rest of his family, with some of the chief of the protestants whom he
had protected, into a ruinous castle, called Lochwater, situated in a
lake near the sea. Here he remained with his companions some weeks, all
of them daily expecting to be put to death. The greatest part of them
were stripped naked, by which means, as the season was cold, (it being
in the month of December) and the building in which they were confined
open at the top, they suffered the most severe hardships. They continued
in this situation till the 7th of January, when they were all released.
The bishop was courteously received into the house of Dennis O'Sheridan,
one of his clergy, whom he had made a convert to the church of England;
but he did not long survive this kindness. During his residence here, he
spent the whole of his time in religious exercises, the better to fit
and prepare himself and his sorrowful companions, for their great change
as not but certain death was perpetually before their eyes. He was at
this time in the 71st year of his age, and being afflicted with a
violent ague caught in his late cold and desolate habitation on the
lake, it soon threw him into a fever of the most dangerous nature.
Finding his dissolution at hand, he received it with joy, like one of
the primitive martyrs just hastening to his crown of glory. After
having addressed his little flock, and exhorted them to patience, in the
most pathetic manner, as they saw their own last day approaching, after
having solemnly blessed his people, his family, and his children, he
finished the course of his ministry and life together, on the 7th day of
February, 1642. His friends and relations applied to the intruding
bishop for leave to bury him, which was with difficulty obtained; he, at
first telling them that the churchyard was holy ground, and should be no
longer defiled with heretics: however, leave was at last granted, and
though the church funeral service was not used at the solemnity, (for
fear of the Irish papists) yet some of the better sort, who had the
highest veneration for him while living, attended his remains to the
grave. At his interment, they discharged a volley of shot, crying out,
"Requiescat in pace ultimas Anglorum;" that is, May the last of the
English rest in peace. Adding, that as he was one of the best so he
should be the last English bishop found among them. His learning was
very extensive; and he would have given the world a greater proof of it,
had he printed all he wrote. Scarce any of his writings were saved; the
papists having destroyed most of his papers and his library. He had
gathered a vast heap of critical expositions of scripture, all which
with a great trunk full of his manuscripts, fell into the hands of the
Irish. Happily his great Hebrew MS. was preserved, and is now in the
library of Emanuel college, Oxford.
In the barony of Terawley, the papists, at the instigation of the
friars, compelled above forty English protestants, some of whom were
women and children, to the hard fate either of falling by the sword, or
of drowning in the sea. These choosing the latter, were accordingly
forced, by the naked weapons of their inexorable persecutors, into the
deep, where, with their children in their arms, they first waded up to
their chins, and afterwards sunk down and perished together.
In the castle of Lisgool upwards of one hundred and fifty men, women,
and children, were all burnt together; and at the castle of Moneah not
less than one hundred were all put to the sword.--Great numbers were
also murdered at the castle of Tullah, which was delivered up to M'Guire
on condition of having fair quarter; but no sooner had that base villain
got possession of the place, than he ordered his followers to murder the
people, which was immediately done with the greatest cruelty.
Many others were put to deaths of the most horrid nature, and such as
could have been invented only by demons instead of men. Some of them
were laid with the centre of their backs on the axle-tree of a carriage,
with their legs resting on the ground on one side, and then arms and
head on the other. In this position one of the savages scourged the
wretched object on the thighs, legs, &c. while another set on furious
dogs, who tore to pieces the arms and upper parts of the body; and in
this dreadful manner were they deprived of their existence. Great
numbers were fastened to horses' tails, and the beasts being set on
full gallop by their riders, the wretched victims were dragged along
till they expired. Others were hung on lofty gibbets, and a fire being
kindled under them, they finished their lives, partly by hanging, and
partly by suffocation.
Nor did the more tender sex escape the least particle of cruelty that
could be projected by their merciless and furious persecutors. Many
women, of all ages, were put to deaths of the most cruel nature. Some,
in particular, were fastened with their backs to strong posts, and being
stripped to their waists, the inhuman monsters cut off their right
breasts with shears, which, of course, put them to the most excruciating
torments; and in this position they were left, till, from the loss of
blood, they expired.
Such was the savage ferocity of these barbarians, that even unborn
infants were dragged from the womb to become victims to their rage. Many
unhappy mothers were hung naked on the branches of trees, and their
bodies being cut open, the innocent offsprings were taken from them, and
thrown to dogs and swine. And to increase the horrid scene, they would
oblige the husband to be a spectator before suffered himself.
At the town of Issenskeath they hanged above a hundred Scottish
protestants, showing them no more mercy than they did to the English.
M'Guire, going to the castle of that town, desired to speak with the
governor, when being admitted, he immediately burnt the records of the
county, which were kept there. He then demanded L1000 of the governor,
which having received, he immediately compelled him to hear mass, and to
swear that he would continue so to do. And to complete his horrid
barbarities, he ordered the wife and children of the governor to be hung
before his face; besides massacring at least one hundred of the
inhabitants. Upwards of one thousand men, women and children, were
driven, in different companies, to Porterdown bridge, which was broken
in the middle, and there compelled to throw themselves into the water,
and such as attempted to reach the shore were knocked on the head.
In the same part of the country, at least four thousand persons were
drowned in different places. The inhuman papists, after first stripping
them, drove them like beasts to the spot fixed on for their destruction;
and if any, through fatigue, or natural infirmities, were slack in their
pace, they pricked them with their swords and pikes; and to strike
terror on the multitude, they murdered some by the way.--Many of these
poor wretches, when thrown into the water, endeavoured to save
themselves by swimming to the shore; but their merciless persecutors
prevented their endeavors taking effect by shooting them in the water.
In one place one hundred and forty English, after being driven for many
miles stark naked, and in the most severe weather, were all murdered on
the same spot, some being hanged, others burnt, some shot, and many of
them buried alive; and so cruel were their tormentors, that they would
not suffer them to pray before they robbed them of their miserable
existence.
Other companies they took under pretence of safe conduct, who, from that
consideration, proceeded cheerfully on their journey; but when the
treacherous papists had got them to a convenient spot, they butchered
them all in the most cruel manner.
One hundred and fifteen men, women, and children, were conducted, by
order of Sir Phelim O'Neal, to Porterdown bridge, where they were all
forced into the river, and drowned. One woman, named Campbell, finding
no probability of escaping, suddenly clasped one of the chief of the
papists in her arms, and held him so fast, that they were both drowned
together.
In Killoman they massacred forty-eight families, among whom twenty-two
were burnt together in one house. The rest were either hanged, shot, or
drowned.
In Kilmore the inhabitants, which consisted of about two hundred
families, all fell victims to their rage. Some of them sat in the stocks
till they confessed where their money was; after which they put them to
death. The whole county was one common scene of butchery, and many
thousands perished, in a short time, by sword, famine, fire, water, and
other the most cruel deaths, that rage and malice could invent.
These bloody villains showed so much favour to some as to despatch them
immediately; but they would by no means suffer them to pray. Others they
imprisoned in filthy dungeons, putting heavy bolts on their legs, and
keeping them there till they were starved to death.
At Casel they put all the protestants into a loathsome dungeon, where
they kept them together, for several weeks, in the greatest misery. At
length they were released, when some of them were barbarously mangled,
and left on the highways to perish at leisure; others were hanged, and
some were buried in the ground upright, with their heads above the
earth, and the papists, to increase their misery, treating them with
derision during their sufferings. In the county of Antrim they murdered
nine hundred and fifty-four protestants in one morning; and afterward
about twelve hundred more in that county.
At a town called Lisnegary, they forced twenty-four protestants into a
house, and then setting fire to it, burned them together, counterfeiting
their outcries in derision to the others.
Among other acts of cruelty they took two children belonging to an
English woman, and dashed out their brains before her face; after which
they threw the mother into a river, and she was drowned. They served
many other children in the like manner, to the great affliction of their
parents, and the disgrace of human nature.
In Kilkenny all the protestants, without exception, were put to death;
and some of them in so cruel a manner, as, perhaps, was never before
thought of.
They beat an English woman with such savage barbarity, that she had
scarce a whole bone left; after which they threw her into a ditch; but
not satisfied with this, they took her child, a girl about six years of
age and after ripping up its belly, threw it to its mother, there to
languish till it perished. They forced one man to go to mass, after
which they ripped open his body, and in that manner left him. They sawed
another asunder, cut the throat of his wife, and after having dashed out
the brains of their child, an infant, threw it to the swine, who
greedily devoured it.
After committing these, and several other horrid cruelties, they took
the heads of seven protestants, and among them that of a pious minister,
all which they fixed up at the market cross. They put a gag into the
minister's mouth, then slit his cheeks to his ears, and laying a leaf of
a Bible before it, bid him preach, for his mouth was wide enough. They
did several other things by way of derision, and expressed the greatest
satisfaction at having thus murdered and exposed the unhappy
protestants.
It is impossible to conceive the pleasure these monsters took in
exercising their cruelty, and to increase the misery of those who fell
into their hands, when they butchered them they would say, "Your soul to
the devil." One of these miscreants would come into a house with his
hands imbued in blood, and boast that it was English blood, and that his
sword had pricked the white skins of the protestants, even to the hilt.
When any one of them had killed a protestant, others would come and
receive a gratification in cutting and mangling the body; after which
they left it exposed to be devoured by dogs; and when they had slain a
number of them they would boast, that the devil was beholden to them for
sending so many souls to hell. But it is no wonder they should thus
treat the innocent christians, when they hesitated not to commit
blasphemy against God and his most holy word.
In one place they burnt two protestant Bibles, and then said they had
burnt hell-fire. In the church at Powerscourt they burnt the pulpit,
pews, chests, and Bibles belonging to it. They took other Bibles, and
after wetting them with dirty water, dashed them in the faces of the
protestants, saying, "We know you love a good lesson; here is an
excellent one for you; come to-morrow, and you shall have as good a
sermon as this."
Some of the protestants they dragged by the hair of their heads into the
church, where they stripped and whipped them in the most cruel manner,
telling them, at the same time, "That if they came to-morrow, they
should hear the like sermon."
In Munster they put to death several ministers in the most shocking
manner. One, in particular, they stripped stark naked, and driving him
before them, pricked him with swords and darts till he fell down, and
expired.
In some places they plucked out the eyes, and cut off the hands of the
protestants, and in that manner turned them into the fields, there to
wander out their miserable existence. They obliged many young men to
force their aged parents to a river, where they were drowned; wives to
assist in hanging their husbands; and mothers to cut the throats of
their children.
In one place they compelled a young man to kill his father, and then
immediately hanged him. In another they forced a woman to kill her
husband, then obliged the son to kill her, and afterward shot him
through the head.
At a place called Glaslow, a popish priest, with some others, prevailed
on forty protestants to be reconciled to the church of Rome. They had no
sooner done this, than they told them they were in good faith, and that
they would prevent their falling from it, and turning heretics, by
sending them out of the world, which they did by immediately cutting
their throats.
In the county of Tipperary upwards of thirty protestants, men, women,
and children, fell into the hands of the papists, who, after stripping
them naked, murdered them with stones, pole-axes, swords, and other
weapons.
In the county of Mayo about sixty protestants, fifteen of whom were
ministers, were, upon covenant, to be safely conducted to Galway, by one
Edmund Burke and his soldiers; but that inhuman monster by the way drew
his sword, as an intimation of his design to the rest, who immediately
followed his example, and murdered the whole, some of whom they stabbed,
others were run through the body with pikes, and several were drowned.
In Queen's county great numbers of protestants were put to the most
shocking deaths. Fifty or sixty were placed together in one house, which
being set on fire, they all perished in the flames. Many were stripped
naked, and being fastened to horses by ropes placed round their middles,
were dragged through bogs till they expired. Some were hung by the feet
to tenter-hooks driven into poles; and in that wretched posture left
till they perished. Others were fastened to the trunk of a tree, with a
branch at top. Over this branch hung one arm, which principally
supported the weight of the body; and one of the legs was turned up, and
fastened to the trunk, while the other hung straight. In this dreadful
and uneasy posture did they remain, as long as life would permit,
pleasing spectacles to their blood-thirsty persecutors.
At Clownes seventeen men were buried alive; and an Englishman, his wife,
five children, and a servant maid, were all hung together and afterward
thrown into a ditch. They hung many by the arms to branches of trees,
with a weight to their feet; and others by the middle, in which postures
they left them till they expired. Several were hung on windmills, and
before they were half dead, the barbarians cut them in pieces with their
swords. Others, both men, women, and children, they cut and hacked in
various parts of their bodies, and left them wallowing in their blood to
perish where they fell. One poor woman they hung on a gibbet, with her
child, an infant about a twelve-month old, the latter of whom was hung
by the neck with the hair of its mother's head, and in that manner
finished its short but miserable existence.
In the county of Tyrone no less than three hundred protestants were
drowned in one day; and many others were hanged, burned, and otherwise
put to death. Dr. Maxwell, rector of Tyrone, lived at this time near
Armagh, and suffered greatly from these merciless savages. This person,
in his examination, taken upon oath before the king's commissioners,
declared, that the Irish papists owned to him, that they, at several
times, had destroyed, in one place, 12,000 protestants, whom they
inhumanly slaughtered at Glynwood, in their flight from the county of
Armagh.
As the river Bann was not fordable, and the bridge broken down, the
Irish forced thither at different times, a great number of unarmed,
defenceless protestants, and with pikes and swords violently thrust
above one thousand into the river, where they miserably perished.
Nor did the cathedral of Armagh escape the fury of these barbarians, it
being maliciously set on fire by their leaders, and burnt to the ground.
And to extirpate, if possible, the very race of those unhappy
protestants, who lived in or near Armagh, the Irish first burnt all
their houses, and then gathered together many hundreds of those innocent
people, young and old, on pretence of allowing them a guard and safe
conduct to Colerain; when they treacherously fell on them by the way,
and inhumanly murdered them.
The like horrid barbarities with those we have particularized, were
practised on the wretched protestants in almost all parts of the
kingdom; and, when an estimate was afterward made of the number who were
sacrificed to gratify the diabolical souls of the papists, it amounted
to one hundred and fifty thousand. But it now remains that we proceed to
the particulars that followed.
These desperate wretches, flushed and grown insolent with success,
(though by methods attended with such excessive barbarities as perhaps
not to be equalled) soon got possession of the castle of Newry, where
the king's stores and ammunition were lodged; and, with as little
difficulty, made themselves masters of Dundalk. They afterward took the
town of Ardee, where they murdered all the protestants, and then
proceeded to Drogheda. The garrison of Drogheda was in no condition to
sustain a siege, notwithstanding which, as often as the Irish renewed
their attacks they were vigorously repulsed by a very unequal number of
the king's forces, and a few faithful protestant citizens under sir
Henry Tichborne, the governor, assisted by the lord viscount Moore. The
siege of Drogheda began on the 30th of November, 1641, and held till the
4th of March, 1642, when sir Phelim O'Neal, and the Irish miscreants
under him were forced to retire.
In the mean time ten thousand troops were sent from Scotland to the
remaining protestants in Ireland, which being properly divided in the
most capital parts of the kingdom, happily eclipsed the power of the
Irish savages; and the protestants for a time lived in tranquility.
In the reign of king James II. they were again interrupted, for in a
parliament held at Dublin in the year 1689, great numbers of the
protestant nobility, clergy, and gentry of Ireland, were attainted of
high treason. The government of the kingdom was, at that time, invested
in the earl of Tyrconnel, a bigoted papist, and an inveterate enemy to
the protestants. By his orders they were again persecuted in various
parts of the kingdom. The revenues of the city of Dublin were seized,
and most of the churches converted into prisons. And had it not been for
the resolution and uncommon bravery of the garrisons in the city of
Londonderry, and the town of Inniskillin, there had not one place
remained for refuge to the distressed protestants in the whole kingdom;
but all must have been given up to king James, and to the furious popish
party that governed him.
The remarkable siege of Londonderry was opened on the 18th of April,
1689, by twenty thousand papists, the flower of the Irish army. The city
was not properly circumstanced to sustain a siege, the defenders
consisting of a body of raw undisciplined protestants, who had fled
thither for shelter, and half a regiment of lord Mountjoy's disciplined
soldiers, with the principal part of the inhabitants, making in all only
seven thousand three hundred and sixty-one fighting men.
The besieged hoped, at first, that their stores of corn, and other
necessaries, would be sufficient; but by the continuance of the siege
their wants increased; and these became at last so heavy, that for a
considerable time before the siege was raised, a pint of coarse barley,
a small quantity of greens, a few spoonfuls of starch, with a very
moderate proportion of horse flesh, were reckoned a week's provision for
a soldier. And they were, at length, reduced to such extremities, that
they ate dogs, cats, and mice.
Their miseries increasing with the siege, many, through mere hunger and
want, pined and languished away, or fell dead in the streets. And it is
remarkable, that when their long expected succours arrived from England,
they were upon the point of being reduced to this alternative, either to
preserve their existence by eating each other, or attempting to fight
their way through the Irish, which must have infallibly produced their
destruction.
These succours were most happily brought by the ship Mountjoy of Derry,
and the Phoenix of Colerain, at which time they had only nine lean
horses left with a pint of meal to each man. By hunger, and the fatigues
of war, their seven thousand three hundred and sixty-one fighting men,
were reduced to four thousand three hundred, one-fourth part of whom
were rendered unserviceable.
As the calamities of the besieged were great, so likewise were the
terrors and sufferings of their protestant friends and relations; all of
whom (even women and children) were forcibly driven from the country
thirty miles round, and inhumanly reduced to the sad necessity of
continuing some days and nights without food or covering, before the
walls of the town; and were thus exposed to the continual fire both of
the Irish army from without, and the shot of their friends from within.
But the succours from England happily arriving put an end to their
affliction; and the siege was raised on the 31st of July, having been
continued upwards of three months.
The day before the siege of Londonderry was raised, the Inniskillers
engaged a body of six thousand Irish Roman catholics, at Newton, Butler,
or Crown-Castle, of whom near five thousand were slain. This, with the
defeat at Londonderry, dispirited the papists, and they gave up all
farther attempts to persecute the protestants.
The year following, viz. 1690; the Irish took up arms in favour of the
abdicated prince, king James II. but they were totally defeated by his
successor king William the Third. That monarch, before he left the
country, reduced them to a state of subjection, in which they have ever
since continued; and it is to be hoped will so remain as long as time
shall be.
By a report made in Ireland, in the year 1731, it appeared that a great
number of ecclesiastics had, in defiance of the laws, flocked into that
kingdom: that several convents had been opened by jesuits, monks, and
friars; that many new and pompous mass-houses had been erected in some
of the most conspicuous parts of their great cities, where there had not
been any before; and that such swarms of vagrant, immoral Romish priests
had appeared, that the very papists themselves considered them as a
burthen.
But notwithstanding all this, the protestant interest at present stands
upon a much stronger basis than it did a century ago. The Irish, who
formerly led an unsettled and roving life, in the woods, bogs, and
mountains, and lived on the depredation of their neighbours, they who,
in the morning seized the prey, and at night divided the spoil, have,
for many years past, become quiet and civilized. They taste the sweets
of English society, and the advantages of civil government. They trade
in our cities, and are employed in our manufactories. They are received
also into English families; and treated with great humanity by the
protestants.
The heads of their clans, and the chiefs of the great Irish families,
who cruelly oppressed and tyrannized over their vassals, are now
dwindled in a great measure to nothing; and most of the ancient popish
nobility and gentry of Ireland have renounced the Romish religion.
It is also to be hoped, that inestimable benefits will arise from the
establishment of protestant schools in various parts of the kingdom, in
which the children of the Roman catholics are instructed in religion and
reading, whereby the mist of ignorance is dispelled from their eyes,
which was the great source of the cruel transactions that have taken
place, at different periods, in that kingdom.
In order to preserve the protestant interest in Ireland upon a solid
basis, it behooves all in whom that power is invested, to discharge it
with the strictest assiduity and attention; for should it once again
lose ground, there is no doubt but the papists would take those
advantages they have hitherto done, and thousands might yet fall victims
to their malicious bigotry.
FOOTNOTES:
[C] Although Garnet was convicted for this horrible crime, yet the
bigoted papists were so besotted as to look upon him as an object of
devotion; they fancied that miracles were wrought by his blood; and
regarded him as a martyr! Such is the deadening and perverting influence
of popery.
[D] The king of England was at that time called _highness_, not
_majesty_, as at present.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE RISE, PROGRESS, PERSECUTIONS, AND SUFFERINGS OF THE QUAKERS.
In treating of these people in a historical manner, we are obliged to
have recourse to much tenderness. That they differ from the generality
of protestants in some of the capital points of religion cannot be
denied, and yet, as protestant dissenters, they are included under the
description of the toleration act. It is not our business to inquire
whether people of similar sentiments had any existence in the primitive
ages of Christianity: perhaps, in some respects, they had not, but we
are to write of them not as what they were, but what they now are. That
they have been treated by several writers in a very contemptuous manner,
is certain; that they did not deserve such treatment, is equally
certain.
The appellation _Quakers_, was bestowed upon them as a term of reproach,
in consequence of their apparent convulsions which they laboured under
when they delivered their discourses, because they imagined they were
the effect of divine inspiration.
It is not our business, at present, to inquire whether the sentiments of
these people are agreeable to the gospel, but this much is certain, that
the first leader of them, as a separate body, was a man of obscure
birth, who had his first existence in Leicestershire, about the year
1624. In speaking of this man we shall deliver our own sentiments in a
historical manner, and joining these to what have been said by the
Friends themselves, we shall endeavour to furnish out a complete
narrative.
He was descended of honest and respected parents, who brought him up in
the national religion: but from a child he appeared religious, still,
solid, and observing, beyond his years, and uncommonly knowing in divine
things. He was brought up to husbandry, and other country business, and
was particularly inclined to the solitary occupation of a shepherd; "an
employment," says our author, "that very well suited his mind in several
respects, both for its innocency and solitude; and was a just emblem of
his after ministry and service." In the year 1646, he entirely forsook
the national church, in whose tenets he had been brought up, as before
observed; and in 1647, he travelled into Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire,
without any set purpose of visiting particular places, but in a solitary
manner he walked through several towns and villages, which way soever
his mind turned. "He fasted much," said Sewell, "and walked often in
retired places, with no other companion than his Bible." "He visited the
most retired and religious people in those parts," says Penn, "and some
there were, short of few, if any, in this nation, who waited for the
consolation of Israel night and day; as Zacharias, Anna, and Simeon,
did of old time." To these he was sent, and these he sought out in the
neighbouring counties, and among them he sojourned till his more ample
ministry came upon him. At this time he taught, and was an example of
silence, endeavouring to bring them from self-performances; testifying
of, and turning them to the light of Christ within them, and encouraging
them to wait in patience, and to feel the power of it to stir in their
hearts, that their knowledge and worship of God might stand in the power
of an endless life which was to be found in the light, as it was obeyed
in the manifestation of it in man: for in the word was life, and that
life is the light of men. Life in the word, light in men; and life in
men too, as the light is obeyed; the children of the light living by the
life of the word, by which the word begets them again to God, which is
the generation and new birth, without which there is no coming into the
kingdom of God, and to which whoever comes is greater than John: that
is, than John's dispensation, which was not that of the kingdom, but the
consummation of the legal, and forerunning of the gospel times, the time
of the kingdom. Accordingly several meetings were gathering in those
parts; and thus his time was employed for some years.
In the year 1652, "he had a visitation of the great work of God in the
earth, and of the way that he was to go forth, in a public ministry, to
begin it." He directed his course northward, "and in every place where
he came, if not before he came to it, he had his particular exercise and
service shown to him, so that the Lord was his leader indeed." He made
great numbers of converts to his opinions, and many pious and good men
joined him in his ministry. These were drawn forth especially to visit
the public assemblies to reprove, reform, and exhort them; sometimes in
markets, fairs, streets, and by the highway-side, "calling people to
repentance, and to return to the Lord, with their hearts as well as
their mouths; directing them to the light of Christ within them, to see,
examine, and to consider their ways by, and to eschew the evil, and to
do the good and acceptable will of God."
They were not without opposition in the work they imagined themselves
called to, being often set in the stocks, stoned, beaten, whipped and
imprisoned, though, as our author observes, honest men of good report,
that had left wives, children, houses, and lands, to visit them with a
living call to repentance. But these coercive methods rather forwarded
than abated their zeal, and in those parts they brought over many
proselytes, and amongst them several magistrates, and others of the
better sort. They apprehended the Lord had forbidden them to pull off
their hats to any one, high or low, and required them to speak to the
people, without distinction, in the language of thou and thee. They
scrupled bidding people good-morrow, or good-night, nor might they bend
the knee to any one, even in supreme authority. Both men and woman went
in a plain and simple dress, different from the fashion of the times.
They neither gave nor accepted any titles of respect or honour, nor
would they call any man master on earth. Several texts of scripture they
quoted in defence of these singularities; such as, Swear not at all. How
can ye believe who receive honour one of another, and seek not the
honour which comes from God only? &c. &c. They placed the basis of
religion in an inward light, and an extraordinary impulse of the Holy
Spirit.
In 1654, their first separate meeting in London was held in the house of
Robert Dring, in Watling-street, for by that time they spread themselves
into all parts of the kingdom, and had in many places set up meetings or
assemblies, particularly in Lancashire, and the adjacent parts, but they
were still exposed to great persecutions and trials of every kind. One
of them in a letter to the protector, Oliver Cromwell, represents,
though there are no penal laws in force obliging men to comply with the
established religion, yet the Quakers are exposed upon other accounts;
they are fined and imprisoned for refusing to take an oath; for not
paying their tithes; for disturbing the public assemblies, and meeting
in the streets, and places of public resort; some of them have been
whipped for vagabonds, and for their plain speeches to the magistrate.
Under favour of the then toleration, they opened their meetings at the
Bull and Mouth, in Aldersgate-street, where women, as well as men, were
moved to speak. Their zeal transported them to some extravagancies,
which laid them still more open to the lash of their enemies, who
exercised various severities upon them throughout the next reign. Upon
the suppression of Venner's mad insurrection, the government, having
published a proclamation, forbidding the Anabaptists, Quakers, and Fifth
Monarchy Men, to assemble or meet together under pretence of worshipping
God, except it be in some parochial church, chapel, or in private
houses, by consent of the persons there inhabiting, all meetings in
other places being declared to be unlawful and riotous, &c. &c. the
Quakers thought it expedient to address the king thereon, which they did
in the following words:
"_O king Charles!_
"Our desire is, that thou mayest live for ever in the fear of God, and
thy council. We beseech thee and thy council, to read these following
lines in tender bowels, and compassion for our souls, and for your good.
"And this consider, we are about four hundred imprisoned, in and about
this city, of men and women from their families, besides, in the county
jails, about ten hundred; we desire that our meetings may not be broken
up, but that all may come to a fair trial, that our innocency may be
cleared up.
"London, 16th day, eleventh month, 1660."
On the 28th of the same month, they published the declaration referred
to in their address, entitled, "A declaration from the harmless and
innocent people of God, called Quakers, against all sedition, plotters,
and fighters in the world, for removing the ground of jealousy and
suspicion, from both magistrates and people in the kingdom, concerning
wars and fightings." It was presented to the king the 21st day of the
eleventh month, 1660, and he promised them upon his royal word, that
they should not suffer for their opinions, as long as they lived
peaceably; but his promises were very little regarded afterward.
In 1661, they assumed courage to petition the house of Lords for a
toleration of their religion, and for a dispensation from taking the
oaths, which they held unlawful, not from any disaffection to the
government, or a belief that they were less obliged by an affirmation,
but from a persuasion that all oaths were unlawful; and that swearing
upon the most solemn occasions was forbidden in the New Testament. Their
petition was rejected, and instead of granting them relief, an act was
passed against them, the preamble to which set forth, "That whereas
several persons have taken up an opinion that an oath, even before a
magistrate, is unlawful, and contrary to the word of God: and whereas,
under pretence of religious worship, the said persons do assemble in
great numbers in several parts of the kingdom, separating themselves
from the rest of his majesty's subjects, and the public congregations
and usual places of divine worship; be it therefore enacted, that if any
such persons, after the 24th of March, 1661-2, shall refuse to take an
oath when lawfully tendered, or persuade others to do it, or maintain in
writing or otherwise, the unlawfulness of taking an oath; or if they
shall assemble for religious worship, to the number of five or more, of
the age of fifteen, they shall for the first offence forfeit five
pounds; for the second, ten pounds; and for the third shall abjure the
realm, or be transported to the plantations: and the justices of peace
at their open sessions may hear and finally determine in the affair."
This act had a most dreadful effect upon the Quakers, though it was well
known and notorious that these conscientious persons were far from
sedition or disaffection to the government. George Fox, in his address
to the king, acquaints him, that three thousand and sixty-eight of their
friends had been imprisoned since his majesty's restoration; that their
meetings were daily broken up by men with clubs and arms, and their
friends thrown into the water, and trampled under foot till the blood
gushed out, which gave rise to their meeting in the open streets. A
relation was printed, signed by twelve witnesses, which says, that more
than four thousand two hundred Quakers were imprisoned; and of them five
hundred were in and about London, and the suburbs; several of whom were
dead in the jails.
However, they even gloried in their sufferings, which increased every
day; so that in 1665, and the intermediate years, they were harassed
without example. As they persisted resolutely to assemble, openly, at
the Bull and Mouth, before mentioned, the soldiers, and other officers,
dragged them from thence to prison, till Newgate was filled with them,
and multitudes died of close confinement, in that and other jails.
Six hundred of them, says an account published at this time, were in
prison, merely for religion's sake, of whom several were banished to the
plantations. In short, says Mr. Neale, the Quakers gave such full
employment to the informers, that they had less leisure to attend the
meetings of other dissenters.
Yet, under all these calamities, they behaved with patience and modesty
towards the government, and upon occasion of the Rye-house plot in 1682,
thought proper to declare their innocence of that sham plot, in an
address to the king, wherein, appealing to the Searcher of all hearts,
they say, their principles do not allow them to take up defensive arms,
much less to avenge themselves for the injuries they received from
others: that they continually pray for the king's safety and
preservation; and therefore take this occasion humbly to beseech his
majesty to compassionate their suffering friends, with whom the jails
are so filled, that they want air, to the apparent hazard of their
lives, and to the endangering an infection in divers places. Besides,
many houses, shops, barns, and fields are ransacked, and the goods,
corn, and cattle swept away, to the discouraging trade and husbandry,
and impoverishing great numbers of quiet and industrious people; and
this, for no other cause, but for the exercise of a tender conscience in
the worship of Almighty God, who is sovereign Lord and King of men's
consciences.
On the accession of James II. they addressed that monarch honestly and
plainly, telling him, "We are come to testify our sorrow for the death
of our good friend Charles, and our joy for thy being made our governor.
We are told thou art not of the persuasion of the church of England, no
more than we; therefore we hope thou wilt grant us the same liberty
which thou allowest thyself, which doing, we wish thee all manner of
happiness."
When James, by his dispensing power, granted liberty to the dissenters,
they began to enjoy some rest from their troubles; and indeed it was
high time, for they were swelled to an enormous amount. They, the year
before this, to them one of glad release, in a petition to James for a
cessation of their sufferings, set forth, "that of late above one
thousand five hundred of their friends, both men and women, and that now
there remain one thousand three hundred and eighty-three; of which two
hundred are women, many under sentence of praemunire; and more than three
hundred near it, for refusing the oath of allegiance, because they could
not swear. Three hundred and fifty have died in prison since the year
1680; in London, the jail of Newgate has been crowded, within these two
years sometimes with near 20 in a room, whereby several have been
suffocated, and others, who have been taken out sick, have died of
malignant fevers within a few days. Great violences, outrageous
distresses, and woful havock and spoil, have been made upon people's
goods and estates, by a company of idle, extravagant, and merciless
informers, by persecutions on the conventicle-act, and others, also on
_qui tam_ writs, and on other processes, for twenty pounds a month, and
two-thirds of their estates seized for the king. Some had not a bed to
rest on, others had no cattle to till the ground, nor corn for feed or
bread, nor tools to work with, the said informers and bailiffs in some
places breaking into houses, and making great waste and spoil, under
pretence of serving the king and the church. Our religious assemblies
have been charged at common law with being rioters and disturbers of the
public peace, whereby great numbers have been confined in prison without
regard to age, and many confined in holes and dungeons. The seizing for
L20 a month has amounted to many thousands, and several who have
employed some hundreds of poor people in manufactures, are disabled to
do so any more, by reason of long imprisonment. They spare neither widow
nor fatherless, nor have they so much as a bed to lie on. The informers
are both witnesses and prosecutors, to the ruin of great numbers of
sober families; and justices of the peace have been threatened with the
forfeiture of one hundred pounds, if they do not issue out warrants upon
their informations." With this petition they presented a list of their
friends in prison, in the several counties, amounting to four hundred
and sixty.
During the reign of king James II. these people were, through the
intercession of their friend Mr. Penn, treated with greater indulgence
than ever they had been before. They were now become extremely numerous
in many parts of the country, and the settlement of Pennsylvania taking
place soon after, many of them went over to America. There they enjoyed
the blessings of a peaceful government, and cultivated the arts of
honest industry.
As the whole colony was the property of Mr. Penn, so he invited people
of all denominations to come and settle with him. A universal liberty of
conscience took place; and in this new colony the natural rights of
mankind were, for the first time, established.
These Friends are, in the present age, a very harmless, inoffensive body
of people; but of that we shall take more notice hereafter. By their
wise regulations, they not only do honour to themselves, but they are of
vast service to the community.
It may be necessary here to observe, that as the Friends, commonly
called Quakers, will not take an oath in a court of justice, so their
affirmation is permitted in all civil affairs; but they cannot prosecute
a criminal, because, in the English courts of justice, all evidence must
be upon oath.
_An account of the persecution of Friends, commonly called Quakers in
the United States._
About the middle of the seventeenth century, much persecution and
suffering were inflicted on a sect of protestant dissenters, commonly
called Quakers: a people which arose at that time in England some of
whom sealed their testimony with their blood.
For an account of the above people, see Sewell's, or Gough's history of
them.
The principal points upon which their conscientious nonconformity
rendered them obnoxious to the penalties of the law, were,
1. The Christian resolution of assembling publicly for the worship of
God, in a manner most agreeable to their consciences.
2. Their refusal to pay tithes, which they esteemed a Jewish ceremony,
abrogated by the coming of Christ.
3. Their testimony against wars and fighting, the practice of which they
judged inconsistent with the command of Christ: "Love your enemies," &c.
Matt. v. 44.
4. Their constant obedience to the command of Christ: "Swear not at
all," &c. Matt. v. 34.
5. Their refusal to pay rates or assessments for building and repairing
houses for a worship which they did not approve.
6. Their use of the proper and Scriptural language, "thou," and "thee,"
to a single person: and their disuse of the custom of uncovering their
heads, or pulling off their hats, by way of homage to man.
7. The necessity many found themselves under, of publishing what they
believed to be the doctrine of truth; and sometimes even in the places
appointed for the public national worship.
Their conscientious noncompliance in the preceding particulars, exposed
them to much persecution and suffering, which consisted in prosecutions,
fines, cruel beatings, whippings, and other corporeal punishments;
imprisonment, banishment, and even death.
To relate a particular account of their persecutions and sufferings,
would extend beyond the limits of this work: we shall therefore refer,
for that information, to the histories already mentioned, and more
particularly to Besse's Collection of their sufferings; and shall
confine our account here, mostly to those who sacrificed their lives,
and evinced, by their disposition of mind, constancy, patience, and
faithful perseverance, that they were influenced by a sense of religious
duty.
Numerous and repeated were the persecutions against them; and sometimes
for transgressions or offences which the law did not contemplate or
embrace.
Many of the fines and penalties exacted of them, were not only
unreasonable and exorbitant, but as they could not consistently pay
them, were sometimes distrained to several times the value of the
demand; whereby many poor families were greatly distressed, and obliged
to depend on the assistance of their friends.
Numbers were not only cruelly beaten and whipped in a public manner,
like criminals, but some were branded and others had their ears cut off.
Great numbers were long confined in loathsome prisons; in which some
ended their days in consequence thereof.
Many were sentenced to banishment; and a considerable number were
transported. Some were banished on pain of death; and four were actually
executed by the hands of the hangman, as we shall here relate, after
inserting copies of some of the laws of the country where they suffered.
_"At a General Court held at Boston, the 14th of October, 1656._
"Whereas, there is a cursed sect of heretics, lately risen up in the
world, which are commonly called Quakers, who take upon them to be
immediately sent from God, and infallibly assisted by the Spirit, to
speak and write blasphemous opinions, despising government, and the
order of God, in the church and commonwealth, speaking evil of
dignities, reproaching and reviling magistrates and ministers, seeking
to turn the people from the faith, and gain proselytes to their
pernicious ways: this court taking into consideration the premises, and
to prevent the like mischief, as by their means is wrought in our land,
doth hereby order, and by authority of this court, be it ordered and
enacted, that what master or commander of any ship, bark, pink, or
ketch, shall henceforth bring into any harbour, creek, or cove, within
this jurisdiction, any Quaker or Quakers, or other blasphemous heretics,
shall pay, or cause to be paid, the fine of one hundred pounds to the
treasurer of the country, except it appear he want true knowledge or
information of their being such; and, in that case, he hath liberty to
clear himself by his oath, when sufficient proof to the contrary is
wanting: and, for default of good payment, or good security for it,
shall be cast into prison, and there to continue till the said sum be
satisfied to the treasurer as aforesaid. And the commander of any ketch,
ship, or vessel, being legally convicted, shall give in sufficient
security to the governor, or any one or more of the magistrates, who
have power to determine the same, to carry them back to the place whence
he brought them; and, on his refusal so to do, the governor or one or
more of the magistrates, are hereby empowered to issue out his or their
warrants to commit such master or commander to prison, there to
continue, till he give in sufficient security to the content of the
governor, or any of the magistrates, as aforesaid. And it is hereby
further ordered and enacted, that what Quaker soever shall arrive in
this country from foreign parts, or shall come into this jurisdiction
from any parts adjacent, shall be forthwith committed to the house of
correction; and, at their entrance, to be severely whipped, and by the
master thereof be kept constantly to work, and none suffered to converse
or speak with them, during the time of their imprisonment, which shall
be no longer than necessity requires. And it is ordered, if any person
shall knowingly import into any harbour of this jurisdiction, any
Quakers' books or writings, concerning their devilish opinions, shall
pay for such book or writing, being legally proved against him or them
the sum of five pounds; and whosoever shall disperse or conceal any such
book or writing, and it be found with him or her, or in his or her house
and shall not immediately deliver the same to the next magistrate;
shall forfeit or pay five pounds, for the dispersing or concealing of
any such book or writing. And it is hereby further enacted, that if any
person within this colony, shall take upon them to defend the heretical
opinions of the Quakers, or any of their books or papers, shall be fined
for the first time forty shillings; if they shall persist in the same,
and shall again defend it the second time, four pounds; if
notwithstanding they again defend and maintain the said Quakers'
heretical opinions, they shall be committed to the house of correction
till there be convenient passage to send them out of the land, being
sentenced by the court of Assistants to banishment. Lastly, it is hereby
ordered, that what person or persons soever, shall revile the persons of
the magistrates or ministers, as is usual with the Quakers, such person
or persons shall be severely whipped or pay the sum of five pounds.
"This is a true copy of the court's order, as attests
"EDWARD RAWSON, Sec."
"_At a General Court held at Boston, the 14th of October, 1657._
"As an addition to the late order, in reference to the coming or
bringing of any of the cursed sect of the Quakers into this
jurisdiction, it is ordered, that whosoever shall from henceforth bring,
or cause to be brought, directly or indirectly, any known Quaker or
Quakers, or other blasphemous heretics, into this jurisdiction, every
such person shall forfeit the sum of one hundred pounds to the country,
and shall by warrant from any magistrate be committed to prison, there
to remain till the penalty be satisfied and paid; and if any person or
persons within this jurisdiction, shall henceforth entertain and conceal
any such Quaker or Quakers, or other blasphemous heretics, knowing them
so to be, every such person shall forfeit to the country forty shillings
for every hours' entertainment and concealment of any Quaker or Quakers,
&c. as aforesaid, and shall be committed to prison as aforesaid, till
the forfeiture be fully satisfied and paid. And it is further ordered,
that if any Quaker or Quakers shall presume, after they have once
suffered what the law requires, to come into this jurisdiction, every
such male Quaker shall, for the first offence, have one of his ears cut
off, and be kept at work in the house of correction, till he can be sent
away at his own charge; and for the second offence, shall have his other
ear cut off; and every woman Quaker, that has suffered the law here,
that shall presume to come into this jurisdiction, shall be severely
whipped, and kept at the house of correction at work, till she be sent
away at her own charge, and so also for her coming again, she shall be
alike used as aforesaid. And for every Quaker, he or she, that shall a
third time herein again offend, they shall have their tongues bored
through with a hot iron, and be kept at the house of correction close to
work, till they be sent away at their own charge. And it is further
ordered, that all and every Quaker arising from among ourselves, shall
be dealt with, and suffer the like punishment as the law provides
against foreign Quakers.
"EDWARD RAWSON, Sec."
_"An Act made at a General Court, held at Boston, the 20th of October,
1658._
"Whereas, there is a pernicious sect, commonly called Quakers, lately
risen, who by word and writing have published and maintained many
dangerous and horrid tenets, and do take upon them to change and alter
the received laudable customs of our nation, in giving civil respect to
equals, or reverence to superiors; whose actions tend to undermine the
civil government, and also to destroy the order of the churches, by
denying all established forms of worship, and by withdrawing from
orderly church fellowship, allowed and approved by all orthodox
professors of truth, and instead thereof, and in opposition thereunto,
frequently meeting by themselves, insinuating themselves into the minds
of the simple, or such as are at least affected to the order and
government of church and commonwealth, whereby divers of our inhabitants
have been infected, notwithstanding all former laws, made upon the
experience of their arrogant and bold obtrusions, to disseminate their
principles amongst us, prohibiting their coming into this jurisdiction,
they have not been deterred from their impious attempts to undermine our
peace, and hazard our ruin.
"For prevention thereof, this court doth order and enact, that any
person or persons, of the cursed sect of the Quakers, who is not an
inhabitant of, but is found within this jurisdiction, shall be
apprehended without warrant, where no magistrate is hand, by any
constable commissioner, or select-man, and conveyed from constable to
constable, to the next magistrate, who shall commit the said person to
close prison, there to remain (without bail) until the next court of
Assistants, where they shall have legal trial. And being convicted to be
of the sect of the Quakers, shall be sentenced to banishment, on pain of
death. And that every inhabitant of this jurisdiction, being convicted
to be of the aforesaid sect, either by taking up, publishing, or
defending the horrid opinions of the Quakers, or the stirring up mutiny,
sedition, or rebellion against the government, or by taking up their
abusive and destructive practices, viz. denying civil respect to equals
and superiors, and withdrawing from the church assemblies; and instead
thereof, frequenting meetings of their own, in opposition to our church
order; adhering to, or approving of any known Quaker, and the tenets and
practices of Quakers, that are opposite to the orthodox received
opinions of the godly; and endeaving to disaffect others to civil
government and church order, or condemning the practice and proceedings
of this court against the Quakers, manifesting thereby their complying
with those, whose design is to overthrow the order established in church
and state: every such person, upon conviction before the said court of
Assistants, in manner aforesaid, shall be committed to close prison for
one month, and then, unless they choose voluntarily to depart this
jurisdiction, shall give bond for their good behaviour and appear at the
next court, where, continuing obstinate, and refusing to retract and
reform the aforesaid opinions, they shall be sentenced to banishment,
upon pain of death. And any one magistrate, upon information given him
of any such person, shall cause him to be apprehended, and shall commit
any such person to prison, according to his discretion, until he come to
trial as aforesaid."
It appears there were also laws passed in both of the then colonies of
New-Plymouth and New-Haven, and in the Dutch settlement at
New-Amsterdam, now New-York, prohibiting the people called Quakers, from
coming into those places, under severe penalties; in consequence of
which, some underwent considerable suffering.
The two first who were executed were William Robinson, merchant, of
London, and Marmaduke Stevenson, a countryman, of Yorkshire. These
coming to Boston, in the beginning of September, were sent for by the
court of Assistants, and there sentenced to banishment, on pain of
death. This sentence was passed also on Mary Dyar, mentioned hereafter,
and Nicholas Davis, who were both at Boston. But William Robinson, being
looked upon as a teacher, was also condemned to be whipped severely; and
the constable was commanded to get an able man to do it. Then Robinson
was brought into the street, and there stripped; and having his hands
put through the holes of the carriage of a great gun, where the jailer
held him, the executioner gave him twenty stripes, with a three-fold
cord-whip. Then he and the other prisoners were shortly after released,
and banished, as appears from the following warrant:
"You are required by these, presently to set at
liberty William Robinson, Marmaduke Stevenson, Mary
Dyar, and Nicholas Davis, who, by an order of the
court and council, had been imprisoned, because it
appeared by their own confession, words, and
actions, that they are Quakers: wherefore, a
sentence was pronounced against them, to depart
this jurisdiction, on pain of death; and that they
must answer it at their peril, if they, or any of
them, after the 14th of this present month,
September, are found within this jurisdiction, or
any part thereof.
"EDWARD RAWSON"
"Boston, September 12, 1659."
Though Mary Dyar and Nicholas Davis left that jurisdiction for that
time, yet Robinson and Stevenson, though they departed the town of
Boston, could not yet resolve (not being free in mind) to depart that
jurisdiction, though their lives were at stake. And so they went to
Salem, and some places thereabout, to visit and build up their friends
in the faith. But it was not long before they were taken, and put again
into prison at Boston, and chains locked to their legs. In the next
month, Mary Dyar returned also. And as she stood before the prison,
speaking with one Christopher Holden, who was come thither to inquire
for a ship bound for England, whither he intended to go, she was also
taken into custody. Thus, they had now three persons, who, according to
their law, had forfeited their lives. And, on the 20th of October, these
three were brought into court, where John Endicot and others were
assembled. And being called to the bar, Endicot commanded the keeper to
pull off their hats; and then said, that they had made several laws to
keep the Quakers from amongst them, and neither whipping, nor
imprisoning, nor cutting off ears, nor banishing upon pain of death,
would keep them from amongst them. And further, he said, that he or they
desired not the death of any of them. Yet, notwithstanding, his
following words, without more ado, were, "Give ear, and hearken to your
sentence of death." Sentence of death was also passed upon Marmaduke
Stevenson, Mary Dyar, and William Edrid. Several others were imprisoned,
whipped, and fined. We have no disposition to justify the Pilgrims for
these proceedings, but we think, considering the circumstances of the
age in which they lived, their conduct admits of much palliation. The
following remarks of Mr. Hawes, in his tribute to the memory of the
Pilgrims, are worthy of serious consideration.
"It is alleged that they enacted laws which were oppressive to other
denominations, and, moreover, that they were actually guilty of
persecution. This, indeed, is a serious charge, and to some extent must
be admitted to be true. And yet whoever candidly examines the facts in
the case, will find abundant evidence that our fathers, in this respect,
were far from being sinners above all who have dwelt on the earth. Many
of the laws that are complained of were enacted when there were few or
none of any other denomination in the land. They were designed to
protect and support their own ecclesiastical and civil order; and not to
operate at all as persecuting or oppressive enactments against
christians belonging to other sects. It is also true that most of those
persons who are said to have been persecuted and oppressed, suffered not
so much for their religious opinions, as for their offences against the
state. Some of them outraged all decency and order, and committed such
acts as would unquestionably, at the present day, subject a man to
imprisonment, if not to severer punishment.
"This, according to Winthrop, was the ground of the sentence of
banishment, passed on Roger Williams. 'He broached and divulged divers
new opinions against the authority of magistrates, as also wrote letters
of defamation both of the magistrates and churches.'"--_Winthrop's Hist.
of N. E. edit. by Savage, vol. 1, p. 167._
"For a particular account of the causes for which Mr. Williams was
banished, see Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, vol. 1, p. 41;
Dwight's Travels, vol. 1, p. 142; Magnalia, vol. 2, p. 430. As for the
laws subsequently enacted against the Baptists and Quakers, no one most
certainly can justify them. They were oppressive and wrong. But let no
one reproach, too severely, the memory of our fathers, in this matter,
till he is certain, that _in similar circumstances_, he would have shown
a better temper.
"It is allowed that they were culpable; but we do not concede, that in
the present instance, they stood alone, or that they merited all the
censure bestowed on them. 'Laws similar to those of Massachusetts were
passed elsewhere against the Quakers and also against the Baptists,
particularly in Virginia. If no execution took place here, it was not
owing to the moderation of the church.'"--_Jefferson Virg. Query,
XVIII._
"The prevalent opinion among most sects of christians, at that day, that
toleration is sinful, ought to be remembered; nor should it be
forgotten, that the first Quakers in New England, besides speaking and
writing what was deemed blasphemous, reviled magistrates and ministers,
and disturbed religious assemblies; and that the tendency of their
opinions and practices was to the subversion of the commonwealth in the
period of its infancy."--_Holmes' Am. Annals. Hutch. vol. 1, p. 180-9._
"It should be added, that in Massachusetts the law which enacted that
all Quakers returning into the state after banishment, should be
punished with death, and under which four persons were executed, met
with great, and at first, successful opposition. The deputies, who
constituted the popular branch of the legislature, at first rejected it;
but afterwards, on reconsideration, concurred with the magistrates, (by
whom it was originally proposed,) by a majority of only one."--_Chr.
Spect. 1830, p. 266._
"The fathers of New England, endured incredible hardships in providing
for themselves a home in the wilderness; and to protect themselves in
the undisturbed enjoyment of rights, which they had purchased at so dear
a rate, they sometimes adopted measures which, if tried by the more
enlightened and liberal views of the present day, must at once be
pronounced altogether unjustifiable. But shall they be condemned without
mercy for not acting up to principles which were unacknowledged and
unknown throughout the whole of christendom? Shall they alone be held
responsible for opinions and conduct which had become sacred by
antiquity, and which were common to christians of all other
denominations? Every government then in existence assumed to itself the
right to legislate in matters of religion; and to restrain heresy by
penal statutes. This right was claimed by rulers, admitted by subjects,
and is sanctioned by the names of Lord Bacon and Montesquieu, and many
others equally famed for their talents and learning. It is unjust then,
to 'press upon one poor persecuted sect, the sins of all christendom?'
The fault of our fathers was the fault of the age; and though this
cannot justify, it certainly furnishes an extenuation of their conduct.
As well might you condemn them for not understanding the art of
navigating by steam, as for not understanding and acting up to the
principles of religious toleration. At the same time, it is but just to
say, that imperfect as were their views of the rights of conscience,
they were nevertheless far in advance of the age to which they
belonged; and it is to them more than to any other class of men on
earth, the world is indebted for the more rational views that now
prevail on the subject of civil and religious liberty."
CHAPTER XVII.
PERSECUTIONS OF THE FRENCH PROTESTANTS IN THE SOUTH OF FRANCE, DURING
THE YEARS 1814 AND 1820.
The persecution in this protestant part of France continued with very
little intermission from the revocation of the edict of Nantes, by Louis
XIV. till a very short period previous to the commencement of the late
French revolution. In the year 1785, M. Rebaut St. Etienne and the
celebrated M. de la Fayette were among the first persons who interested
themselves with the court of Louis XVI., in removing the scourge of
persecution from this injured people, the inhabitants of the south of
France.
Such was the opposition on the part of the catholics and the courtiers,
that it was not till the end of the year 1790, that the protestants were
freed from their alarms. Previously to this, the catholics at Nismes in
particular, had taken up arms; Nismes then presented a frightful
spectacle; armed men ran through the city, fired from the corners of the
streets, and attacked all they met with swords and forks. A man named
Astuc was wounded and thrown into the aqueduct; Baudon fell under the
repeated strokes of bayonets and sabres, and his body was also thrown
into the water; Boucher, a young man only 17 years of age, was shot as
he was looking out of his window; three electors wounded, one
dangerously; another elector wounded, only escaped death by repeatedly
declaring he was a catholic; a third received four sabre wounds, and was
taken home dreadfully mangled. The citizens that fled were arrested by
the catholics upon the roads, and obliged to give proofs of their
religion before their lives were granted. M. and Madame Vogue, were at
their country house, which the zealots broke open, where they massacred
both, and destroyed their dwelling. M. Blacher, a protestant seventy
years of age, was cut to pieces with a sickle; young Pyerre, carrying
some food to his brother, was asked, "Catholic or protestant?"
"Protestant," being the reply, a monster fired at the lad, and he fell.
One of the murderer's companions said, "you might as well have killed a
lamb." "I have sworn," replied he, "to kill four protestants for my
share, and this will count for one." However, as these atrocities
provoked the troops to unite in defence of the people, a terrible
vengeance was retaliated upon the catholic party that had used arms,
which with other circumstances, especially the toleration exercised by
Napoleon Buonaparte, kept them down completely till the year 1814, when
the unexpected return of the ancient government rallied them all once
more round the old banners.
_The arrival of King Louis XVIII. at Paris._
This was known at Nismes on the 13th of April, 1814. In a quarter of an
hour, the white cockade was seen in every direction, the white flag
floated on the public buildings, on the splendid monuments of antiquity,
and even on the tower of Mange, beyond the city walls. The protestants,
whose commerce had suffered materially during the war, were among the
first to unite in the general joy, and to send in their adhesion to the
senate, and the legislative body; and several of the protestant
departments sent addresses to the throne, but unfortunately, M. Froment
was again at Nismes at the moment when many bigots being ready to join
him, the blindness and fury of the sixteenth century rapidly succeeded
the intelligence and philanthropy of the nineteenth. A line of
distinction was instantly traced between men of different religious
opinions; the spirit of the old catholic church was again to regulate
each person's share of esteem and safety. The difference of religion was
now to govern every thing else; and even catholic domestics who had
served protestants with zeal and affection, began to neglect their
duties, or to perform them ungraciously, and with reluctance. At the
fetes and spectacles that were given at the public expense, the absence
of the protestants was charged on them as a proof of their disloyalty;
and in the midst of the cries of "_Vive le Roi_," the discordant sounds
of "_A bas le Maire_," down with the mayor, were heard. M. Castletan was
a protestant; he appeared in public with the prefect M. Ruland, a
catholic, when potatoes were thrown at him, and the people declared that
he ought to resign his office. The bigots of Nismes even succeeded in
procuring an address to be presented to the king, stating that there
ought to be in France but one God, one king, and one faith. In this they
were imitated by the catholics of several towns.
_The History of the Silver Child._
About this time, M. Baron, counsellor of the Cour Royale of Nismes,
formed the plan of dedicating to God a silver child, if the Duchess
d'Angouleme would give a prince to France. This project was converted
into a public religious vow, which was the subject of conversation both
in public and private, whilst persons, whose imaginations were inflamed
by these proceedings, run about the streets crying _Vivent les
Bourbons_, or the Bourbons forever. In consequence of this superstitious
frenzy, it is said that, at Alais, women were advised and instigated to
poison their protestant husbands, and at length it was found convenient
to accuse them of political crimes. They could no longer appear in
public without insults and injuries. When the mobs met with protestants,
they seized them, and danced round them with barbarous joy, and amidst
repeated cries of _Vive le Roi_, they sung verses, the burden of which
was, "We will wash our hands in protestant blood, and make black
puddings of the blood of Calvin's children." The citizens who came to
the promenades for air and refreshment, from the close and dirty
streets, were chased with shouts of _Vive le Roi_, as if those shouts
were to justify every excess. If protestants referred to the charter,
they were directly assured it would be of no use to them, and that they
had only been managed to be more effectually destroyed. Persons of rank
were heard to say in the public streets, "All the Huguenots must be
killed; this time their children must be killed, that none of the
accursed race may remain." Still, it is true, they were not murdered,
but cruelly treated, protestant children could no longer mix in the
sports of catholics, and were not even permitted to appear without their
parents. At dark their families shut themselves up in their apartments;
but even then stones were thrown against their windows. When they arose
in the morning, it was not uncommon to find gibbets drawn on their doors
or walls; and in the streets the catholics held cords already soaped
before their eyes, and pointed out the instruments by which they hoped
and designed to exterminate them. Small gallows or models were handed
about, and a man who lived opposite to one of the pastors, exhibited one
of these models in his window, and made signs sufficiently intelligible
when the minister passed. A figure representing a protestant preacher
was also hung up on a public crossway, and the most atrocious songs were
sung under his window. Towards the conclusion of the carnival, a plan
had even been formed to make a caricature of the four ministers of the
place, and burn them in effigy; but this was prevented by the mayor of
Nismes, a protestant. A dreadful song presented to the prefect, in the
country dialect, with a false translation, was printed by his approval,
and had a great run before he saw the extent of the error into which he
had been betrayed. The sixty-third regiment of the line was publicly
censured and insulted, for having, according to order, protected
protestants. In fact, the protestants seemed to be as sheep destined for
the slaughter.
_Napoleon's Return from the Isle of Elba._
Soon after this event, the duke d'Angouleme was at Nismes, and remained
there some time; but even his influence was insufficient to bring about
a reconciliation between the catholics and the protestants of that city.
During the hundred days betwixt Napoleon's return from the Isle of Elba,
and his final downfall, not a single life was lost in Nismes, not a
single house was pillaged; only four of the most notorious disturbers of
the peace were punished, or rather prevented from doing mischief, and
even this was not an act of the protestant but the _arrete_ of the
catholic prefect, announced every where with the utmost publicity. Some
time after, when M. Baron, who proposed the vow of the silver child in
favour of the Duchess d'Angouleme, who was considered as the chief of
the catholic royalists, was discovered at the bottom of an old wine tun,
the populace threw stones at his carriage, and vented their feelings in
abusive language. The protestant officers protected him from injury.
_The Catholic arms at Beaucaire._
In May, 1815, a federative association, similar to those of Lyons,
Grenoble, Paris, Avignon, and Montpelier, was desired by many persons at
Nismes; but this federation terminated here after an ephemeral and
illusory existence of fourteen days. In the mean while a large party of
catholic zealots were in arms at Beaucaire, and who soon pushed their
patroles so near the walls of Nismes, "as to alarm the inhabitants."
These catholics applied to the English off Marseilles for assistance,
and obtained the grant of 1000 muskets, 10,000 cartouches, &c. General
Gilly, however, was soon sent against these partizans, who prevented
them from coming to extremes, by granting them an armistice; and yet
when Louis XVIII. had returned to Paris, after the expiration of
Napoleon's reign of a hundred days, and peace and party spirit seemed to
have been subdued, even at Nismes, bands from Beaucaire joined
Trestaillon in this city, to glut the vengeance they had so long
premeditated. General Gilly had left the department several days: the
troops of the line left behind had taken the white cockade, and waited
farther orders, whilst the new commissioners had only to proclaim the
cessation of hostilities, and the complete establishment of the king's
authority. In vain, no commissioners appeared, no despatches arrived to
calm and regulate the public mind; but towards evening the advanced
guard of the banditti, to the amount of several hundreds, entered the
city, undesired but unopposed. As they marched without order or
discipline, covered with clothes or rags of all colours, decorated with
cockades not _white_, but _white_ and _green_, armed with muskets,
sabres, forks, pistols and reaping hooks, intoxicated with wine, and
stained with the blood of the protestants whom they had murdered on
their route, they presented a most hideous and appalling spectacle. In
the open place in the front of the barracks, this banditti was joined by
the city armed mob, headed by Jaques Dupont, commonly called
Trestaillon. To save the effusion of blood, this garrison of about 500
men consented to capitulate, and marched out sad and defenceless; but
when about fifty had passed, the rabble commenced a tremendous fire on
their confiding and unprotected victims; nearly all were killed or
wounded, and but very few could re-enter the yard before the garrison
gates were again closed. These were again forced in an instant, and all
were massacred who could not climb over roofs, or leap into the
adjoining gardens. In a word, death met them in every place and in
every shape and this catholic massacre rivalled in cruelty, and
surpassed in treachery, the crimes of the September assassins of Paris
and the Jacobinical butcheries of Lyons and Avignon. It was marked, not
only by the fervour of the revolution, but by the subtlety of the
league, and will long remain a blot upon the history of the second
restoration.
_Massacre and Pillage at Nismes._
Nismes now exhibited a most awful scene of outrage and carnage, though
many of the protestants had fled to the Convennes and the Gardonenque.
The country houses of Messrs. Rey, Guiret, and several others, had been
pillaged, and the inhabitants treated with wanton barbarity. Two parties
had glutted their savage appetites on the farm of Madame Frat: the
first, after eating, drinking, and breaking the furniture, and stealing
what they thought proper, took leave by announcing the arrival of their
comrades, "compared with whom," they said, "they should be thought
merciful." Three men and an old woman were left on the premises: at the
sight of the second company two of the men fled. "Are you a catholic?"
said the banditti to the old woman. "Yes." "Repeat, then, your Pater and
Ave." Being terrified she hesitated, and was instantly knocked down with
a musket. On recovering her senses, she stole out of the house, but met
Ladet, the old _valet de ferme_, bringing in a salad which the
depredators had ordered him to cut. In vain she endeavoured to persuade
him to fly. "Are you a protestant?" they exclaimed; "I am." A musket
being discharged at him, he fell wounded, but not dead. To consummate
their work, the monsters lighted a fire with straw and boards, threw
their yet living victim into the flames, and suffered him to expire in
the most dreadful agonies. They then ate their salad, omelet, &c. The
next day, some labourers, seeing the house open and deserted, entered
and discovered the half consumed body of Ladet. The prefect of the Gard,
M. Darbaud Jouques, attempting to palliate the crimes of the catholics,
had the audacity to assert that Ladet was a catholic; but this was
publicly contradicted by two of the pastors at Nismes.
Another party committed a dreadful murder at St. Cezaire, upon Imbert la
Plume, the husband of Suzon Chivas. He was met on returning from work in
the fields. The chief promised him his life, but insisted that he must
be conducted to the prison at Nismes. Seeing, however, that the party
was determined to kill him, he resumed his natural character, and being
a powerful and courageous man advanced and exclaimed, "You are
brigands--fire!" Four of them fired, and he fell, but he was not dead;
and while living they mutilated his body and then passing a cord round
it, drew it along, attached to a cannon of which they had possession. It
was not till after eight days that his relatives were apprized of his
death. Five individuals of the family of Chivas, all husbands and
fathers, were massacred in the course of a few days.
Near the barracks at Nismes is a large and handsome house, the property
of M. Vitte, which he acquired by exertion and economy. Besides
comfortable lodgings for his own family, he let more than twenty
chambers, mostly occupied by superior officers and commissaries of the
army. He never inquired the opinion of his tenants, and of course his
guests were persons of all political parties; but, under pretence of
searching for concealed officers, his apartments were overrun, his
furniture broken, and his property carried off at pleasure. The houses
of Messrs. Lagorce, most respectable merchants and manufacturers M.
Matthieu, M. Negre, and others, shared the same fate: many only avoided
by the owners paying large sums as commutation money, or escaping into
the country with their cash.
_Interference of Government against the Protestants._
M. Bernis, extraordinary royal commissioner, in consequence of these
abuses, issued a proclamation which reflects disgrace on the authority
from whence it emanated. "Considering," it said, "that the residence of
citizens in places foreign to their domicile, can only be prejudicial to
the _communes_ they have left, and to those to which they have repaired,
it is ordered, that those inhabitants who have quitted their residence
since the commandment of July, return home by the 28th at the latest,
otherwise they shall be deemed accomplices of the evil-disposed persons
who disturb the public tranquility, and their property shall be placed
under provisional _sequestration_."
The fugitives had sufficient inducements to return to their hearths,
without the fear of sequestration. They were more anxious to embrace
their fathers, mothers, wives, and children, and to resume their
ordinary occupations, than M. Bernis could be to insure their return.
But thus denouncing men as criminals who fled for safety from the sabres
of assassins, was adding oil to the fire of persecution. Trestaillon,
one of the chiefs of the brigands, was dressed in complete uniform and
epaulettes which he had stolen; he wore a sabre at his side, pistols in
his belt, a cockade of white and green, and a sash of the same colours
on his arm. He had under him, Truphemy, Servan, Aime, and many other
desperate characters. Some time after this M. Bernis ordered all parties
and individuals, armed or unarmed, to abstain from searching houses,
without either an order, or the presence of an officer. On suspicion of
arms being concealed, the commandant of the town was ordered to furnish
a patrol to make search and seizure; and all persons carrying arms in
the streets, without being on service, were to be arrested. Trestaillon,
however, who still carried arms, was not arrested till some months
after, and then not by these authorities, but by General La Garde, who
was afterwards assassinated by one of his comrades. On this occasion it
was remarked, that "the system of specious and deceptive proclamations
was perfectly understood, and had long been practised in Languedoc; it
was _not too late_ to persecute the protestants simply for their
religion. Even in the good times of Louis XIV. there was public opinion
enough in Europe to make that arch tyrant have recourse to the meanest
stratagems." The following single specimen of the plan pursued by the
authors of the Dragonades may serve as a key to all the plausible
proclamations which, in 1815, covered the perpetration of the most
deliberate and extensive crimes:--
_Letters from Louvois to Marillac._
"The king rejoices to learn from your letters, that there are so many
conversions in your department; and he desires that you would continue
your efforts, and employ the same means that have been hitherto so
successful. His majesty has ordered me to send a regiment of cavalry,
the greatest part of which he wishes to be quartered upon the
protestants, but he does not think it _prudent_ that they should be all
lodged with them; that is to say, of twenty-six masters, of which a
company is composed, if, by a judicious distribution, ten ought to be
received by the protestants, give them twenty, and put them all on the
rich, making this pretence, that when there are not soldiers enough in a
town for all to have some, the poor ought to be exempt, and the rich
burdened. His majesty has also thought proper to order, that all
converts be exempted from lodging soldiers for two years. This will
occasion numerous conversions if you take care that it is rigorously
executed, and that in all the distributions and passage of troops, by
far the greatest number are quartered on the rich protestants. His
majesty particularly enjoins that your orders on this subject, either by
yourself or your sub-delegates, be given by word of mouth to the mayors
and sheriffs, without letting them know that his majesty intends by
these means to force to become converts, and only explaining to them,
that you give these orders on the information you have received, that in
these places the rich are excepted by their influence, to the prejudice
of the poor."
The merciless treatment of the women, in this persecution at Nismes, was
such as would have disgraced any savages ever heard of. The widows Rivet
and Bernard, were forced to sacrifice enormous sums; and the house of
Mrs. Lecointe was ravaged, and her goods destroyed. Mrs. F. Didier had
her dwelling sacked and nearly demolished to the foundation. A party of
these bigots visited the widow Perrin, who lived on a little farm at the
windmills; having committed every species of devastation, they attacked
even the sanctuary of the dead, which contained the relics of her
family. They dragged the coffins out, and scattered the contents over
the adjacent grounds. In vain this outraged widow collected the bones of
her ancestors and replaced them: they were again dug up; and, after
several useless efforts, they were reluctantly left spread over the
surface of the fields.
Till the period announced for the sequestration of the property of the
fugitives by _authority_, murder and plunder were the daily employment
of what was called the army of Beaucaire, and the catholics of Nismes.
M. Peyron, of Brossan, had all his property carried off; his wine, oil,
seed, grain, several score of sheep, eight mules, three carts, his
furniture and effects, all the cash that could be found and he had only
to congratulate himself that his habitation was not consumed, and his
vineyards rooted up. A similar process against several other protestant
farmers, was also regularly carried on during several days. Many of the
protestants thus persecuted were well known as staunch royalists; but it
was enough for their enemies to know that they belonged to the reformed
communion; these fanatics were determined not to find either royalists
or citizens worthy the common protection of society. To accuse, condemn,
and destroy a protestant, was a matter that required no hesitation. The
house of M. Vitte, near the barracks at Nismes, was broken open, and
every thing within the walls demolished. A Jew family of lodgers was
driven out, and all their goods thrown out of the windows. M. Vitte was
seized, robbed of his watch and money, severely wounded, and left for
dead. After he had been fourteen hours in a state of insensibility, a
commissary of police, touched by his misfortunes, administered some
cordials to revive him; and, as a measure of safety, conducted him to
the citadel, where he remained many days, whilst his family lamented him
as dead. At length, as there was not the slightest charge against him,
he obtained his liberation from M. Vidal; but when the Austrians
arrived, one of the aids-de-camp, who heard of his sufferings and his
respectability, sought him out, and furnished an escort to conduct his
family to a place of safety. Dalbos, the only city beadle who was a
protestant, was dragged from his home and led to prison. His niece threw
herself on the neck of one of them and begged for mercy; the ruffian
dashed her to the ground. His sister was driven away by the mob; and he
being shot, his body remained a long time exposed to the insults of the
rabble.
_Royal Decree in favour of the Persecuted._
At length the decree of Louis XVIII., which annulled all the
extraordinary powers conferred either by the king, the princes, or
subordinate agents, was received at Nismes, and the laws were now to be
administered by the regular organs, and a new prefect arrived to carry
them into effect; but in spite of proclamations, the work of
destruction, stopped for a moment, was not abandoned, but soon renewed
with fresh vigour and effect. On the 30th of July, Jacques Combe, the
father of a family, was killed by some of the national guards of Rusau,
and the crime was so public, that the commander of the party restored to
the family the pocket-book and papers of the deceased. On the following
day tumultuous crowds roamed about the city and suburbs, threatening the
wretched peasants; and on the 1st of August they butchered them without
opposition. About noon on the same day, six armed men, headed by
Truphemy, the butcher, surrounded the house of Monot, a carpenter; two
of the party, who were smiths, had been at work in the house the day
before, and had seen a protestant who had taken refuge there, M.
Bourillon, who had been a lieutenant in the army, and had retired on a
pension. He was a man of an excellent character, peaceable and harmless,
and had never served the emperor Napoleon. Truphemy not knowing him, he
was pointed out partaking of a frugal breakfast with the family.
Truphemy ordered him to go along with him, adding, "Your friend,
Saussine, is already in the other world." Truphemy placed him in the
middle of his troop, and artfully ordered him to cry _Vive l'Empereur_:
he refused, adding, he had never served the emperor. In vain did the
women and children of the house intercede for his life, and praise his
amiable and virtuous qualities. He was marched to the Esplanade and
shot, first by Truphemy and then by the others. Several persons
attracted by the firing, approached, but were threatened with a similar
fate. After some time the wretches departed, shouting _Vive le Roi_.
Some women met them, and one of them appeared affected, said one, "I
have killed seven to-day, for my share and if you say a word, you shall
be the eighth." Pierre Courbet, a stocking weaver, was torn from his
loom by an armed band, and shot at his own door. His eldest daughter was
knocked down with the butt end of a musket; and a poignard was held at
the breast of his wife while the mob plundered her apartments. Paul
Heraut, a silk weaver, was literally cut in pieces, in the presence of a
large crowd, and amidst the unavailing cries and tears of his wife and
four young children. The murderers only abandoned the corpse to return
to Heraut's house and secure every thing valuable. The number of murders
on this day could not be ascertained. One person saw six bodies at the
_Cours Neuf_, and nine were carried to the hospital.
If murder some time after, became less frequent for a few days, pillage
and forced contributions were actively enforced. M. Salle d'Hombro, at
several visits was robbed of 7000 francs; and on one occasion, when he
pleaded the sacrifices he had made, "Look," said a bandit, pointing to
his pipe, "this will set fire to your house; and this," brandishing his
sword, "will finish you." No reply could be made to these arguments. M.
Feline, a silk manufacturer, was robbed of 32,000 francs in gold, 3000
francs in silver, and several bales of silk.
The small shopkeepers were continually exposed to visits and demands of
provisions, drapery, or whatever they sold; and the same hands that set
fire to the houses of the rich, and tore up the vines of the cultivator,
broke the looms of the weaver, and stole the tools of the artizan.
Desolation reigned in the sanctuary and in the city. The armed bands,
instead of being reduced, were increased; the fugitives, instead of
returning received constant accessions, and their friends who sheltered
them were deemed rebellious. Those protestants who remained, were
deprived of all their civil and religious rights, and even the advocates
and huissiers entered into a resolution to exclude all of "the pretended
reformed religion" from their bodies. Those who were employed in
selling tobacco were deprived of their licenses. The protestant deacons
who had the charge of the poor were all scattered. Of five pastors only
two remained; one of these was obliged to change his residence, and
could only venture to administer the consolations of religion, or
perform the functions of his ministry, under cover of the night.
Not content with these modes of torment, calumnious and inflamatory
publications charged the protestants with raising the proscribed
standard in the communes, and invoking the fallen Napoleon; and, of
course, as unworthy the protection of the laws and the favour of the
monarch.
Hundreds after this were dragged to prison without even so much as a
_written order_; and though an official newspaper, bearing the title of
the _Journal du Gard_, was set up for five months, while it was
influenced by the prefect, the mayor, and other functionaries, the word
_charter_ was never once used in it. One of the first numbers, on the
contrary, represented the suffering protestants as "Crocodiles only
weeping from rage and regret that they had no more victims to devour; as
persons who had surpassed Danton, Marat, and Robespierre, in doing
mischief: and as having prostituted their daughters to the garrison to
gain it over to Napoleon." An extract from this article, stamped with
the crown and the arms of the Bourbons, was hawked about the streets,
and the vender was adorned with the medal of the police.
_Petition of the Protestant Refugees._
To these reproaches it is proper to oppose the petition which the
Protestant Refugees in Paris presented to Louis XVIII. in behalf of
their brethren at Nismes.
"We lay at your feet, sire, our acute sufferings. In your name our
fellow-citizens are slaughtered, and their property laid waste. Misled
peasants, in pretended obedience to your orders, had assembled at the
command of a commissioner appointed by your august nephew. Although
ready to attack us, they were received with the assurances of peace. On
the 15th of July, 1815, we learnt your majesty's entrance into Paris,
and the white flag immediately waved on our edifices. The public
tranquility had not been disturbed, when armed peasants introduced
themselves. The garrison capitulated, but were assailed on their
departure, and almost totally massacred. Our national guard was
disarmed, the city filled with strangers, and the houses of the
principal inhabitants, professing the reformed religion, were attacked
and plundered. We subjoin the list. Terror has driven from our city the
most respectable inhabitants.
"Your majesty has been deceived if there has not been placed before you
the picture of the horrors which make a desert of your good city of
Nismes. Arrests and proscriptions are continually taking place, and
difference of _religious_ opinions is the real and only cause. The
calumniated protestants are the defenders of the throne. Your nephew has
beheld our children under his banners; our fortunes have been placed in
his hands. Attacked without reason, the protestants have not, even by a
just resistance, afforded their enemies the fatal pretext for calumny.
Save us, sire! extinguish the brand of civil war; a single act of your
will would restore to political existence a city interesting for its
population and its manufactures. Demand an account of their conduct from
the chiefs who have brought our misfortunes upon us. We place before
your eyes all the documents that have reached us. Fear paralizes the
hearts, and stifles the complaints of our fellow-citizens. Placed in a
more secure situation, we venture to raise our voice in their behalf,"
&c. &c.
_Monstrous outrage upon Females._
At Nismes it is well known that the women wash their clothes either at
the fountains, or on the banks of streams. There is a large basin near
the fountain, where numbers of women may be seen every day, kneeling at
the edge of the water, and beating the clothes with heavy pieces of wood
in the shape of battledoors. This spot became the scene of the most
shameful and indecent practices. The catholic rabble turned the women's
petticoats over their heads, and so fastened them as to continue their
exposure, and their subjection to a newly invented species of
chastisement; for nails being placed in the wood of the _battoirs_ in
the form of _fleur-de-lis_, they beat them till the blood streamed from
their bodies, and their cries rent the air. Often was death demanded as
a commutation of this ignominious punishment, but refused with a
malignant joy. To carry their outrage to the highest possible degree,
several who were in a state of pregnancy were assailed in this manner.
The scandalous nature of these outrages prevented many of the sufferers
from making them public, and, especially, from relating the most
aggravating circumstances. "I have seen," says M. Durand, "a catholic
avocat, accompanying the assassins in the fauxbourg Bourgade, arm a
battoir with sharp nails in the form of _fleur-de-lis_; I have seen them
raise the garments of females, and apply, with heavy blows, to the
bleeding body this _battoir_ or battledoor, to which they gave a name
which my pen refuses to record. The cries of the sufferers--the streams
of blood--the murmurs of indignation which were suppressed by
fear--nothing could move them. The surgeons who attended on those women
who are dead, can attest, by the marks of their wounds, the agonies
which they must have endured, which, however horrible, is most strictly
true."
Nevertheless, during the progress of these horrors and obscenities, so
disgraceful to France and the catholic religion, the agents of
government had a powerful force under their command, and by honestly
employing it they might have restored tranquility. Murder and robbery,
however, continued, and were winked at, by the catholic magistrates,
with very few exceptions; the administrative authorities, it is true,
used words in their proclamations, &c. but never had recourse to actions
to stop the enormities of the persecutors, who boldly declared that, on
the 24th, the anniversary of St. Bartholomew, they intended to make a
general massacre. The members of the reformed church were filled with
terror, and, instead of taking part in the election of deputies, were
occupied as well as they could in providing for their own personal
safety.
_Arrival of the Austrians at Nismes._
About this time, a treaty between the French court and the allied
sovereigns, prohibited the advance of the foreign troops beyond the line
of territory already occupied, and traced by the course of the Loire,
and by the Rhone, below the Ardeche. In violation of this treaty, 4000
Austrians entered Nismes on the 24th of August; under pretence of making
room for them, French troops, bearing the _feudal_ title of Royal
Chasseurs, followed by the murdering bands of the Trestaillons and
Quatretaillons, who continued their march to Alais, where a fair was to
be held, and carried disorder and alarm into all the communes on that
route. Nothing now was heard but denunciations of fusillading, burning,
razing, and annihilating; and while the catholics were feasting and
murdering at Nismes, the flames of the country houses of the
protestants, rising one hundred feet in the air, rendered the spectacle
still more awful and alarming. Unfortunately, some of the peasants,
falsely charged with the murder of two protestants, were brought to
Nismes while the prefect was celebrating the fete of St. Louis. At a
splendid dinner given to the Austrian commanders, and even without
quitting the table, it appears, that the French prefect placed the fate
and fortune of these unfortunate prisoners at the disposal of Count
Stahremberg, who, of course, believing the representations made to him
ordered the accused to be immediately shot. To mortify and exhaust the
protestant communes, the Austrians were directed to occupy them, where
they completely disarmed the inhabitants without the least opposition.
In fact, these foreigners were soon undeceived. They expected to meet
the most perfidious and brutal enemies in arms, and in open rebellion
against their king; but, on the contrary, they found them all in peace,
and experienced the most kind and respectful treatment; and though their
duty was a most vexatious and oppressive one, they performed it in
general with moderation. On this account they could not refrain from
expressing their astonishment at the reports made to them by the
authorities at Nismes, declaring, "They had found a population suffering
great misfortunes, but no rebels; and that compassion was the only
feeling that prevailed in their minds." The commander himself was so
convinced of the good disposition of the people of the Cevennes, that he
visited those districts without an escort, desiring, he said, to travel
in that country as he would in his own. Such confidence was a public
reproach on the authorities at Nismes, and a sentence of condemnation on
all their proceedings.
As the persecution of the protestants was spreading into other
departments, strong and forcible representations were secretly printed
and made to the king. All the ordinary modes of communication had been
stopped; the secrecy of letters violated, and none circulated but those
relative to private affairs. Sometimes these letters bore the postmark
of places very distant, and arrived without signatures, and enveloped in
allegorical allusions. In fact, a powerful resistance on the part of the
outraged protestants was at length apprehended, which, in the beginning
of September excited the proclamation of the king, on which it was
observed, "that if his majesty had been correctly and fully informed of
all that had taken place, he surely would not have contented himself
with announcing his severe displeasure to a _misled people, who took
justice into their own hands, and avenged the crimes committed against
royalty_." The proclamation was dictated as though there had not been a
protestant in the department; it assumed and affirmed throughout the
guilt of the sufferers; and while it deplored the atrocious outrages
endured by the followers of the duke d'Angouleme, (outrages which never
existed,) the plunder and massacre of the reformed were not even
noticed.
Still disorders kept pace with the proclamations that made a show of
suppressing them, and the force of the catholic faction also continued
to increase. The catholic populace, notwithstanding the decrees of the
magistrates, were allowed to retain the arms they had illegally seized,
whilst the protestants in the departments were disarmed. The members of
the reformed churches wished at this period to present another memorial
to the government, descriptive of the evils they still suffered, but
this was not practicable. On the 26th of September, the president of the
consistory wrote as follows: "I have only been able to assemble two or
three members of the consistory pastors or elders. It is impossible to
draw up a memoir, or to collect facts; so great is the terror, that
every one is afraid to speak of his own sufferings, or to mention those
he has been compelled to witness."
_Outrages committed in the Villages, &c._
We now quit Nismes to take a view of the conduct of the persecutors in
the surrounding country. After the re-establishment of the royal
government, the local authorities were distinguished for their zeal and
forwardness in supporting their employers, and, under pretence of
rebellion, concealment of arms, non-payment of contributions, &c.
troops, national guards, and armed mobs, were permitted to plunder,
arrest, and murder peaceable citizens, not merely with impunity, but
with encouragement and approbation. At the village of Milhaud, near
Nismes, the inhabitants were frequently forced to pay large sums to
avoid being pillaged. This, however, would not avail at Madame
Teulon's: On Sunday, the 16th of July, her house and grounds were
ravaged; the valuable furniture removed or destroyed, the hay and wood
burnt, and the corpse of a child, buried in the garden, taken up and
dragged round a fire made by the populace. It was with great difficulty
that M. Teulon escaped with his life. M. Picherol, another protestant,
had deposited some of his effects with a catholic neighbour; this house
was attacked, and though all the property of the latter was respected,
that of his friend was seized and destroyed. At the same village, one of
a party doubting whether M. Hermet, a tailor, was the man they wanted,
asked, "Is he a protestant?" this he acknowledged. "Good," said they,
and he was instantly murdered. In the Canton of Vauvert, where there was
a consistory church, 80,000 francs were extorted. In the communes of
Beauvoisin and Generac similar excesses were committed by a handful of
licentious men, under the eye of the catholic mayor and to the cries of
"Vive le Roi." St. Gilles was the scene of the must unblushing villainy.
The protestants, the most wealthy of the inhabitants, were disarmed,
whilst their houses were pillaged. The mayor was appealed to:--the mayor
laughed and walked away. This officer had, at his disposal, a national
guard of several hundred men, organised by his own orders. It would be
wearisome to read the lists of the crimes that occurred during many
months. At Clavisson the mayor prohibited the protestants the practice
of singing the psalms commonly used in the temple, that, as he said, the
catholics might not be offended or disturbed.
At Sommieres, about ten miles from Nismes, the catholics made a splendid
procession through the town, which continued till evening and was
succeeded by the plunder of the protestants. On the arrival of foreign
troops at Sommieres, the pretended search for arms was resumed; those
who did not possess muskets were even compelled to buy them on purpose
to surrender them up, and soldiers were quartered on them at six francs
per day till they produced the articles in demand. The protestant church
which had been closed, was converted into barracks for the Austrians.
After divine service had been suspended for six months at Nismes, the
church, by the protestants called the Temple, was re-opened, and public
worship performed on the morning of the 24th of December. On examining
the belfry, it was discovered that some persons had carried off the
clapper of the bell. As the hour of service approached, a number of men,
women, and children, collected at the house of M. Ribot, the pastor, and
threatened to prevent the worship. At the appointed time, when he
proceeded towards the church, he was surrounded; the most savage shouts
were raised against him; some of the women seized him by the collar; but
nothing could disturb his firmness, or excite his impatience: he entered
the house of prayer, and ascended the pulpit; stones were thrown in and
fell among the worshippers; still the congregation remained calm and
attentive, and the service was concluded amidst noise, threats, and
outrage. On retiring many would have been killed but for the chasseurs
of the garrison, who honourably and zealously protected them. From the
captain of these chasseurs, M. Ribot soon after received the following
letter.
"_January 2, 1816._
"I deeply lament the prejudices of the catholics
against the _protestants_, who they pretend do not
love the king. Continue to act as you have hitherto
done, and time and your conduct will convince the
catholics to the contrary: should any tumult occur
similar to that of Saturday last inform me. I
preserve my reports of these acts, and if the
agitators prove incorrigible, and forget what they
owe to the best of kings and the _charter_, I will
do my duty and inform the government of their
proceedings. Adieu, my dear sir; assure the
consistory of my esteem, and of the sense I
entertain of the moderation with which they have
met the provocations of the evil-disposed at
Sommieres. I have the honor to salute you with
respect.
SUVAL DE LAINE."
Another letter to this worthy pastor from the Marquis de Montlord, was
received on the 6th of January, to encourage him to unite with all good
men who believe in God to obtain the punishment of the assassins,
brigands, and disturbers of public tranquility, and to read the
instructions he had received from government to this effect publicly.
Notwithstanding this, on the 20th of January, 1816, when the service in
commemoration of the death of Louis XVI. was celebrated, a procession
being formed, the National Guards fired at the white flag suspended from
the windows of the protestants, and concluded the day by plundering
their houses. In the Commune of Angargues, matters were still worse; and
in that of Fontanes, from the entry of the king in 1815, the catholics
broke all terms with the protestants; by day they insulted them, and in
the night broke open their doors, or marked them with chalk to be
plundered or burnt. St. Mamert was repeatedly visited by these
robberies; and at Montmiral, as lately as the 16th of June, 1816, the
protestants were attacked, beaten, and imprisoned, for daring to
celebrate the return of a king who had sworn to preserve religious
liberty and to maintain the charter. In fact, to continue the relation
of the scenes that took place in the different departments of the south
of France, would be little better than a repetition of those we have
already described, excepting a change of names: but the most sanguinary
of all seems that which was perpetrated at Uzes, at the latter end of
August, and the burning of several protestants places of worship. These
shameful persecutions continued till after the dissolution of the
Chamber of Deputies at the close of the year 1816. After a review of
these anti-protestant proceedings, the British reader will not think of
comparing them with the riots of London in 1780, or with those of
Birmingham about 1793; as it is evident that where governments possess
absolute power, such events could not have been prolonged for many
months and even for years over a vast extent of country, had it not been
for the systematic and powerful support of the higher department of the
state.
_Farther account of the proceedings of the Catholics at Nismes._
The excesses perpetrated in the country it seems did not by any means
divert the attention of the persecutors from Nismes. October, 1815,
commenced without any improvement in the principles or measures of the
government, and this was followed by corresponding presumption on the
part of the people. Several houses in the Quartier St. Charles were
sacked, and their wrecks burnt in the streets amidst songs, dances, and
shouts of Vive le Roi. The mayor appeared, but the merry multitude
pretended not to know him, and when he ventured to remonstrate, they
told him, "his presence was unnecessary, and that he might retire."
During the 16th of October, every preparation seemed to announce a night
of carnage; orders for assembling and signals for attack were circulated
with regularity and confidence; Trestaillon reviewed his satellites, and
urged them on to the perpetration of crimes, holding with one of those
wretches the following dialogue:
_Satellite._ "If all the protestants, without one exception, are to be
killed, I will cheerfully join; but as you have so often deceived me,
unless they are all to go I will not stir."
_Trestaillon._ "Come along, then, for this time not a single man shall
escape." This horrid purpose would have been executed had it not been
for General La Garde, the commandant of the department. It was not till
ten o'clock at night that he perceived the danger; he now felt that not
a moment could be lost. Crowds were advancing through the suburbs, and
the streets were filling with ruffians, uttering the most horrid
imprecations. The generale sounded at eleven o'clock, and added to the
confusion that was now spreading through the city. A few troops rallied
round the Count La Garde, who was wrung with distress at the sight of
the evil which had arrived at such a pitch. Of this M. Durand, a
catholic advocate, gave the following account:
"It was near midnight, my wife had just fallen asleep; I was writing by
her side, when we were disturbed by a distant noise; drums seemed
crossing the town in every direction. What could all this mean! To quiet
her alarm, I said it probably announced the arrival or departure of some
troops of the garrison. But firing and shouts were immediately audible;
and on opening my window I distinguished horrible imprecations mingled
with cries of _vive le Roi!_ I roused an officer who lodged in the
house, and M. Chancel, Director of the Public Works. We went out
together, and gained the Boulevarde. The moon shone bright, and almost
every object was nearly as distinct as day; a furious crowd was pressing
on vowing extermination, and the greater part half naked, armed with
knives, muskets, sticks, and sabres. In answer to my inquiries I was
told the massacre was general, that many had been already killed in the
suburbs. M. Chancel retired to put on his uniform as captain of the
_Pompiers_; the officers retired to the barracks, and anxious for my
wife I returned home. By the noise I was convinced that persons
followed. I crept along in the shadow of the wall, opened my door,
entered, and closed it, leaving a small aperture through which I could
watch the movements of the party whose arms shone in the moonlight. In a
few moments some armed men appeared conducting a prisoner to the very
spot where I was concealed. They stopped, I shut my door gently, and
mounted on an alder tree planted against the garden wall. What a scene!
a man on his knees imploring mercy from wretches who mocked his agony,
and loaded him with abuse. In the name of my wife and children, he said,
spare me! What have I done? Why would you murder me for nothing? I was
on the point of crying out and menacing the murderers with vengeance. I
had not long to deliberate, the discharge of several fusils terminated
my suspense; the unhappy supplicant, struck in the loins and the head,
fell to rise no more. The backs of the assassins were towards the tree;
they retired immediately, reloading their pieces. I descended and
approached the dying man, uttering some deep and dismal groans. Some
National Guards arrived at the moment, I again retired and shut the
door. "I see," said one, "a dead man." "He sings still," said another.
"It will be better," said a third, "to finish him and put him out of his
misery." Five or six muskets were fired instantly, and the groans
ceased. On the following day crowds came to inspect and insult the
deceased. A day after a massacre was always observed as a sort of fete,
and every occupation was left to go and gaze upon the victims. This was
Louis Lichare, the father of four children; and four years after the
event, M. Durand verified this account by his oath upon the trial of one
of the murderers."
_Attack upon the Protestant Churches._
Some time before the death of general La Garde, the duke d'Angouleme had
visited Nismes, and other cities in the south, and at the former place
honoured the members of the protestant consistory with an interview,
promising them protection, and encouraging them to reopen their temple
so long shut up. They have two churches at Nismes, and it was agreed
that the small one should be preferred on this occasion, and that the
ringing of the bell should be omitted, general La Garde declared that he
would answer with his head for the safety of his congregation. The
protestants privately informed each other that worship was once more to
be celebrated at ten o'clock, and they began to assemble silently and
cautiously. It was agreed that M. Juillerat Chasseur should perform the
service, though such was his conviction of danger that he entreated his
wife, and some of his flock, to remain with their families. The temple
being opened only as a matter of form, and in compliance with the orders
of the duke d'Angouleme, this pastor wished to be the only victim. On
his way to the place he passed numerous groupes who regarded him with
ferocious looks. "This is the time," said some, "to give them the last
blow." "Yes," added others, "and neither women nor children must be
spared." One wretch, raising his voice above the rest, exclaimed, "Ah, I
will go and get my musket, and ten for my share." Through these ominous
sounds M. Juillerat pursued his course, but when he gained the temple
the sexton had not the courage to open the door, and he was obliged to
do it himself. As the worshippers arrived they found strange persons in
possession of the adjacent streets, and upon the steps of the church,
vowing their worship should not be performed, and crying, "Down with the
protestants! kill them! kill them!" At ten o'clock the church being
nearly filled, M. J. Chasseur commenced the prayers; a calm that
succeeded was of short duration. On a sudden the minister was
interrupted by a violent noise, and a number of persons entered,
uttering the most dreadful cries, mingled with _Vive le Roi!_ but the
gens-d'armes succeeded in excluding these fanatics, and closing the
doors. The noise and tumult without now redoubled, and the blows of the
populace trying to break open the doors, caused the house to resound
with shrieks and groans. The voice of the pastors who endeavoured to
console their flock, was inaudible; they attempted in vain to sing the
42d psalm.
Three quarters of an hour rolled heavily away. "I placed myself," says
Madame Juillerat, "at the bottom of the pulpit, with my daughter in my
arms; my husband at length joined and sustained me; I remembered that it
was the anniversary of my marriage; after six years of happiness, I
said, I am about to die with my husband and my daughter; we shall be
slain at the altar of our God, the victims of a sacred duty, and heaven
will open to receive us and our unhappy brethren. I blessed the
Redeemer, and without cursing our murderers, I awaited their approach."
M. Oliver, son of a pastor, an officer in the royal troops of the line,
attempted to leave the church, but the friendly sentinels at the door
advised him to remain besieged with the rest. The national guards
refused to act, and the fanatical crowd took every advantage of the
absence of general La Garde, and of their increasing numbers. At length
the sound of martial music was heard, and voices from without called to
the besieged, "Open, open and save yourselves." Their first impression
was a fear of treachery, but they were soon assured that a detachment
returning from mass was drawn up in front of the church to favour the
retreat of the protestants. The door was opened, and many of them
escaped among the ranks of the soldiers, who had driven the mob before
them; but this street, as well as others through which the fugitives had
to pass, was soon filled again. The venerable pastor, Olivier Desmond,
between 70 and 80 years of age, was surrounded by murderers; they put
their fists in his face, and cried, "Kill the chief of brigands." He was
preserved by the firmness of some officers, among whom was his own son;
they made a bulwark round him with their bodies, and amidst their naked
sabres conducted him to his house. M. Juillerat, who had assisted at
divine service with his wife at his side and his child in his arms, was
pursued and assailed with stones, his mother received a blow on the
head, and her life was some time in danger. One woman was shamefully
whipped, and several wounded and dragged along the streets; the number
of protestants more or less ill treated on this occasion amounted to
between seventy and eighty.
_Murder of General La Garde._