed the advance of strong hostile
forces from the direction of Taveta to Himo, and the pitching of large
camps at that place. Against the Little Himo, a mountain in front of
our line which we were not holding, the enemy developed a powerful
attack from the east, across a perfectly open plain, which, after a
long and heavy bombardment of the empty hill, ended in its capture.
Unfortunately, we were unable to move our troops sufficiently rapidly
to come down upon this attack out of the thick bush. From the Little
Himo the enemy frequently bombarded the Plantation building of New
Steglitz with light artillery. Some weeks before, after a successful
buffalo-hunt, I had enjoyed a hospitable hour in the few rooms of this
building. The native who had guided us on that occasion had deserted
to the English. Now it provided decidedly cramped accommodation for
Headquarters and the telephone exchange. I myself was lucky enough to
find a fairly comfortable shake-down on the sofa, with the cloth off
the dining-table. Telephone messages and reports came in day and night
without ceasing; but they did not prevent us from making the material
side of our existence tolerably comfortable. We had a roof over our
heads, and the use of a kitchen equipped in European style, and carried
on our combined mess as previously at New Moshi. The circumstances
peculiar to East Africa make it necessary for the European to maintain
a number of servants which to home ideas seems excessive. Even now,
on active service, nearly everyone had two “Boys” who took charge
of the cooking utensils and provisions we carried with us, cooked
excellently, baked bread, washed, and generally provided us in the bush
with a good proportion of the comforts which in Europe are only to be
found in dwelling houses. Even in the heart of the bush I restricted
these alleviations as little as possible, out of consideration for the
strength, health and spirit of the Europeans. If, in spite of this,
Headquarters often preferred to occupy buildings, this was done less
for the sake of comfort than in order to facilitate the unavoidable
work of writing and drawing.
While we were at New Steglitz we received the surprising news
that a second store-ship had reached the Colony, with arms,
ammunition—including several thousand rounds for the 4-inch
_Könisgberg_ guns, which were now employed on land—and other warlike
stores. The ship had run into Ssudi Bay, at the extreme south of our
coast, and had immediately begun to discharge her cargo. In spite of
the great distance, and the exclusive use of carriers, the whole of
it was made available for the troops. This achievement was indeed
surprising, in view of the large number of hostile ships that were
blockading and searching our coast-line, and which were aware of the
arrival of the store-ship. But she probably surprised the English also,
for after discharging her cargo, she put to sea again, and disappeared,
much to the astonishment of the enemy. Chaff between the Navy and the
Army is not unknown even in England, and if the latter is reproached
for not having been able to finish us off, the former may be silenced
with the justifiable retort that it should not have allowed us to
obtain such great supplies of arms and ammunition. The bulk of the
stores was transported by land to the Central Railway, and was stored
along, or near it, at the disposal of Headquarters. Owing to our lack
of suitable artillery it was particularly advantageous that we were
quickly able to bring up the four field-howitzers and two mountain guns
which had come in the ship.
The store-ship had also brought out decorations for war service: one
Iron Cross of the First Class for the Captain of the _Königsberg_,
and enough of the Second Class to enable half her company to have one
each. For the Protective Force there were an Iron Cross of the First
Class, and one of the Second Class, which were for me, and a number of
decorations for the Askari. As regards the Europeans, we only heard
in September, 1916, by wireless that the decorations recommended by
Headquarters had been approved.