even among the bloodhounds of his own voracious pack, concluded in his
dark and wicked mind, to release John Fetty, for a time at least, from
the severities he was enduring in the glorious cause of everlasting
truth! whose bright rewards are fixed beyond the boundaries of time,
within the confines of eternity; where the arrow of the wicked cannot
wound, even "where there shall be no more sorrowing for the blessed,
who, in the mansion of eternal bliss shall glorify the Lamb forever and
ever." He was accordingly by order of Bonner, (how disgraceful to all
dignity, to say bishop!) liberated from the painful bonds, and led from
Lollard's Tower, to the chamber of that ungodly and infamous butcher,
where, says Fox, he found the bishop bathing himself before a great
fire; and at his first entering the chamber, Fetty said, "God be here
and peace!" "God be here and peace, (said Bonner,) that is neither God
speed nor good morrow!" "If ye kick against this peace, (said Fetty,)
then this is not the place that I seek for."
A chaplain of the bishop, standing by, turned the poor man about and
thinking to abash him, said, in mocking wise, "What have we here--a
player!" While Fetty was thus standing in the bishop's chamber, he
espied, hanging about the bishop's bed, a pair of great black beads,
whereupon he said, "My Lord, I think the hangman is not far off; for the
halter (pointing to the beads) is here already!" At which words the
bishop was in a marvellous rage. Then he immediately after espied also,
standing in the bishop's chamber, in the window, a little crucifix. Then
he asked the bishop what it was, and he answered, that it was Christ.
"Was he handled as cruelly as he is here pictured?" said Fetty. "Yea,
that he was," said the bishop. "And even so cruelly will you handle such
as come before you; for you are unto God's people as Caiaphas was unto
Christ!" The bishop, being in a great fury, said, "Thou art a vile
heretic, and I will burn thee, or else I will spend all I have, unto my
gown." "Nay, my Lord, (said Fetty) you were better to give it to some
poor body, that he may pray for you." Bonner, notwithstanding his
passion, which was raised to the utmost by the calm and pointed remarks
of this observing Christian, thought it most prudent to dismiss the
father, on account of the nearly murdered child. His coward soul
trembled for the consequences which might ensue; fear is inseparable
from little minds; and this dastardly pampered priest experienced its
effects so far as to induce him to assume the appearance of that he was
an utter stranger to, namely, MERCY.
The father, on being dismissed, by the tyrant Bonner, went home with a
heavy heart, with his dying child, who did not survive many days the
cruelties which had been inflicted on him. How contrary to the will of
our great King and Prophet, who mildly taught his followers, was the
conduct of this sanguinary and false teacher, this vile apostate from
his God to Satan! But the arch-fiend had taken entire possession of his
heart, and guided every action of the sinner he had hardened: who, given
up to terrible destruction, was running the race of the wicked, marking
his footsteps with the blood of the saints, as if eager to arrive at the
goal of eternal death.
_Deliverance of Dr. Sands._
This eminent prelate, vice-chancellor of Cambridge, at the request of
the duke of Northumberland, when he came down to Cambridge in support of
Lady Jane Grey's claim to the throne, undertook at a few hours notice,
to preach before the duke and the university. The text he took was such
as presented itself in opening the Bible, and a more appropriate one he
could not have chosen, namely, the three last verses of Joshua. As God
gave him the text, so he gave him also such order and utterance, that it
excited the most lively emotions in his numerous auditors. The sermon
was about to be sent to London to be printed, when news arrived that the
duke had returned and queen Mary was proclaimed.
The duke was immediately arrested, and Dr. Sands was compelled by the
university to give up his office. He was arrested by the queen's order,
and when Mr. Mildmay wondered that so learned a man could wilfully incur
danger, and speak against so good a princess as Mary, the doctor
replied, "If I would do as Mr. Mildmay has done, I need not fear bonds.
He came down armed against queen Mary; before a traitor--now a great
friend. I cannot with one mouth blow hot and cold in this manner." A
general plunder of Dr. Sands' property ensued, and he was brought to
London upon a wretched horse. Various insults he met on the way from the
bigoted catholics, and as he passed through Bishopsgate-street, a stone
struck him to the ground. He was the first prisoner that entered the
tower, in that day, on a religious account; his man was admitted with
his Bible, but his shirts and other articles were taken from him.
On Mary's coronation-day, the doors of the dungeon were so laxly
guarded, that it was easy to escape. A Mr. Mitchell, like a true friend,
came to him, afforded him his own clothes as a disguise, and was willing
to abide the consequence of being found in his place. This was a rare
friendship: but he refused the offer; saying, "I know no cause why I
should be in prison. To do thus, were to make myself guilty. I will
expect God's good will, yet do I think myself much obliged to you:" and
so Mr. Mitchell departed.
With doctor Sands was imprisoned Mr. Bradford; they were kept close in
prison twenty-nine weeks. John Fowler, their keeper, was a perverse
papist, yet, by often persuading him, at length he began to favour the
gospel, and was so persuaded in the true religion, that on a Sunday,
when they had mass in the chapel, Dr. Sands administered the communion
to Bradford and to Fowler. Thus Fowler was their son begotten in bonds.
To make room for Wyat and his accomplices, Dr. Sands and nine other
preachers were sent to the Marshalsea.
The keeper of the Marshalsea appointed to every preacher a man to lead
him in the street; he caused them to go on before, and he and Dr. Sands
followed conversing together. By this time popery began to be unsavoury.
After they had passed the bridge, the keeper said to Dr. Sands, "I
perceive the vain people would set you forward to the fire. You are as
vain as they, if you, being a young man, will stand in your own conceit,
and prefer your own judgment before that of so many worthy prelates,
ancient, learned, and grave men as be in this realm. If you do so, you
shall find me a severe keeper, and one that utterly dislikes your
religion." Dr. Sands answered, "I know my years to be young, and my
learning but small; it is enough to know Christ crucified, and he hath
learned nothing who seeth not the great blasphemy that is in popery. I
will yield unto God, and not unto man; I have read in the Scriptures of
many godly and courteous keepers: may God make you one! if not, I trust
he will give me strength and patience to bear your hard usage." Then
said the keeper, "Are you resolved to stand to your religion?" "Yes,"
quoth the doctor, "by God's grace!" "Truly," said the keeper, "I love
you the better for it; I did but tempt you: what favour I can show you,
you shall be assured of; and I shall think myself happy if I might die
at the stake with you." He was as good as his word, for he trusted the
doctor to walk in the fields alone, where he met with Mr. Bradford, who
was also a prisoner in the King's Bench, and had found the same favour
from his keeper. At his request, he put Mr. Saunders in along with him,
to be his bed-fellow, and the communion was administered to a great
number of communicants.
When Wyat with his army came to Southwark, he offered to liberate all
the imprisoned protestants, but Dr. Sands and the rest of the preachers
refused to accept freedom on such terms.
After Dr. Sands had been nine weeks prisoner in the Marshalsea, by the
mediation of Sir Thomas Holcroft, knight marshal, he was set at liberty.
Though Mr. Holcroft had the queen's warrant, the bishop commanded him
not to set Dr. Sands at liberty, until he had taken sureties of two
gentlemen with him, each one bound in L500, that Dr. Sands should not
depart out of the realm without license. Mr. Holcroft immediately after
met with two gentlemen of the north, friends and cousins to Dr. Sands,
who offered to be bound for him.
After dinner, the same day, Sir Thomas Holcroft sent for Dr. Sands to
his lodging at Westminster, to communicate to him all he had done. Dr.
Sands answered, "I give God thanks, who hath moved your heart to mind me
so well, that I think myself most bound unto you. God shall requite you,
nor shall I ever be found unthankful. But as you have dealt friendly
with me, I will also deal plainly with you. I came a freeman into
prison; I will not go forth a bondman. As I cannot benefit my friends,
so will I not hurt them. And if I be set at liberty, I will not tarry
six days in this realm, if I may get out. If therefore I may not get
free forth, send me to the Marshalsea again, and there you shall be sure
of me."
This answer Mr. Holcroft much disapproved of; but like a true friend he
replied, "Seeing you cannot be altered, I will change my purpose, and
yield unto you. Come of it what will, I will set you at liberty; and
seeing you have a mind to go over sea, get you gone as quick as you can.
One thing I require of you, that, while you are there, you write nothing
to me hither, for this may undo me."
Dr. Sands having taken an affectionate farewell of him, and his other
friends in bonds, departed. He went by Winchester house, and there took
boat, and came to a friend's house in London, called William Banks, and
tarried there one night. The next night he went to another friend's
house, and there he heard that strict search was making for him, by
Gardiner's express order.
Dr. Sands now conveyed himself by night to one Mr. Berty's house, a
stranger who was in the Marshalsea prison with him a while; he was a
good protestant and dwelt in Mark-lake. There he was six days, and then
removed to one of his acquaintances in Cornhill; he caused his man
Quinton to provide two geldings for him, resolved on the morrow to ride
into Essex, to Mr. Sands, his father-in-law, where his wife was, which
after a narrow escape, he effected. He had not been there two hours,
before Mr. Sands was told that two of the guards would that night
apprehend Dr. Sands.
That night Dr. Sands was guided to an honest farmer's near the sea,
where he tarried two days and two nights in a chamber without company.
After that he removed to one James Mower's, a ship-master, who dwelt at
Milton-Shore, where he waited for a wind to Flanders. While he was
there, James Mower brought to him forty or fifty mariners, to whom he
gave an exhortation; they liked him so well, that they promised to die
rather than he should be apprehended.
The sixth of May, Sunday, the wind served. In taking leave of his
hostess, who had been married eight years without having a child, he
gave her a fine handkerchief and an old royal of gold, and said, "Be of
good comfort; before that one whole year be past, God shall give you a
child, a boy." This came to pass, for, that day twelvemonth, wanting one
day, God gave her a son.
Scarcely had he arrived at Antwerp, when he learned that king Philip had
sent to apprehend him. He next flew to Augsburgh, in Cleveland, where
Dr. Sands tarried fourteen days, and then travelled towards Strasburgh,
where, after he had lived one year, his wife came to him. He was sick of
a flux nine months, and had a child which died of the plague. His
amiable wife at length fell into a consumption, and died in his arms.
When his wife was dead, he went to Zurich, and there was in Peter
Martyr's house for the space of five weeks. As they sat at dinner one
day, word was suddenly brought that queen Mary was dead, and Dr. Sands
was sent for by his friends at Strasburgh, where he preached. Mr.
Grindall and he came over to England, and arrived in London the same day
that queen Elizabeth was crowned. This faithful servant of Christ, under
queen Elizabeth, rose to the highest distinctions in the church, being
successively bishop of Worcester, bishop of London, and archbishop of
York.
_Queen Mary's treatment of her sister the Princess Elizabeth._
The preservation of the princess Elizabeth may be reckoned a remarkable
instance of the watchful eye which Christ had over his church. The
bigotry of Mary regarded not the ties of consanguinity, of natural
affection, of national succession. Her mind, physically morose was under
the dominion of men who possessed not the milk of human kindness, and
whose principles were sanctioned and enjoined by the idolatrous tenets
of the Romish pontiff. Could they have foreseen the short date of Mary's
reign, they would have imbrued their hands in the protestant blood of
Elizabeth, and, as a _sine qua non_ of the queen's salvation, have
compelled her to bequeath the kingdom to some catholic prince. The
contest might have been attended with the horrors incidental to a
religious civil war, and calamities might have been felt in England
similar to those under Henry the Great in France, whom queen Elizabeth
assisted in opposing his priest-ridden catholic subjects. As if
Providence had the perpetual establishment of the protestant faith in
view, the difference of the durations of the two reigns is worthy of
notice. Mary might have reigned many years in the course of nature, but
the course of grace willed it otherwise. Five years and four months was
the time of persecution alloted to this weak, disgraceful reign, while
that of Elizabeth reckoned a number of years among the highest of those
who have sat on the English throne, almost nine times that of her
merciless sister!
Before Mary attained the crown, she treated her with a sisterly
kindness, but from that period her conduct was altered, and the most
imperious distance substituted. Though Elizabeth had no concern in the
rebellion of Sir Thomas Wyat, yet she was apprehended, and treated as a
culprit in that commotion. The manner too of her arrest was similar to
the mind that dictated it: the three cabinet members, whom she deputed
to see the arrest executed, rudely entered the chamber at ten o'clock at
night, and, though she was extremely ill, they could scarcely be induced
to let her remain till the following morning. Her enfeebled state
permitted her to be moved only by short stages in a journey of such
length to London; but the princess, though afflicted in person, had a
consolation in mind which her sister never could purchase: the people,
through whom she passed on her way, pitied her, and put up their prayers
for her preservation. Arrived at court, she was made a close prisoner
for a fortnight, without knowing who was her accuser, or seeing any one
who could console or advise her. The charge however was at length
unmasked by Gardiner, who, with nineteen of the council, accused her of
abetting Wyat's conspiracy, which she religiously affirmed to be false.
Failing in this, they placed against her the transactions of Sir Peter
Carew in the west in which they were as unsuccessful as in the former.
The queen now signified, it was her pleasure she should be committed to
the Tower, a step which overwhelmed the princess with the greatest alarm
and uneasiness. In vain she hoped the queen's majesty would not commit
her to such a place; but there was no lenity to be expected; her
attendants were limited, and a hundred northern soldiers appointed to
guard her day and night.
On Palm-Sunday she was conducted to the Tower. When she came to the
palace garden, she cast her eyes towards the windows, eagerly anxious to
meet those of the queen, but she was disappointed. A strict order was
given in London, that every one should go to church, and carry palms,
that she might be conveyed without clamour or commiseration to her
prison.
At the time of passing under London-bridge the fall of the tide made it
very dangerous, and the barge some time stuck fast against the
starlings. To mortify her the more, she was landed at Traitors' Stairs.
As it rained fast, and she was obliged to step in the water to land, she
hesitated; but this excited no complaisance in the lord in waiting. When
she set her foot on the steps, she exclaimed, "Here lands as true a
subject, being prisoner, as ever landed at these stairs; and before
thee, O God, I speak it, having no friend but thee alone!"
A large number of the wardens and servants of the Tower were arranged
in order, between whom the princess had to pass. Upon inquiring the use
of this parade, she was informed it was customary to do so. "If," said
she, "it is on account of me, I beseech you that they may be dismissed."
On this the poor men knelt down, and prayed that God would preserve her
grace, for which they were the next day turned out of their employments.
The tragic scene must have been deeply interesting, to see an amiable
and irreproachable princess sent like a lamb to languish in expectation
of cruelty and death; against whom there was no other charge than her
superiority in Christian virtues and acquired endowments. Her attendants
openly wept as she proceeded with a dignified step to the frowning
battlements of her destination. "Alas!" said Elizabeth, "what do you
mean? I took you to comfort, not to dismay me; for my truth is such,
that no one shall have cause to weep for me."
The next step of her enemies was to procure evidence by means which, in
the present day, are accounted detestable. Many poor prisoners were
racked, to extract, if possible, any matters of accusation which might
affect her life, and thereby gratify Gardiner's sanguinary disposition.
He himself came to examine her, respecting her removal from her house at
Ashbridge to Dunnington castle a long while before. The princess had
quite forgotten this trivial circumstance, and lord Arundel, after the
investigation, kneeling down, apologized for having troubled her in such
a frivolous matter. "You sift me narrowly," replied the princess, "but
of this I am assured, that God has appointed a limit to your
proceedings; and so God forgive you all."
Her own gentlemen, who ought to have been her purveyors, and served her
provision, were compelled to give place to the common soldiers, at the
command of the constable of the Tower, who was in every respect a
servile tool of Gardiner,--her grace's friends, however, procured an
order of council which regulated this petty tyranny more to her
satisfaction.
After having been a whole month in close confinement, she sent for the
lord Chamberlain and lord Chandois, to whom she represented the ill
state of her health from a want of proper air and exercise. Application
being made to the council, Elizabeth was with some difficulty admitted
to walk in the queen's lodgings, and afterwards in the garden, at which
time the prisoners on that side were attended by their keepers, and not
suffered to look down upon her. Their jealousy was excited by a child of
four years old, who daily brought flowers to the princess. The child was
threatened with a whipping, and the father ordered to keep him from the
princess' chambers.
On the 5th of May the constable was discharged from his office, and Sir
Henry Benifield appointed in his room, accompanied by a hundred
ruffian-looking soldiers in blue. This measure created considerable
alarm in the mind of the princess, who imagined it was preparatory to
her undergoing the same fate as lady Jane Gray, upon the same block.
Assured that this project was not in agitation, she entertained an idea
that the new keeper of the Tower was commissioned to make away with her
privately, as his equivocal character was in conformity with the
ferocious inclination of those by whom he was appointed.
A report now obtained that her grace was to be taken away by the new
constable and his soldiers, which in the sequel proved to be true. An
order of council was made for her removal to the manor of Woodstock,
which took place on Trinity Sunday, May 13, under the authority of Sir
Henry Benifield and Lord Tame. The ostensible cause of her removal was
to make room for other prisoners. Richmond was the first place they
stopped at, and here the princess slept, not however without much alarm
at first, as her own servants were superseded by the soldiers, who were
placed as guards at her chamber door. Upon representation, Lord Tame
overruled this indecent stretch of power, and granted her perfect safety
while under his custody.
In passing through Windsor, she saw several of her poor dejected
servants waiting to see her. "Go to them," said she, to one of her
attendants, "and say these words from me, tanquim ovis, that is, like a
sheep to the slaughter."
The next night her grace lodged at the house of a Mr. Dormer, in her way
to which the people manifested such tokens of loyal affection, that Sir
Henry was indignant, and bestowed on them very liberally the names of
rebels and traitors. In some villages they rang the bells for joy,
imagining the princess's arrival among them was from a very different
cause; but this harmless demonstration of gladness was sufficient with
the persecuting Benefield to order his soldiers to seize and set these
humble persons in the stocks.
The day following, her grace arrived at Lord Tame's house, where she
staid all night, and was most nobly entertained. This excited Sir
Henry's indignation, and made him caution Lord Tame to look well to his
proceedings; but the humanity of Lord Tame was not to be frightened, and
he returned a suitable reply. At another time, this official prodigal,
to show his consequence and disregard of good manners, went up into a
chamber, where was appointed for her grace a chair, two cushions, and a
foot carpet, wherein he presumptuously sat and called his man to pull
off his boots. As soon as it was known to the ladies and gentlemen, they
laughed him to scorn. When supper was done, he called to his lordship,
and directed that all gentlemen and ladies should withdraw home,
marvelling much that he would permit such a large company, considering
the great charge he had committed to him. "Sir Henry," said his
lordship, "content yourself; all shall be avoided, your men and all."
"Nay, but my soldiers," replied Sir Henry, "shall watch all night." Lord
Tame answered, "There is no need." "Well," said he, "need or need not,
they shall so do."
The next day her grace took her journey from thence to Woodstock, where
she was enclosed, as before in the Tower of London, the soldiers
keeping guard within and without the walls, every day, to the number of
sixty; and in the night, without the walls were forty during all the
time of her imprisonment.
At length she was permitted to walk in the gardens, but under the most
severe restrictions, Sir Henry keeping the keys himself, and placing her
always under many bolts and locks, whence she was induced to call him
her jailer, at which he felt offended, and begged her to substitute the
word officer. After much earnest entreaty to the council, she obtained
permission to write to the queen; but the jailer, who brought her pen,
ink, and paper stood by her while she wrote, and, when she left off, he
carried the things away till they were wanted again. He also insisted
upon carrying it himself to the queen, but Elizabeth would not suffer
him to be the bearer, and it was presented by one of her gentlemen.
After the letter, doctors Owen and Wendy went to the princess, as the
state of her health rendered medical assistance necessary. They staid
with her five or six days, in which time she grew much better; they then
returned to the queen, and spoke flatteringly of the princess'
submission and humility, at which the queen seemed moved; but the
bishops wanted a concession that she had offended her majesty. Elizabeth
spurned this indirect mode of acknowledging herself guilty. "If I have
offended," said she, "and am guilty, I crave no mercy but the law, which
I am certain I should have had ere this, if any thing could have been
proved against me. I wish I were as clear from the peril of my enemies;
then should I not be thus bolted and locked up within walls and doors."
Much question arose at this time respecting the propriety of uniting the
princess to some foreigner, that she might quit the realm with a
suitable portion. One of the council had the brutality to urge the
necessity of beheading her, if the king (Philip) meant to keep the realm
in peace; but the Spaniards, detesting such a base thought, replied,
"God forbid that our king and master should consent to such an infamous
proceeding!" Stimulated by a noble principle, the Spaniards from this
time repeatedly urged to the king that it would do him the highest
honour to liberate the lady Elizabeth, nor was the king impervious to
their solicitation. He took her out of prison, and shortly after she was
sent for to Hampton court. It may be remarked in this place, that the
fallacy of human reasoning is shown in every moment. The barbarian who
suggested the policy of beheading Elizabeth little contemplated the
change of condition which his speech would bring about. In her journey
from Woodstock, Benefield treated her with the same severity as before;
removing her on a stormy day, and not suffering her old servant, who had
come to Colnbrook, where she slept, to speak to her.
She remained a fortnight strictly guarded and watched, before any one
dared to speak with her; at length the vile Gardiner with three more of
the council, came with great submission. Elizabeth saluted them,
remarked that she had been for a long time kept in solitary
confinement, and begged they would intercede with the king and queen to
deliver her from prison. Gardiner's visit was to draw from the princess
a confession of her guilt; but she was guarded against his subtlety,
adding, that, rather than admit she had done wrong, she would lie in
prison all the rest of her life. The next day Gardiner came again, and
kneeling down, declared that the queen was astonished she should persist
in affirming that she was blameless--whence it would be inferred that
the queen had unjustly imprisoned her grace. Gardiner farther informed
her that the queen had declared that she must tell another tale, before
she could be set at liberty. "Then," replied the high-minded Elizabeth,
"I had rather be in prison with honesty and truth, than have my liberty,
and be suspected by her majesty. What I have said, I will stand to; nor
will I ever speak falsehood!" The bishop and his friends then departed,
leaving her locked up as before.
Seven days after the queen sent for Elizabeth at ten o'clock at night,
two years had elapsed since they had seen each other. It created terror
in the mind of the princess, who, at setting out, desired her gentlemen
and ladies to pray for her, as her return to them again was uncertain.
Being conducted to the queen's bedchamber, upon entering it the princess
knelt down, and having begged of God to preserve her majesty, she humbly
assured her that her majesty had not a more loyal subject in the realm,
whatever reports might be circulated to the contrary. With a haughty
ungraciousness, the imperious queen replied, "You will not confess your
offence, but stand stoutly to your truth. I pray God it may so fall
out."
"If it do not," said Elizabeth, "I request neither favour nor pardon at
your majesty's hands." "Well," said the queen, "you stiffly still
persevere in your truth. Besides, you will not confess that you have not
been wrongfully punished."
"I must not say so, if it please your majesty, to you."
"Why, then," said the queen, "belike you will to others."
"No, if it please your majesty: I have borne the burden, and must bear
it. I humbly beseech your majesty to have a good opinion of me and to
think me to be your subject, not only from the beginning hitherto, but
for ever, as long as life lasteth." They departed without any heart-felt
satisfaction on either side; nor can we think the conduct of Elizabeth
displayed that independence and fortitude which accompanies perfect
innocence. Elizabeth's admitting that she would not say neither to the
queen nor to others, that she had been unjustly punished, was in direct
contradiction to what she had told Gardiner, and must have arisen from
some motive at this time inexplicable.--King Philip is supposed to have
been secretly concealed during the interview, and to have been friendly
to the princess.
In seven days from the time of her return to imprisonment, her severe
jailer, and his men were discharged, and she was set at liberty, under
the constraint of being always attended and watched by some of the
queen's council. Four of her gentlemen were sent to the Tower without
any other charge against them than being zealous servants of their
mistress. This event was soon after followed by the happy news of
Gardiner's death, for which all good and merciful men glorified God,
inasmuch as it had taken the chief tiger from the den, and rendered the
life of the protestant successor of Mary more secure.
This miscreant, while the princess was in the Tower, sent a secret writ,
signed by a few of the council, for her private execution, and, had Mr.
Bridges, lieutenant of the Tower, been as little scrupulous of dark
assassination as this pious prelate was, she must have perished. The
warrant not having the queen's signature, Mr. Bridges hastened to her
majesty, to give her information of it, and to know her mind. This was a
plot of Winchester's, who, to convict her of treasonable practices,
caused several prisoners to be racked; particularly Mr. Edmund Tremaine
and Smithwicke were offered considerable bribes to accuse the guiltless
princess.
Her life was several times in danger. While at Woodstock, fire was
apparently put between the boards and ceiling under which she lay. It
was also reported strongly, that one Paul Penny, the keeper of
Woodstock, a notorious ruffian was appointed to assassinate her, but,
however this might be, God counteracted in this point the nefarious
designs of the enemies of the reformation. James Basset was another
appointed to perform the same deed: he was a peculiar favourite of
Gardiner, and had come within a mile of Woodstock, intending to speak
with Benefield on the subject. The goodness of God however so ordered
it, that while Basset was travelling to Woodstock, Benefield, by an
order of council, was going to London; in consequence of which, he left
a positive order with his brother, that no man should be admitted to the
princess during his absence, not even with a note from the queen; his
brother met the murderer, but the latter's intention was frustrated, as
no admission could be obtained.
When Elizabeth quitted Woodstock, she left the following lines written
with her diamond on the window:--
Much suspected by me,
Nothing proved can be. Quoth Elizabeth, prisoner.
With the life of Winchester ceased the extreme danger of the princess,
as many of her other secret enemies soon after followed him, and, last
of all, her cruel sister, who outlived Gardiner but three years. The
death of Mary was ascribed to several causes. The council endeavoured to
console her in her last moments, imagining it was the absence of her
husband that lay heavy at her heart, but though his treatment had some
weight, the loss of Calais, the last fortress possessed by the English
in France, was the true source of her sorrow. "Open my heart," said
Mary, "when I am dead, and you shall find Calais written there."
Religion caused her no alarm; the priests had lulled to rest every
misgiving of conscience, which might have obtruded, on account of the
accusing spirits of the murdered martyrs. Not the blood she had spilled,
but the loss of a town, excited her emotions in dying, and this last
stroke seemed to be awarded, that her fanatical persecution might be
paralleled by her political imbecility. We earnestly pray that the
annals of no country, catholic or pagan, may ever be stained with such a
repetition of human sacrifices to papal power, and that the detestation
in which the character of Mary is holden, may be a beacon to succeeding
monarchs to avoid the rocks of fanaticism!
_God's Punishments upon some of the Persecutors of his People in Mary's
Reign._
After that arch-persecutor, Gardiner, was dead, others followed, of whom
Dr. Morgan, bishop of St. David's, who succeeded bishop Farrar, is to be
noticed. Not long after he was installed in his bishopric, he was
stricken by the visitation of God; his food passed through the throat,
but rose again with great violence. In this manner, almost literally
starved to death, he terminated his existence.
Bishop Thornton, suffragan of Dover, was an indefatigable persecutor of
the true church. One day after he had exercised his cruel tyranny upon a
number of pious persons at Canterbury, he came from the chapter-house to
Borne, where as he stood on a Sunday looking at his men playing at
bowls, he fell down in a fit of the palsy, and did not long survive.
After the latter succeeded another bishop or suffragan, ordained by
Gardiner, who not long after he had been raised to the see of Dover,
fell down a pair of stairs in the cardinal's chamber at Greenwich, and
broke his neck. He had just received the cardinal's blessing--he could
receive nothing worse.
John Cooper, of Watsam, Suffolk, suffered by perjury; he was from
private pique persecuted by one Fenning, who suborned two others to
swear that they heard Cooper say, "If God did not take away queen Mary,
the devil would." Cooper denied all such words, but Cooper was a
protestant and a heretic, and therefore he was hung, drawn and
quartered, his property confiscated, and his wife and nine children
reduced to beggary. The following harvest, however, Grimwood of Hitcham,
one of the witnesses before mentioned, was visited for his villany:
while at work, stacking up corn, his bowels suddenly burst out, and
before relief could be obtained he died. Thus was deliberate perjury
rewarded by sudden death!
In the case of the martyr Mr. Bradford, the severity of Mr. Sheriff
Woodroffe has been noticed--he rejoiced at the death of the saints, and
at Mr. Rogers' execution, he broke the carman's head, because he stopped
the cart to let the martyr's children take a last farewell of him.
Scarcely had Mr. Woodroffe's sheriffalty expired a week, when he was
struck with a paralytic affection, and languished a few days in the most
pitiable and helpless condition, presenting a striking contrast to his
former activity in the cause of blood.
Ralph Lardyn, who betrayed the martyr George Eagles, is believed to have
been afterward arraigned and hanged in consequence of accusing himself.
At the bar, he denounced himself in these words, "This has most justly
fallen upon me, for betraying the innocent blood of that just and good
man George Eagles, who was here condemned in the time of Queen Mary by
my procurement, when I sold his blood for a little money."
As James Abbes was going to execution, and exhorting the pitying
bystanders to adhere steadfastly to the truth, and like him to seal the
cause of Christ with their blood, a servant of the sheriff's interrupted
him, and blasphemously called his religion heresy, and the good man a
lunatic. Scarcely however had the flames reached the martyr, before the
fearful stroke of God fell upon this hardened wretch, in the presence of
him he had so cruelly ridiculed. The man was suddenly seized with
lunacy, cast off his clothes and shoes before the people, (as Abbes had
done just before, to distribute among some poor persons,) at the same
time exclaiming, "Thus did James Abbes, the true servant of God, who is
saved but I am damned." Repeating this often, the sheriff had him
secured, and made him put his clothes on, but no sooner was he alone,
than he tore them off, and exclaimed as before. Being tied in a cart, he
was conveyed to his master's house, and in about half a year he died;
just before which a priest came to attend him, with the crucifix, &c.
but the wretched man bade him take away such trumpery, and said that he
and other priests had been the cause of his damnation, but that Abbes
was saved.
One Clark, an avowed enemy of the protestants in king Edward's reign,
hung himself in the Tower of London.
Froling, a priest of much celebrity, fell down in the street and died on
the spot.
Dale, an indefatigable informer, was consumed by vermin, and died a
miserable spectacle.
Alexander, the severe keeper of Newgate, died miserably, swelling to a
prodigious size, and became so inwardly putrid, that none could come
near him. This cruel minister of the law would go to Bonner, Story, and
others, requesting them to rid his prison, he was so much pestered with
heretics! The son of this keeper, in three years after his father's
death, dissipated his great property, and died suddenly in Newgate
market. "The sins of the father," says the decalogue, "shall be visited
on the children." John Peter, son-in-law of Alexander, a horrid
blasphemer and persecutor, died wretchedly. When he affirmed any thing,
he would say, "If it be not true, I pray I may rot ere I die." This
awful state visited him in all its loathsomeness.
Sir Ralph Ellerker was eagerly desirous to see the heart taken out of
Adam Damlip, who was wrongfully put to death. Shortly after Sir Ralph
was slain by the French, who mangled him dreadfully, cut off his limbs,
and tore his heart out.
When Gardiner heard of the miserable end of Judge Hales, he called the
profession of the gospel a doctrine of desperation; but he forgot that
the judge's despondency arose after he had consented to the papistry.
But with more reason may this be said of the catholic tenets, if we
consider the miserable end of Dr. Pendleton, Gardiner, and most of the
leading persecutors. Gardiner, upon his death bed, was reminded by a
bishop of Peter denying his master. "Ah," said Gardiner, "I have denied
with Peter, but never repented with Peter."
After the accession of Elizabeth, most of the Catholic prelates were
imprisoned in the Tower or the fleet; Bonner was put into the
Marshalsea.
Of the revilers of God's word, we detail, among many others, the
following occurrence. One William Maldon, living at Greenwich in
servitude, was instructing himself profitably in reading an English
primer one winter's evening. A serving man, named John Powell, sat by,
and ridiculed all that Maldon said, who cautioned him not to make a jest
of the word of God. Powell nevertheless continued, till Maldon came to
certain English Prayers, and read aloud, Lord, have mercy upon us,
Christ have mercy upon us, &c. Suddenly the reviler started, and
exclaimed, Lord, have mercy upon us! He was struck with the utmost
terror of mind, said the evil spirit could not abide that Christ should
have any mercy upon him, and sunk into madness. He was remitted to
Bedlam, and became an awful warning that God will not always be insulted
with impunity.
Henry Smith, a student in the law, had a pious protestant father, of
Camden, in Gloucestershire, by whom he was virtuously educated. While
studying law in the middle temple, he was induced to profess
catholicism, and, going to Louvain, in France, he returned with pardons,
crucifixes, and a great freight of popish toys. Not content with these
things, he openly reviled the gospel religion he had been brought up in;
but conscience one night reproached him so dreadfully, that in a fit of
despair he hung himself in his garters. He was buried in a lane, without
the Christian service being read over him.
Dr. Story, whose name has been so often mentioned in the preceding
pages, was reserved to be cut off by public execution, a practice in
which he had taken great delight when in power. He is supposed to have
had a hand in most of the conflagrations in Mary's time, and was even
ingenious in his invention of new modes of inflicting torture. When
Elizabeth came to the throne, he was committed to prison, but
unaccountably effected his escape to the continent, to carry fire and
sword there among the protestant brethren. From the duke of Alva, at
Antwerp, he received a special commission to search all ships for
contraband goods, and particularly for English heretical books.
Dr. Story gloried in a commission that was ordered by Providence to be
his ruin, and to preserve the faithful from his sanguinary cruelty. It
was contrived that one Parker, a merchant, should sail to Antwerp and
information should be given to Dr. Story that he had a quantity of
heretical books on board. The latter no sooner heard this, than he
hastened to the vessel, sought every where above, and then went under
the hatches, which were fastened down upon him. A prosperous gale
brought the ship to England, and this traitorous, persecuting rebel was
committed to prison, where he remained a considerable time, obstinately
objecting to recant his anti-christian spirit, or admit of queen
Elizabeth's supremacy. He alleged, though by birth and education an
Englishman, that he was a sworn subject of the king of Spain, in whose
service the famous duke of Alva was. The doctor being condemned, was
laid upon a hurdle, and drawn from the Tower to Tyburn, where after
being suspended about half an hour, he was cut down, stripped, and the
executioner displayed the heart of a traitor. Thus ended the existence
of this Nimrod of England.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE SPANISH ARMADA.
Philip, king of Spain, husband to the deceased queen Mary of England,
was no less an enemy than that princess to the protestants. He had
always disliked the English, and after her death, determined, if
possible, to crown that infamous cruelty which had disgraced the whole
progress of her reign, by making a conquest of the island, and putting
every protestant to death.
The great warlike preparations made by this monarch, though the purpose
was unknown, gave a universal alarm to the English nation; as, though he
had not declared that intention, yet it appeared evident that he was
taking measures to seize the crown of England. Pope Sixtus V. not less
ambitious than himself, and equally desirous of persecuting the
protestants, urged him to the enterprise. He excommunicated the queen,
and published a crusade against her, with the usual indulgences. All the
ports of Spain resounded with preparations for this alarming expedition;
and the Spaniards seemed to threaten the English with a total
annihilation.
Three whole years had been spent by Philip in making the necessary
preparations for this mighty undertaking; and his fleet, which on
account of its prodigious strength, was called the "Invincible Armada,"
was now completed. A consecrated banner was procured from the pope, and
the gold of Peru was lavished on the occasion.
The duke of Parma, by command of the Spaniards, built ships in Flanders,
and a great company of small broad vessels, each one able to transport
thirty horses, with bridges fitted for them severally; and hired
mariners from the east part of Germany, and provided long pieces of wood
sharpened at the end, and covered with iron, with hooks on one side; and
20,000 vessels, with a huge number of fagots; and placed an army ready
in Flanders, of 103 companies of foot and 4000 horsemen. Among these 700
English vagabonds, who were held of all others in most contempt. Neither
was Stanley respected or obeyed who was set over the English; nor
Westmoreland, nor any other who offered their help, but for their
unfaithfulness to their own country were shut out from all
consultations, and as men unanimously rejected with detestation. And
because Pope Sixtus the Fifth in such a case would not be wanting, he
sent Cardinal Allen into Flanders, and renewed the bulls declaratory of
Pope Pius the Fifth, and Gregory the Thirteenth.
He excommunicated and deposed queen Elizabeth, absolved her subjects
from all allegiance, and, as if it had been against the Turks or
infidels, he set forth in print a conceit, wherein he bestowed plenary
indulgences, out of the treasure of the church, besides a million of
gold, or ten hundred thousand ducats, to be distributed (the one half in
hand, the rest when either England, or some famous haven therein, should
be won) upon all them that would join their help against England. By
which means the Marquis of Bergau, of the house of Austria, the duke of
Pastrana, Amadis, duke of Savoy, Vespasian, Gonzaga, John Medicis, and
divers other noblemen, were drawn into these wars.
Queen Elizabeth, that she might not be surprised unawares, prepared as
great a navy as she could, and with singular care and providence, made
all things ready necessary for war. And she herself, who was ever most
judicious in discerning of men's wits and aptness, and most happy in
making choice, when she made it out of her own judgment, and not at the
discretion of others, designed the best and most serviceable to each
several employment. Over the whole navy she appointed the Lord Admiral
Charles Howard, in whom she reposed much trust; and sent him to the west
part of England, where Captain Drake, whom she made vice-admiral, joined
with him. She commanded Henry Seimor, the second son to the duke of
Somerset, to watch upon the Belgic shore, with forty English and Dutch
ships, that the duke of Parma might not come out with his forces;
although some were of opinion, that the enemy was to be expected and set
upon by land forces, accordingly as it was upon deliberation resolved,
in the time of Henry the Eighth, when the French brought a great navy on
the English shore.
For the land fight, there were placed on the south shore twenty
thousand; and two armies beside were mustered of the choicest men for
war. The one of these, which consisted of 1000 horse and twenty two
thousand foot was commanded by the earl of Leicester, and encamped at
Tilbury, on the side of the Thames. For the enemy was resolved first to
set upon London. The other army was commanded by the Lord Hunsdon,
consisting of thirty-four thousand foot, and two thousand horse, to
guard the queen.
The Lord Gray, Sir Francis Knowles, Sir John Norris, Sir Richard
Bingham, Sir Roger Williams, men famously known for military experience,
were chosen to confer of the land-fight. These commanders thought fit
that all those places should be fortified, with men and ammunition,
which were commodious to land in, either out of Spain or out of
Flanders, as Milford-Haven, Falmouth, Plymouth, Portland, the Isle of
Wight, Portsmouth, the open side of Kent, called the Downs, the Thames'
mouth, Harwich, Yarmouth, Hull, &c. That trained soldiers through all
the maratime provinces should meet upon warning given, to defend the
places; that they should by their best means, hinder the enemy from
landing; and if they did happen to land, then they were to destroy the
fruits of the country all about, and spoil every thing that might be of
any use to the enemy, that so they might find no more victuals than what
they brought with them. And that, by continued alarms, the enemy should
find no rest day or night. But they should not try any battle until
divers captains were met together with their companies. That one captain
might be named in every shire which might command.
Two years before, the duke of Parma, considering how hard a matter it
was to end the Belgic war, so long as it was continually nourished and
supported with aid from the queen, he moved for a treaty of peace, by
the means of Sir James Croft, one of the privy council, a man desirous
of peace, and Andrew Loe, a Dutchman, and professed that the Spaniard
had delegated authority to him for this purpose. But the queen fearing
that the friendship between her and the confederate princes might be
dissolved, and that so they might secretly be drawn to the Spaniard, she
deferred that treaty for some time. But now, that the wars on both sides
prepared might be turned away, she was content to treat for peace; but
so as still holding the weapons in her hand.
For this purpose, in February, delegates were sent into Flanders, the
earl of Derby, the lord Cobham, Sir James Croft, Dr. Dale, and Dr.
Rogers. These were received with all humanity on the duke's behalf, and
a place appointed for their treating, that they might see the authority
delegated to him by the Spanish king. He appointed the place near to
Ostend, not in Ostend, which at that time was held by the English
against the Spanish king. His authority delegated, he promised them to
show, when they were once met together. He wished them to make good
speed in the business, lest somewhat might fall out in the mean time,
which might trouble the motions of peace. Richardotus, spoke somewhat
more plainly, That he knew not what in this interim should be done
against England.
Not long after, Dr. Rogers was sent to the prince, by an express
commandment from the queen, to know the truth, whether the Spaniards had
resolved to invade England, which he and Richardotus seemed to signify.
He affirmed, that he did not so much as think of the invasion of
England, when he wished that the business might proceed with speed; and
was in a manner offended with Richardotus, who denied that such words
fell from him.
The 12th of April, the count Aremberg, Champigny, Richardotus, Doctor
Maesius, and Garnier, delegated from the prince of Parma, met with the
English, and yielded to them the honour both in walking and sitting.
This conference, however, came to nothing; undertaken by, the queen, as
the wiser then thought, to avert the Spanish fleet; continued by the
Spaniard that he might oppress the queen, being as he supposed
unprovided, and not expecting the danger. So both of them tried to use
time to their best advantages.
At length the Spanish fleet, well furnished with men, ammunition,
engines, and all warlike preparations, the best, indeed, that ever was
seen upon the ocean, called by the arrogant title, The Invincible
Armada, consisted of 130 ships, wherein there were in all, 19,290.
Mariners, 8,350. Chained rowers, 11,080. Great ordnance, 11,630. The
chief commander was Perezius Guzmannus, duke of Medina Sidonia; and
under him Joannes Martinus Ricaldus, a man of great experience in sea
affairs.
The 30th of May they loosed out of the river Tagus, and bending their
course to the Groin, in Gallicia, they were beaten and scattered by a
tempest, three galleys, by the help of David Gwin, an English servant,
and by the perfidiousness of the Turks which rowed, were carried away
into France. The fleet, with much ado, after some days came to the
Groin, and other harbours near adjoining. The report was, that the fleet
was so shaken by this tempest, that the queen was persuaded, that she
was not to expect that fleet this year. And Sir Francis Walsingham,
sec'y, wrote to the lord admiral, that he might send back four of the
greatest ships, as if the war had been ended. But the lord admiral did
not easily give credit to that report; yet with a gentle answer
entreated him to believe nothing hastily in so important a matter: as
also that he might be permitted to keep those ships with him which he
had, though it were upon his own charges. And getting a favourable wind,
made sail towards Spain, to surprise the enemy's damaged ships in their
harbours. When he was close in with the coast of Spain, the wind
shifting, and he being charged to defend the English shore, fearing that
the enemy might unseen, by the same wind, sail for England, he returned
unto Plymouth.
Now with the same wind, the 12th of July, the duke of Medina with his
fleet departed from the Groin. And after a few days he sent Rodericus
Telius into Flanders, to advertise the duke of Parma, giving him warning
that the fleet was approaching, and therefore he was to make himself
ready. For Medina's commission was to join himself with the ships and
soldiers of Parma; and under the protection of his fleet to bring them
into England, and to land his forces upon the Thames side.
The sixteenth, day, (saith the relator,) there was a great calm, and a
thick cloud was upon the sea till noon; then the north wind blowing
roughly; and again the west wind till midnight, and after that the east;
the Spanish navy was scattered, and hardly gathered together until they
came within sight of England the nineteenth day of July. Upon which day,
the lord admiral was certified by Fleming, (who had been a pirate) that
the Spanish fleet was entered into the English sea, which the mariners
call the Channel, and was descried near to the Lizard. The lord admiral
brought forth the English fleet into the sea, but not without great
difficulty, by the skill, labour, and alacrity of the soldiers and
mariners, every one labouring; yea, the lord admiral himself putting his
hand to this work.
The next day the English fleet viewed the Spanish fleet coming along
like the towering castles in height, her front crooked like the fashion
of the moon, the wings of the fleet were extended one from the other
about seven miles, or as some say eight miles asunder, sailing with the
labour of the winds, the ocean as it were groaning under it, their sail
was but slow, and yet at full sail before the wind. The English were
willing to let them hold on their course, and when they were passed by,
got behind them, and so got to windward of them.
Upon the 21st of July, the lord admiral of England sent a cutter before,
called the Defiance, to denounce the battle by firing off pieces. And
being himself in the Royal-Arch, (the English admiral ship) he began the
engagement with a ship which he took to be the Spanish admiral, but
which was the ship of Alfonsus Leva. Upon that he expended much shot.
Presently Drake, Hawkins, and Forbisher, came in upon the rear of the
Spaniards which Ricaldus commanded.--Upon these they thundered. Ricaldus
endeavoured, as much as in him lay, to keep his men to their quarters,
but all in vain, until his ship, much beaten and battered with many
shot, hardly recovered the fleet. Then the duke of Medina gathered
together his scattered fleet, and setting more sail, held on his course.
Indeed they could do no other, for the English had gotten the advantage
of the wind, and their ships being much easier managed, and ready with
incredible celerity to come upon the enemy with a full course, and then
to tack and retack and be on every side at their pleasure. After a long
fight, and each of them had taken a trial of their courage, the lord
admiral thought proper to continue the fight no longer, because there
were forty ships more, which were then absent, and at that very time
were coming out of Plymouth Sound.
The night following, the St. Catharine, a Spanish ship, being sadly torn
in the battle, was taken into the midst of the fleet to be repaired.
Here a great Cantabrian ship, of Oquenda, wherein was the treasurer of
the camp, by force of gunpowder took fire, yet it was quenched in time
by the ships that came to help her. Of those which came to assist the
fired ship, one was a galleon, commanded by one Petrus Waldez; the
fore-yard of the galleon was caught in the rigging of another ship, and
carried away. This was taken by Drake, who sent Waldez to Dartmouth, and
a great sum of money, viz. 55,000 ducats, which he distributed among the
soldiers. This Waldez coming into Drake's presence, kissed his hand, and
told him they had all resolved to die, if they had not been so happy as
to fall into his hands whom they knew to be noble. That night he was
appointed to set forth a light, but neglected it; and some German
merchant ships coming by that night, he, thinking them to be enemies,
followed them so far, that the English fleet lay to all night, because
they could see no light set forth. Neither did he nor the rest of the
fleet find the admiral until the next evening. The admiral all the
night proceeding with the Bear and the Mary Rose, carefully followed the
Spaniards with watchfulness. The duke was busied in ordering his
squadron. Alfonsus Leva was commanded to join the first and last
divisions. Every ship had its proper station assigned, according to that
prescribed form which was appointed in Spain; it was present death to
any one who forsook his station. This done, he sent Gliclius and Anceani
to Parma, which might declare to them in what situation they were, and
left that Cantabrian ship, of Oquenda, to the wind and sea, having taken
out the money and mariners, and put them on board of other ships. Yet it
seemed that he had not care for all; for that ship the same day, with
fifty mariners and soldiers wounded and half-burned, fell into the hands
of the English, and was carried to Weymouth.
The 23d of the same month, the Spaniards having a favourable north wind,
tacked towards the English; but they being more expert in the management
of their ships, tacked likewise, and kept the advantage they had gained,
keeping the Spaniards to leeward, till at last the fight became general
on both sides. They fought awhile confusedly with variable success:
whilst on the one side the English with great courage delivered the
London ships which were enclosed about by the Spaniards; and on the
other side, the Spaniards by valour freed Ricaldus from the extreme
danger he was in; great and many were the explosions, which, by the
continued firing of great guns, were heard this day. But the loss (by
the good providence of God,) fell upon the Spaniards, their ships being
so high, that the shot went over our English ships, and the English,
having such a fair mark at their large ships, never shot in vain. During
this engagement, Cock, an Englishman, being surrounded by the Spanish
ships, could not be recovered, but perished; however, with great honour
he revenged himself. Thus a long time the English ships with great
agility were sometimes upon the Spaniards, giving them the fire of one
side, and then of the other, and presently were off again, and still
kept the sea, to make themselves ready to come in again. Whereas the
Spanish ships, being of great burden, were troubled and hindered, and
stood to be the marks for the English shot. For all that the English
admiral would not permit his people to board their ships, because they
had such a number of soldiers on board, which he had not; their ships
were many in number, and greater, and higher, that if they had come to
grapple, as many would have had it, the English being much lower than
the Spanish ships, must needs have had the worst of them that fought
from the higher ships. And if the English had been overcome, the loss
would have been greater than the victory could have been; for our being
overcome would have put the kingdom in hazard.
The 24th day of July they gave over fighting on both sides. The admiral
sent some small barks to the English shore for a supply of provisions,
and divided his whole fleet into four squadrons; the first whereof he
took under his own command, the next was commanded by Drake, the third
by Hawkins, and the last by Forbisher. And he appointed out of every
squadron certain little ships, which, on divers sides might set upon the
Spaniards in the night, but a sudden calm took them so that expedition
was without effect.
The 25th, the St. Anne, a galleon of Portugal, not being able to keep up
with the rest, was attacked by some small English ships. To whose aid
came in Leva, and Didacus Telles Enriques, with three galeasses; which
the admiral, and the Lord Thomas Howard, espying, made all the sail they
could against the galeasses, but the calm continuing, they were obliged
to be towed along with their boats; as soon as they reached the
galeasses, they began to play away so fiercely with their great guns,
that with much danger, and great loss, they hardly recovered their
galleon. The Spaniards reported that the Spanish admiral was that day in
the rear of their fleet, which, being come nearer to the English ships
than before, got terribly shattered with their great guns, many men were
killed aboard, and her masts laid over the side. The Spanish admiral,
after this, in company with Ricaldus, and others, attacked the English
admiral, who, having the advantage of the wind, suddenly tacked and
escaped. The Spaniards holding on their course again, sent to the duke
of Parma, that with all possible speed he should join his ships with the
king's fleet. These things the English knew not, who write that they had
carried away the lantern from one of the Spanish ships, the stern from
another, and sore mauled the third very much disabling her. The
Non-Parigly, and the Mary Rose, fought awhile with the Spaniards, and
the Triumph being in danger, other ships came in good time to help her.
The next day the lord admiral knighted the Lord Thomas Howard, the Lord
Sheffield, Roger Townsend, John Hawkins, and Martin Forbisher, for their
valour in the last engagement. After this, they agreed not to attack the
enemy until they came into the straits of Calais, where Henry Seimor,
and William Winter, waited for their coming. Thus with a fair gale the
Spanish fleet went forward, and the English followed. This great Spanish
Armada was so far from being esteemed invincible in the opinion of the
English, that many young men and gentlemen, in hope to be partakers of a
famous victory against the Spaniards, provided ships at their own
expense, and joined themselves to the English fleet; among whom were the
earls of Essex, Northumberland, and Cumberland, Thomas and Robert Cecil,
Henry Brooks, William Hatton, Robert Cary, Ambrose Willoughby, Thomas
Gerard, Arthur George, and other gentlemen of good note and quality.
The 27th day, at even, the Spaniards cast anchor near to Calais, being
admonished by their skilful seamen, that if they went any further they
might be in danger, through the force of the tide, to be driven into the
North Ocean. Near to them lay the English admiral with his fleet, within
a great gun's shot. The admiral, Seimor and Winter, now join their
ships; so that now there were a hundred and forty ships in the English
fleet, able, and well furnished for fighting, for sailing, and every
thing else which was requisite; and yet there were but fifteen of these
which bore the heat of the battle, and repulsed the enemy. The Spaniard,
as often as he had done before, so now with great earnestness sent to
the duke of Parma, to send forty fly-boats, without which they could not
fight with the English, because of the greatness and slowness of their
ships, and the agility of the English, entreating him by all means now
to come to sea with his army, which army was now to be protected as it
were, under the wings of the Spanish Armada, until they should land in
England.
But the duke was unprovided, and could not come out in an instant. The
broad ships with flat bottoms being then full of chinks must be mended.
Victuals wanted, and must be provided. The mariners being long kept
against their wills, began to shrink away. The ports of Dunkirk and
Newport, by which he must bring his army to the sea, were now so beset
with the strong ships of Holland and Zealand, which were furnished with
great and small munition, that he was not able to come to sea, unless he
would come upon his own apparent destruction, and cast himself and his
men wilfully into a headlong danger. Yet he omitted nothing that might
be done, being a man eager and industrious, and inflamed with a desire
of overcoming England.
But queen Elizabeth's providence and care prevented both the diligence
of this man, and the credulous hope of the Spaniard; for by her command
the next day the admiral took eight of their worst ships, charging the
ordnance therein up to the mouth with small shot, nails, and stones, and
dressed them with wild fire, pitch, and rosin, and filling them full of
brimstone, and some other matter fit for fire, and these being set on
fire by the management of Young and Prowse, were secretly in the night,
by the help of the wind, set full upon the Spanish fleet, which, on
Sunday, the seventh of August, they sent in among them as they lay at
anchor.
When the Spanish saw them come near, the flames giving light all over
the sea, they supposing those ships, besides the danger of fire, to have
been also furnished with deadly engines, to make horrible destruction
among them; lifting up a most hideous cry, some pull up anchors, some
for haste cut their cables, they set up their sails, they apply their
oars, and stricken with extreme terror, in great haste they fled most
confusedly. Among them the Pretorian Galleass floating upon the seas,
her rudder being broken, in great danger and fear drew towards Calais,
and striking in the sand, was taken by Amias Preston, Thomas Gerard, and
Harvey; Hugh Moncada the governor was slain, the soldiers and mariners
were either killed or drowned; in her there was found great store of
gold, which fell to be the prey of the English. The ship and ordnance
went to the governor of Calais.
The Spaniards report, that the duke, when he saw the fire ships coming,
commanded all the fleet to heave up their anchors, but so as the danger
being past, every ship might return again to his own station; and he
himself returned, giving a sign to the rest by shooting off a gun; which
was heard but by a few, for they were far off scattered some into the
open ocean, some through fear were driven upon the shallows of the coast
of Flanders.
Over against Gravelling the Spanish fleet began to gather themselves
together. But upon them came Drake and Fenner, and battered them with
great ordnance: to these Fenton, Southwel, Beeston, Cross, Riman, and
presently after the lord admiral, and Sheffield, came in. The Duke
Medina, Leva, Oquenda, Ricaldus, and others, with much ado in getting
themselves out of the shallows, sustained the English ships as well as
they might, until most of their ships were pierced and torn; the galleon
St. Matthew, governed by Diego Pimentellas, coming to aid Francis
Toleton, being in the St. Philip, was pierced and shaken with the
reiterated shots of Seimor and Winter, and driven to Ostend, and was at
last taken by the Flushingers. The St. Philip came to the like end; so
did the galleon of Biscay, and divers others.
The last day of this month, the Spanish fleet striving to recover the
straits again, were driven towards Zealand. The English left off
pursuing them, as the Spaniards thought, because they saw them in a
manner cast away; for they could not avoid the shallows of Zealand. But
the wind turning, they got them out of the shallows, and then began to
consult what were best for them to do. By common consent they resolved
to return into Spain by the Northern Seas, for they wanted many
necessaries, especially shot; their ships were torn, and they had no
hope that the duke of Parma could bring forth his forces. And so they
took the sea, and followed the course toward the north. The English navy
followed, and sometimes the Spanish turned upon the English, insomuch
that it was thought by many that they would turn back again.
Queen Elizabeth caused an army to encamp at Tilbury. After the army had
come thither, her majesty went in person to visit the camp, which then
lay between the city of London and the sea, under the charge of the earl
of Leicester, where placing herself between the enemy and her city, she
viewed her army, passing through it divers times, and lodging in the
borders of it, returned again and dined in the army. Afterwards when
they were all reduced into battle, prepared as it were for fight, she
rode round about with a leader's staff in her hand, only accompanied
with the general, and three or four others attending upon her.[A]
I could enlarge the description hereof with many more particulars of
mine own observation, (says the author,) for I wandered, as many others
did, from place to place, all the day, and never heard a word spoke of
her, but in praising her for her stately person and princely behaviour,
in praying for her long life, and earnestly desiring to venture their
lives for her safety. In her presence they sung psalms of praise to
Almighty God, for which she greatly commended them, and devoutly praised
God with them. This that I write, you may be sure I do not with any
comfort, but to give you these manifest arguments that neither this
queen did discontent her people, nor her people show any discontent in
any thing they were commanded to do for her service, as heretofore hath
been imagined.
This account was related by a popish spy, in a letter written here in
England to Mendea. The copy of which letter was found upon Richard
Leigh, a seminary priest in French and English: which priest was
executed for high treason while the Spanish Armada was at sea.
The same day whereon the last fight was, the duke of Parma, after his
vows offered to the lady of Halla, came somewhat late to Dunkirk, and
was received with very opprobrious language by the Spaniards, as if in
favour of queen Elizabeth he had slipped the fairest opportunity that
could be to do the service. He, to make some satisfaction, punished the
purveyors that had not made provision of beer, bread, &c. which was not
yet ready nor embarked, secretly smiling at the insolence of the
Spaniards, when he heard them bragging that what way soever they came
upon England, they would have an undoubted victory; that the English
were not able to endure the sight of them. The English admiral appointed
Seimor and the Hollanders to watch upon the coast of Flanders that the
duke of Parma should not come out; whilst he himself close followed the
Spaniards until they were past Edinburgh Frith.
The Spaniards, seeing all hopes fail, fled amain; and so this great
navy, being three years preparing with great expense, was within one
month overthrown, and, after many were killed, being chased again, was
driven about all England, by Scotland, the Oreades, and Ireland, tossed
and damaged with tempests, much diminished, and went home without glory.
There were not a hundred men of the English lost, and but one ship.
Whereupon money was coined with a navy fleeing away in full sail, with
this inscription, _Venit, Vidit, Fugit_. Others were coined with the
ships on fire, the navy confounded, inscribed, in honour of the queen,
_Dux Faemina Facti_. As they fled, it is certain that many of their ships
were cast away upon the shores of Scotland and Ireland. About seven
hundred soldiers and mariners were cast away upon the Scottish shore,
who, at the duke of Parma's intercession with the Scotch king, the queen
of England consenting, were after a year sent into Flanders. But they
that were cast upon the Irish shore came to more miserable fortunes, for
some were killed by the wild Irish, and others were destroyed for fear
they should join themselves with the wild Irish, (which cruelty queen
Elizabeth much condemned,) and the rest being afraid, sick and hungry,
with their disabled ships, committed themselves to the sea, and many
were drowned.
The queen went to public thanksgiving in St. Paul's church, accompanied
by a glorious train of nobility, through the streets of London, which
were hung with blue cloth, the companies standing on both sides in their
liveries; the banners that were taken from the enemies were spread; she
heard the sermon, and public thanks were rendered unto God with great
joy. This public joy was augmented when Sir Robert Sidney returned from
Scotland, and brought from the king assurances of his noble mind and
affection to the queen, and to religion; which as in sincerity he had
established, so he purposed to maintain with all his power. Sir Robert
Sidney was sent to him when the Spanish fleet was coming, to
congratulate and return thanks for his great affection towards the
maintenance of the common cause, and to declare how ready she would be
to help him if the Spaniards should land in Scotland; and that he might
recal to memory with what strange ambition the Spaniards had gaped for
all Britain, urging the pope to excommunicate him, to the end that he
might be thrust from the kingdom of Scotland, and from the succession in
England: and to give him notice of the threatening of Mendoza, and the
pope's nuncio, who threatened his ruin if they could effect it: and
therefore warned him to take special heed to the Scottish papists.
The king pleasantly answered that he looked for no other benefit from
the Spaniards, than that which Polyphemus promised to Ulysses, to devour
him last after his fellows were devoured.
It may not be improper here to subjoin a list of the different articles
taken on board the Spanish ships, designed for the tormenting of the
protestants, had their scheme taken effect.
1. The common soldiers' pikes, eighteen feet long, pointed with long
sharp spikes, and shod with iron, which were designed to keep off the
horse, to facilitate the landing of the infantry.
2. A great number of lances used by the Spanish officers. These were
formerly gilt, but the gold is almost worn off by cleaning.
3. The Spanish ranceurs, made in different forms, which were intended
either to kill the men on horseback, or pull them off their horses.
4. A very singular piece of arms, being a pistol in a shield, so
contrived as to fire the pistol, and cover the body at the same time,
with the shield. It is to be fired by a match-lock, and the sight of the
enemy is to be taken through a little grate in the shield, which is
pistol proof.
5. The banner, with a crucifix upon it, which was to have been carried
before the Spanish general. On it is engraved the pope's benediction
before the Spanish fleet sailed: for the pope came to the water side,
and, on seeing the fleet, blessed it, and styled it _invincible_.
6. The Spanish cravats, as they are called. These are engines of
torture, made of iron, and put on board to lock together the feet, arms
and heads of Englishmen.
7. Spanish bilboes, made of iron likewise, to yoke the English prisoners
two and two.
8. Spanish shot, which are of four sorts: pike-shot, star-shot,
chain-shot, and link-shot, all admirably contrived, as well for the
destruction of the masts and rigging of ships, as for sweeping the decks
of their men.
9. Spanish spadas poisoned at the points, so that if a man received the
slightest wound with one of them, certain death was the consequence.
10. A Spanish poll-axe, used in boarding of ships.
11. Thumb-screws, of which there were several chests full on board the
Spanish fleet. The use they were intended for is said to have been to
extort confession from the English where their money was hid.
12. The Spanish morning star; a destructive engine resembling the figure
of a star, of which there were many thousands on board, and all of them
with poisoned points; and were designed to strike at the enemy as they
came on board, in case of a close attack.
13. The Spanish general's halberd, covered with velvet. All the nails of
this weapon are double gilt with gold; and on its top is the pope's
head, curiously engraved.
14. A Spanish battle-axe, so contrived, as to strike four holes in a
man's head at once; and has besides a pistol in its handle, with a
match-lock.
15. The Spanish general's shield, carried before him as an ensign of
honour. On it are depicted, in most curious workmanship, the labours of
Hercules, and other expressive allegories.
When the Spanish prisoners were asked by some of the English what their
intentions were, had their expedition succeeded, they replied, "To
extirpate the whole from the island, at least all heretics (as they
called the protestants,) and to send their souls to hell." Strange
infatuation! Ridiculous bigotry! How prejudiced must the minds of those
men be, who would wish to destroy their fellow-creatures, not only in
this world, but, if it were possible, in that which is to come, merely
because they refused to believe on certain subjects as the Spaniards
themselves did.
_A conspiracy by the Papists for the destruction of James I., the royal
family, and both houses of Parliament; commonly known by the name of the
Gunpowder Plot._
The papists (of which there were great numbers in England at the time of
the intended Spanish invasion) were so irritated at the failure of that
expedition, that they were determined, if possible, to project a scheme
at home, that might answer the purposes, to some degree, of their
blood-thirsty competitors. The vigorous administration of Elizabeth,
however, prevented their carrying any of their iniquitous designs into
execution, although they made many attempts with that view. The
commencement of the reign of her successor was destined to be the era of
a plot, the barbarity of which transcends every thing related in ancient
or modern history.
In order to crush popery in the most effectual manner in this kingdom,
James soon after his succession, took proper measures for eclipsing the
power of the Roman Catholics, by enforcing those laws which had been
made against them by his predecessors. This enraged the papists to such
a degree, that a conspiracy was formed, by some of the principal
leaders, of the most daring and impious nature; namely, to blow up the
king, royal family, and both houses of parliament, while in full
session, and thus to involve the nation in utter and inevitable ruin.
The cabal who formed the resolution of putting in practice this horrid
scheme, consisted of the following persons:--Henry Garnet, an
Englishman, who, about the year 1586, had been sent to England as
superior of the English Jesuits; Catesby, an English gentleman; Tesmond,
a Jesuit; Thomas Wright; two gentlemen of the name of Winter; Thomas
Percy, a near relation of the earl of Northumberland; Guido Fawkes, a
bold and enterprising soldier of fortune; Sir Edward Digby; John Grant,
Esq.; Francis Tresham, Esq.; Robert Keyes and Thomas Bates, gentlemen.
Most of these were men both of birth and fortune; and Catesby, who had a
large estate, had already expended two thousand pounds in several
voyages to the court of Spain, in order to introduce an army of
Spaniards into England, for overturning the protestant government, and
restoring the Roman Catholic religion; but, being disappointed in this
project of an invasion, he took an opportunity of disclosing to Percy
(who was his intimate friend, and who, in a sudden fit of passion, had
hinted a design of assassinating the king) a nobler and more extensive
plan of treason, such as would include a sure execution of vengeance,
and, at one blow, consign over to destruction all their enemies.
Percy assented to the project proposed by Catesby, and they resolved to
impart the matter to a few more, and, by degrees, to all the rest of
their cabal, every man being bound by an oath, and taking the sacrament
(the most sacred rite of their religion), not to disclose the least
syllable of the matter, or to withdraw from the association, without the
consent of all persons concerned.
These consultations were held in the spring and summer of the year 1604,
and it was towards the close of that year that they began their
operations; the manner of which, and the discovery, we shall relate with
as much brevity as is consistent with perspicuity.
It had been agreed that a few of the conspirators should run a mine
below the hall in which the parliament was to assemble, and that they
should choose the very moment when the king should deliver his speech to
both houses, for springing the mine, and thus, by one blow cut off the
king, the royal family, lords, commons, and all the other enemies of the
catholic religion in that very spot where that religion has been most
oppressed. For this purpose, Percy, who was at that time a
gentleman-pensioner undertook to hire a house adjoining to the upper
house of parliament with all diligence. This was accordingly done, and
the conspirators expecting the parliament would meet on the 17th of
February following, began, on the 11th of December, to dig in the
cellar, through the wall of partition, which was three yards thick.
There was seven in number joined in this labour: they went in by night,
and never after appeared in sight, for, having supplied themselves with
all necessary provisions, they had no occasion to go out. In case of
discovery, they had provided themselves with powder, shot, and fire
arms, and formed a resolution rather to die than be taken.
On Candlemas-day, 1605, they had dug so far through the wall as to be
able to hear a noise on the other side: upon which unexpected event,
fearing a discovery, Guido Fawkes, (who personated Percy's footman,) was
despatched to know the occasion, and returned with the favourable
report, that the place from whence the noise came was a large cellar
under the upper house of parliament, full of sea-coal which was then on
sale, and the cellar offered to be let.
On this information, Percy immediately hired the cellar, and bought the
remainder of the coals: he then sent for thirty barrels of gunpowder
from Holland, and landing them at Lambeth, conveyed them gradually by
night to this cellar, where they were covered with stones, iron bars, a
thousand billets, and five hundred fagots; all which they did at their
leisure, the parliament being prorogued to the 5th of November.
This being done, the conspirators next consulted how they should secure
the duke of York,[B] who was too young to be expected at the parliament
house, and his sister, the Princess Elizabeth, educated at Lord
Harrington's, in Warwickshire. It was resolved, that Percy and another
should enter into the duke's chamber, and a dozen more, properly
disposed at several doors, with two or three on horseback at the
court-gate to receive him, should carry him safe away as soon as the
parliament-house was blown up; or, if that could not be effected, that
they should kill him, and declare the princess Elizabeth queen, having
secured her, under pretence of a hunting-match, that day.
Several of the conspirators proposed obtaining foreign aid previous to
the execution of their design; but this was over-ruled, and it was
agreed only to apply to France, Spain, and other powers for assistance
after the plot had taken effect; they also resolved to proclaim the
princess Elizabeth queen, and to spread a report, after the blow was
given, that the puritans were the perpetrators of so inhuman an action.
All matters being now prepared by the conspirators, they, without the
least remorse of conscience, and with the utmost impatience, expected
the 5th of November. But all their counsels were blasted by a happy and
providential circumstance. One of the conspirators, having a desire to
save William Parker, Lord Monteagle, sent him the following letter:
"My Lord,
"Out of the love I bear to some of your friends, I
have a care for your preservation; therefore I
advise you, as you tender your life, to devise you
some excuse to shift off your attendance at this
parliament; for God and man have concurred to
punish the wickedness of this time: and think not
slightly of this advertisement, but retire yourself
into the country, where you may expect the event
with safety, for though there be no appearance of
any stir, yet I say they shall receive a terrible
blow, this parliament, and yet they shall not see
who hurts them. This counsel is not to be
contemned, because it may do you good, and can do
you no harm; for the danger is past so soon (or as
quickly) as you burn this letter; and I hope God
will give you the grace to make good use of it, to
whose holy protection I commend you."
The Lord Monteagle was, for some time, at a loss what judgment to form
of this letter, and unresolved whether he should slight the
advertisement or not; and fancying it a trick of his enemies to frighten
him into an absence from parliament, would have determined on the
former, had his own safety been only in question: but apprehending the
king's life might be in danger, he took the letter at midnight to the
earl of Salisbury, who was equally puzzled about the meaning of it; and
though he was inclined to think it merely a wild and waggish contrivance
to alarm Monteagle, yet he thought proper to consult about it with the
earl of Suffolk, lord chamberlain. The expression, "that the blow should
come, without knowing who hurt them," made them imagine that it would
not be more proper than the time of parliament, nor by any other way
likely to be attempted than by gunpowder, while the king was sitting to
that assembly: the lord chamberlain thought this the more probable,
because there was a great cellar under the parliament-chamber, (as
already mentioned,) never used for any thing but wood or coal, belonging
to Wineyard, the keeper of the palace; and having communicated the
letter to the earls of Nottingham, Worcester, and Northampton, they
proceeded no farther till the king came from Royston, on the 1st of
November.
His majesty being shown the letter by the earls, who, at the same time
acquainted him with their suspicions, was of opinion that either nothing
should be done, or else enough to prevent the danger: and that a search
should be made on the day preceding that designed for this execution of
the diabolical enterprise.
Accordingly, on Monday, the 4th of November, in the afternoon, the lord
chamberlain, whose office it was to see all things put in readiness for
the king's coming, accompanied by Monteagle, went to visit all places
about the parliament-house, and taking a slight occasion to see the
cellar, observed only piles of billets and fagots, but in greater number
than he thought Wineyard could want for his own use. On his asking who
owned the wood, and being told it belonged to one Mr. Percy, he began to
have some suspicions, knowing him to be a rigid papist, and so seldom
there, that he had no occasion for such a quantity of fuel; and
Monteagle confirmed him therein, by observing that Percy had made him
great professions of friendship.
Though there was no other materials visible, yet Suffolk thought it was
necessary to make a further search; and, upon his return to the king, a
resolution was taken that it should be made in such a manner as should
be effectual, without scandalizing any body, or giving any alarm.
Sir Thomas Knevet, steward of Westminster, was accordingly ordered,
under the pretext of searching for stolen tapestry hangings in that
place, and other houses thereabouts, to remove the wood, and see if
anything was concealed underneath. This gentleman going at midnight,
with several attendants, to the cellar, met Fawkes, just coming out of
it, booted and spurred, with a tinder-box and three matches in his
pockets, and seizing him without any ceremony, or asking him any
questions, as soon as the removal of the wood discovered the barrels of
gunpowder, he caused him to be bound, and properly secured.
Fawkes, who was a hardened and intrepid villain, made no hesitation of
avowing the design, and that it was to have been executed on the morrow.
He made the same acknowledgment at his examination before a committee of
the council; and though he did not deny having some associates in this
conspiracy, yet no threats of torture could make him discover any of
them, he declaring that "he was ready to die, and had rather suffer ten
thousand deaths, than willingly accuse his master, or any other."
By repeated examinations, however, and assurances of his master's being
apprehended, he at length acknowledged, "that whilst he was abroad,
Percy had kept the keys of the cellar, had been in it since the powder
had been laid there, and, in effect, that he was one of the principal
actors in the intended tragedy."
In the mean time it was found out, that Percy had come post out of the
north on Saturday night, the 2d of November, and had dined on Monday at
Sion-house, with the earl of Northumberland; that Fawkes had met him on
the road, and that, after the lord chamberlain had been that evening in
the cellar, he went, about six o'clock, to his master, who had fled
immediately, apprehending the plot was detected.
The news of the discovery immediately spreading, the conspirators fled
different ways, but chiefly into Warwickshire, where Sir Everard Digby
had appointed a hunting-match, near Dunchurch, to get a number of
recusants together, sufficient to seize the princess Elizabeth; but this
design was prevented by her taking refuge in Coventry; and their whole
party, making about one hundred, retired to Holbeach, the seat of Sir
Stephen Littleton, on the borders of Staffordshire, having broken open
stables, and taken horses from different people in the adjoining
counties.
Sir Richard Walsh, high sheriff of Worcestershire, pursued them to
Holbeach, where he invested them, and summoned them to surrender. In
preparing for their defence, they put some moist powder before a fire to
dry, and a spark from the coals setting it on fire, some of the
conspirators were so burned in their faces, thighs, and arms, that they
were scarcely able to handle their weapons. Their case was desperate,
and no means of escape appearing, unless by forcing their way through
the assailants, they made a furious sally for that purpose. Catesby (who
first proposed the manner of the plot) and Percy were both killed.
Thomas Winter, Grant, Digby, Rockwood, and Bates, were taken and carried
to London, were the first made a full discovery of the conspiracy.
Tresham, lurking about the city, and frequently shifting his quarters,
was apprehended soon after, and having confessed the whole matter, died
of the strangury, in the Tower. The earl of Northumberland, suspected on
account of his being related to Thomas Percy, was, by way of precaution,
committed to the custody of the archbishop of Canterbury, at Lambeth;
and was afterwards fined thirty thousand pounds, and sent to the Tower,
for admitting Percy into the band of gentlemen pensioners, without
tending him the oath of supremacy.
Some escaped to Calais, and arriving there with others, who fled to
avoid a persecution which they apprehended on this occasion, were kindly
received by the governor; but one of them declaring before him, that he
was not so much concerned at his exile, as that the powder plot did not
take effect, the governor was so much incensed at his glorying in such
an execrable piece of iniquity, that, in a sudden impulse of
indignation, he endeavoured to throw him into the sea.
On the 27th of January, 1606, eight of the conspirators were tried and
convicted, among whom was Sir Everard Digby, the only one that pleaded
guilty to the indictment, though all the rest had confessed their guilt
before. Digby was executed on the 30th of the same month, with Robert
Winter, Grant, and Bates, at the west end of St. Paul's churchyard;
Thomas Winter, Keyes, Rockwood, and Fawkes, were executed the following
day in Old Palace yard.
Garnet was tried on the 28th of March, "for his knowledge and
concealment of the conspiracy; for administering an oath of secrecy to
the conspirators, for persuading them of the lawfulness of the treason,
and for praying for the success of the great action in hand at the
beginning of the parliament." Being found guilty,[C] he received
sentence of death, but was not executed till the 3d of May, when,
confessing his own guilt, and the iniquity of the enterprise, he
exhorted all Roman Catholics to abstain from the like treasonable
practices in future. Gerard and Hall, two Jesuits, got abroad; and
Littleton, with several others, were executed in the country.
The Lord Monteagle had a grant of two hundred pounds a year in land, and
a pension of five hundred pounds for life, as a reward for discovering
the letter which gave the first hint of the conspiracy; and the
anniversary of this providential deliverance was ordered to be for ever
commemorated by prayer and thanksgiving.
Thus was this diabolical scheme happily rendered abortive, and the
authors of it brought to that condign punishment which their wickedness
merited. In this affair Providence manifestly interposed in behalf of
the protestants, and saved them from that destruction which must have
taken place had the scheme succeeded according to the wishes of a
bigoted, superstitious, and blood-thirsty faction.
FOOTNOTES:
[A] The queen made the following animated speech to the troops assembled
at Tilbury:
"My loving people, we have been persuaded by some, that are careful of
our safety, to take heed how we commit ourselves to armed multitudes,
for fear of treachery, but I assure you, I do not desire to live to
distrust my faithful and loving people.--Let tyrants fear: I have always
so behaved myself, that under God, I have placed my chiefest strength
and safeguard in the loyal hearts and good will of my subjects. And
therefore I am come among you at this time, not as for my recreation or
sport, but being resolved, in the midst and heat of the battle, to live
or die among you all, to lay down, for my God, and for my kingdom, and
for my people, my honour and my blood, even in the dust. I know I have
but the body of a weak and feeble woman, but I have the heart of a king,
and of a king of England too; and think foul scorn that Parma or Spain,
or any prince of Europe, should dare to invade the borders of my realms:
To which rather than any dishonour should grow by me, I myself will take
up arms; I myself will be your general, judge, and rewarder of every one
of your virtues in the field. I know already, by your forwardness, that
you have deserved rewards and crowns; and I do assure you, on the word
of a prince, they shall be duly paid you. In the mean time my
lieutenant-general shall be in my stead, than whom never prince
commanded a more noble and worthy subject; not doubting by your
obedience to my general, by your concord in the camp, and your valour in
the field, we shall shortly have a famous victory over those enemies of
my God, of my kingdom, and of my people."
[B] Afterward Charles I.
CHAPTER XV.
RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE PROTESTANT RELIGION IN IRELAND; WITH AN ACCOUNT
OF THE BARBAROUS MASSACRE OF 1641.
The gloom of popery had overshadowed Ireland from its first
establishment there till the reign of Henry VIII. when the rays of the
gospel began to dispel the darkness, and afford that light which till
then had been unknown in that island. The abject ignorance in which the
people were held, with the absurd and superstitious notions they
entertained, were sufficiently evident to many; and the artifices of
their priests were so conspicuous, that several persons of distinction,
who had hitherto been strenuous papists, would willingly have
endeavoured to shake off the yoke, and embrace the protestant religion;
but the natural ferocity of the people, and their strong attachment to
the ridiculous doctrines which they had been taught, made the attempt
dangerous. It was, however, at length undertaken, though attended with
the most horrid and disastrous consequences.
The introduction of the protestant religion into Ireland may be
principally attributed to George Browne, an Englishman, who was
consecrated archbishop of Dublin on the 19th of March, 1535. He had
formerly been an Augustine friar, and was promoted to the mitre on
account of his merit.
After having enjoyed his dignity about five years, he, at the time that
Henry VIII. was suppressing the religious houses in England, caused all
the relics and images to be removed out of the two cathedrals in Dublin,
and the other churches in his diocese; in the place of which he caused
to be put up the Lord's prayer, the creed, and the ten commandments.
A short time after this he received a letter from Thomas Cromwell,
lord-privy seal, informing him that Henry VIII. having thrown off the
papal supremacy in England, was determined to do the like in Ireland;
and that he thereupon had appointed him (archbishop Browne) one of the
commissioners for seeing this order put in execution. The archbishop
answered, that he had employed his utmost endeavours at the hazard of
his life, to cause the Irish nobility and gentry to acknowledge Henry as
their supreme head, in matters both spiritual and temporal; but had met
with a most violent opposition, especially from George, archbishop of
Armagh; that this prelate had, in a speech to his clergy, laid a curse
on all those who should own his highness'[D] supremacy: adding, that
their isle, called in the Chronicles _Insula Sacra_, or the Holy Island,
belonged to none but the bishop of Rome, and that the king's progenitors
had received it from the pope. He observed likewise, that the archbishop
and clergy of Armagh, had each despatched a courier to Rome; and that it
would be necessary for a parliament to be called in Ireland, to pass an
act of supremacy, the people not regarding the king's commission without
the sanction of the legislative assembly. He concluded with observing,
that the popes had kept the people in the most profound ignorance; that
the clergy were exceedingly illiterate; that the common people were more
zealous, in their blindness, than the saints and martyrs had been in the
defence of truth at the beginning of the gospel; and that it was to be
feared Shan O'Neal, a chieftain of great power in the northern part of
the island, was decidedly opposed to the king's commission.
In pursuance of this advice, the following year a parliament was
summoned to meet at Dublin, by order of Leonard Grey, at that time
lord-lieutenant. At this assembly archbishop Browne made a speech in
which he set forth, that the bishops of Rome used, anciently, to
acknowledge emperors, kings, and princes, to be supreme in their own
dominions, and, therefore, that he himself would vote king Henry VIII.
as supreme in all matters, both ecclesiastical and temporal. He
concluded with saying, that whosoever should refuse to vote for this
act, was not a true subject of the king. This speech greatly startled
the other bishops and lords; but at length, after violent debates, the
king's supremacy was allowed.
Two years after this, the archbishop wrote a second letter to lord
Cromwell, complaining of the clergy, and hinting at the machinations
which the pope was then carrying on against the advocates of the gospel.
This letter is dated from Dublin, in April, 1538; and among other
matters, the archbishop says, "A bird may be taught to speak with as
much sense as many of the clergy do in this country. These, though not
scholars, yet are crafty to cozen the poor common people and to dissuade
them from following his highness' orders. The country folk here much
hate your lordship, and despitefully call you, in their Irish tongue,
the Blacksmith's Son. As a friend, I desire your lordship to look well
to your noble person. Rome hath a great kindness for the duke of
Norfolk, and great favors for this nation, purposely to oppose his
highness."
A short time after this, the pope sent over to Ireland (directed to the
Archbishop of Armagh and his clergy) a bull of excommunication against
all who had, or should own the king's supremacy within the Irish nation;
denouncing a curse on all of them, and theirs, who should not, within
forty days, acknowledge to their confessors, that they had done amiss in
so doing.
Archbishop Browne gave notice of this in a letter, dated, Dublin, May,
1538. Part of the form of confession, or vow, sent over to these Irish
papists, ran as follows; "I do farther declare him or her, father or
mother, brother or sister, son or daughter, husband or wife, uncle or
aunt, nephew or niece, kinsman or kinswoman, master or mistress, and all
others, nearest or dearest relations, friend or acquaintance whatsoever,
accursed, that either do or shall hold, for the time to come, any
ecclesiastical or civil power above the authority of the mother church;
or that do or shall obey, for the time to come, any of her the mother of
churches' opposers or enemies, or contrary to the same, of which I have
here sworn unto: so God, the Blessed Virgin, St. Peter, St. Paul, and
the Holy Evangelists, help me, &c." This is an exact agreement with the
doctrines promulgated by the councils of Lateran and Constance, which
expressly declare, that no favour should be shown to heretics, nor faith
kept with them; that they ought to be excommunicated and condemned, and
their estates confiscated; and that princes are obliged, by a solemn
oath, to root them out of their respective dominions.
How abominable a church must that be, which thus dares to trample upon
all authority! how besotted the people who regard the injunctions of
such a church!
In the archbishop's last-mentioned letter, dated May, 1538, he says,
"His highness' viceroy of this nation is of little or no power with the
old natives. Now both English and Irish begin to oppose your lordship's
orders, and to lay aside their national quarrels, which I fear will (if
any thing will) cause a foreigner to invade this nation."
Not long after this, Archbishop Browne seized one Thady O'Brian, a
Franciscan friar, who had in his possession a paper sent from Rome dated
May, 1538, and directed to O'Neal. In this letter were the following
words: "His holiness, Paul, now pope, and the council of the fathers,
have lately found, in Rome, a prophecy of one St. Lacerianus, an Irish
bishop of Cashel, in which he saith, that the mother church of Rome
falleth, when, in Ireland, the catholic faith is overcome. Therefore,
for the glory of the mother church, the honour of St. Peter, and your
own secureness, suppress heresy, and his holiness' enemies."
This Thady O'Brian, after farther examination and search made, was
pilloried, and kept close prisoner, till the king's orders arrived in
what manner he should be farther disposed of. But order coming over from
England that he was to be hanged, he laid violent hands on himself in
the castle of Dublin. His body was afterwards carried to Gallows-green,
where, after being hanged up for some time, it was interred.
After the accession of Edward VI. to the throne of England, an order was
directed to Sir Anthony Leger, the lord-deputy of Ireland, commanding
that the liturgy in English be forthwith set up in Ireland, there to be
observed within the several bishoprics, cathedrals, and parish churches;
and it was first read in Christ-church, Dublin, on Easter day, 1551,
before the said Sir Anthony, Archbishop Browne, and others. Part of the
royal order for this purpose was as follows: "Whereas, our gracious
father, King Henry VIII. taking into consideration the bondage and heavy
yoke that his true and faithful subjects sustained, under the
jurisdiction of the bishop of Rome; how several fabulous stories and
lying wonders misled our subjects; dispensing with the sins of our
nations, by their indulgences and pardons, for gain; purposely to
cherish all evil vices, as robberies, rebellions, theft, whoredoms,
blasphemy, idolatry, &c. our gracious father hereupon dissolved all
priories, monasteries, abbeys, and other pretended religious houses; as
being but nurseries for vice or luxury, more than for sacred learning,"
&c.
On the day after the common-prayer was first used in Christ-church,
Dublin, the following wicked scheme was projected by the papists:
In the church was left a marble image of Christ, holding a reed in his
hand, with a crown of thorns on his head. Whilst the English service
(the Common Prayer) was being read before the lord-lieutenant, the
archbishop of Dublin, the privy-council, the lord-mayor, and a great
congregation, blood was seen to run through the crevices of the crown of
thorns, and to trickle down the face of the image. On this, some of the
contrivers of the imposture cried aloud: "See how our Saviour's image
sweats blood! But it must necessarily do this, since heresy is come into
the church." Immediately many of the lower order of people, indeed the
_vulgar of all ranks_, were terrified at the sight of so _miraculous_
and _undeniable_ an evidence of the divine displeasure; they hastened
from the church, convinced that the doctrines of protestantism emanated
from an infernal source, and that salvation was only to be found in the
bosom of their own _infallible_ church.
This incident, however ludicrous it may appear to the enlightened
reader, had great influence over the minds of the ignorant Irish, and
answered the ends of the impudent imposters who contrived it, so far as
to check the progress of the reformed religion in Ireland very
materially; many persons could not resist the conviction that there were
many errors and corruptions in the Romish church, but they were awed
into silence by this pretended manifestation of Divine wrath, which was
magnified beyond measure by the bigoted and interested priesthood.
We have very few particulars as to the state of religion in Ireland
during the remaining portion of the reign of Edward VI. and the greater
part of that of Mary. Towards the conclusion of the barbarous sway of
that relentless bigot, she attempted to extend her inhuman persecutions
to this island; but her diabolical intentions were happily frustrated in
the following providential manner, the particulars of which are related
by historians of good authority.
Mary had appointed Dr. Cole (an agent of the blood-thirsty Bonner) one
of the commissioners for carrying her barbarous intentions into effect.
He having arrived at Chester with his commission, the mayor of that
city, being a papist, waited upon him; when the doctor taking out of his
cloak-bag a leathern case, said to him, "Here is a commission that shall
lash the heretics of Ireland." The good woman of the house being a
protestant, and having a brother in Dublin, named John Edmunds, was
greatly troubled at what she heard. But watching her opportunity, whilst
the mayor was taking his leave, and the doctor politely accompanying him
down stairs, she opened the box, took out the commission, and in its
stead laid a sheet of paper, with a pack of cards, and the _knave of
clubs_ at top. The doctor, not suspecting the trick that had been played
him, put up the box, and arrived with it in Dublin, in September, 1558.
Anxious to accomplish the intentions of his "_pious_" mistress, he
immediately waited upon Lord Fitz-Walter, at that time viceroy, and
presented the box to him; which being opened, nothing was found in it
but a pack of cards. This startling all the persons present, his
lordship said, "We must procure another commission; and in the mean time
let us shuffle the cards!"
Dr. Cole, however, would have directly returned to England to get
another commission; but waiting for a favourable wind, news arrived that
queen Mary was dead, and by this means the protestants escaped a most
cruel persecution. The above relation as we before observed, is
confirmed by historians of the greatest credit, who add, that queen
Elizabeth settled a pension of forty pounds per annum upon the above
mentioned Elizabeth Edmunds, for having thus saved the lives of her
protestant subjects.
During the reigns of Elizabeth and James I. Ireland was almost
constantly agitated by rebellions and insurrections, which, although not
always taking their rise from the difference of religious opinions
between the English and Irish, were aggravated and rendered more bitter
and irreconcilable from that cause. The popish priests artfully
exaggerated the faults of the English government, and continually urged
to their ignorant and prejudiced hearers the lawfulness of killing the
protestants, assuring them that all catholics who were slain in the
prosecution of so _pious_ an enterprise, would be immediately received
into everlasting felicity. The naturally ungovernable dispositions of
the Irish, acted upon by these designing men, drove them into continual
acts of barbarous and unjustifiable violence; and it must be confessed
that the unsettled and arbitrary nature of the authority exercised by
the English governors, was but little calculated to gain their
affections. The Spaniards, too, by landing forces in the south, and
giving every encouragement to the discontented natives to join their
standard, kept the island in a continual state of turbulence and
warfare. In 1601, they disembarked a body of 4000 men at Kinsale, and
commenced what they called "_the holy war for the preservation of the
faith in Ireland_;" they were assisted by great numbers of the Irish,
but were at length totally defeated by the deputy, lord Mountjoy, and
his officers.
This closed the transactions of Elizabeth's reign with respect to
Ireland; an interval of apparent tranquility followed, but the popish
priesthood, ever restless and designing, sought to undermine by secret
machinations, that government and that faith which they durst no longer
openly attack. The pacific reign of James afforded them the opportunity
of increasing their strength and maturing their schemes, and under his
successor, Charles I. their numbers were greatly increased by titular
Romish archbishops, bishops, deans, vicars-general, abbots, priests, and
friars; for which reason, in 1629, the public exercise of the popish
rites and ceremonies was forbidden.
But notwithstanding this, soon afterwards, the Romish clergy erected a
new popish university in the city of Dublin. They also proceeded to
build monasteries and nunneries in various parts of the kingdom; in
which places these very Romish clergy, and the chiefs of the Irish, held
frequent meetings; and from thence, used to pass to and fro, to France,
Spain, Flanders, Lorrain, and Rome; where the detestable plot of 1641
was hatching by the family of the O'Neals and their followers.
A short time before the horrid conspiracy broke out, which we are now
going to relate, the papists in Ireland had presented a remonstrance to
the lords-justices of that kingdom, demanding the free exercise of their
religion, and a repeal of all laws to the contrary, to which both houses
of parliament in England, solemnly answered, that they would never grant
any toleration to the popish religion in that kingdom.
This farther irritated the papists to put in execution the diabolical
plot concerted for the destruction of the protestants; and it failed not
of the success wished for by its malicious and rancorous projectors.
The design of this horrid conspiracy was, that a general insurrection
should take place at the same time throughout the kingdom, and that all
the protestants, without exception, should be murdered. The day fixed
for this horrid massacre, was the 23d of October, 1641, the feast of
Ignatius Loyola, founder of the Jesuits; and the chief conspirators, in
the principal parts of the kingdom, made the necessary preparations for
the intended conflict.
In order that this detested scheme might the more infallibly succeed,
the most distinguished artifices were practised by the papists; and
their behaviour in their visits to the protestants, at this time, was
with more seeming kindness than they had hitherto shown, which was done
the more completely to effect the inhuman and treacherous designs then
meditating against them.
The execution of this savage conspiracy was delayed till the approach of
winter, that sending troops from England might be attended with greater
difficulty. Cardinal Richelieu, the French minister, had promised the
conspirators a considerable supply of men and money; and many Irish
officers had given the strongest assurances that they would heartily
concur with their catholic brethren, as soon as the insurrection took
place.
The day preceding that appointed for carrying this horrid design into
execution, was now arrived, when, happily for the metropolis of the
kingdom, the conspiracy was discovered by one Owen O'Connelly, an
Irishman, for which most signal service the English parliament voted him
500_l._ and a pension of 200_l._ during his life.
So very seasonably was this plot discovered, even but a few hours before
the city and castle of Dublin were to have been surprised, that the
lords-justices had but just time to put themselves, and the city, in a
proper posture of defence. The lord M'Guire, who was the principal
leader here, with his accomplices, were seized the same evening in the
city; and in their lodgings were found swords, hatchets, pole-axes,
hammers, and such other instruments of death as had been prepared for
the destruction and extirpation of the protestants in that part of the
kingdom.
Thus was the metropolis happily preserved; but the bloody part of the
intended tragedy was past prevention. The conspirators were in arms all
over the kingdom early in the morning of the day appointed, and every
protestant who fell in their way was immediately murdered. No age, no
sex, no condition, was spared. The wife weeping for her butchered
husband, and embracing her helpless children, was pierced with them, and
perished by the same stroke. The old, the young, the vigorous, and the
infirm, underwent the same fate, and were blended in one common ruin. In
vain did flight save from the first assault, destruction was every where
let loose, and met the hunted victims at every turn. In vain was
recourse had to relations, to companions, to friends; all connexions
were dissolved; and death was dealt by that hand from which protection
was implored and expected. Without provocation, without opposition, the
astonished English, living in profound peace, and, as they thought, full
security, were massacred by their nearest neighbours, with whom they had
long maintained a continued intercourse of kindness and good offices.
Nay, even death was the slightest punishment inflicted by these
monsters in human form; all the tortures which wanton cruelty could
invent, all the lingering pains of body, the anguish of mind, the
agonies of despair, could not satiate revenge excited without injury,
and cruelly derived from no just cause whatever. Depraved nature, even
perverted religion, though encouraged by the utmost license, cannot
reach to a greater pitch of ferocity than appeared in these merciless
barbarians. Even the weaker sex themselves, naturally tender to their
own sufferings, and compassionate to those of others, have emulated
their robust companions in the practice of every cruelty. The very
children, taught by example, and encouraged by the exhortation of their
parents, dealt their feeble blows on the dead carcasses of the
defenceless children of the English.
Nor was the avarice of the Irish sufficient to produce the least
restraint on their cruelty. Such was their frenzy, that the cattle they
had seized, and by rapine had made their own, were, because they bore
the name of English, wantonly slaughtered, or, when covered with wounds,
turned loose into the woods, there to perish by slow and lingering
torments.
The commodious habitations of the planters were laid in ashes, or
levelled with the ground. And where the wretched owners had shut
themselves up in the houses, and were preparing for defence, they
perished in the flames together with their wives and children.
Such is the general description of this unparalleled massacre; but it
now remains, from the nature of our work, that we proceed to
particulars.
The bigoted and merciless papists had no sooner begun to imbrue their
hands in blood, than they repeated the horrid tragedy day after day, and
the protestants in all parts of the kingdom fell victims to their fury
by deaths of the most unheard of cruelty.
The ignorant Irish were more strongly instigated to execute the infernal
business by the jesuits, priests, and friars, who, when the day for the
execution of the plot was agreed on, recommended in their prayers,
diligence in the great design, which they said would greatly tend to the
prosperity of the kingdom, and to the advancement of the Catholic cause.
They every where declared to the common people, that the protestants
were heretics, and ought not to be suffered to live any longer among
them; adding, that it was no more sin to kill an Englishman than to kill
a dog; and that the relieving or protecting them was a crime of the most
unpardonable nature.
The papists having besieged the town and castle of Longford, and the
inhabitants of the latter, who were protestants, surrendering on
condition of being allowed quarter, the besiegers, the instant the
towns-people appeared, attacked them in a most unmerciful manner, their
priest, as a signal for the rest to fall on, first ripping open the
belly of the English protestant minister; after which his followers
murdered all the rest, some of whom they hung, others were stabbed or
shot and great numbers knocked on the head with axes provided for the
purpose.
The garrison at Sligo was treated in like manner by O'Connor Slygah;
who, upon the protestants quitting their holds, promised them quarter,
and to convey them safe over the Curlew mountains, to Roscommon. But he
first imprisoned them in a most loathsome jail, allowing them only
grains for their food. Afterward, when some papists were merry over
their cups, who were come to congratulate their wicked brethren for
their victory over these unhappy creatures, those protestants who
survived were brought forth by the White-friars, and were either killed,
or precipitated over the bridge into a swift river, where they were soon
destroyed. It is added, that this wicked company of White-friars went,
some time after, in solemn procession, with holy water in their hands,
to sprinkle the river; on pretence of cleansing and purifying it from
the stains and pollution of the blood and dead bodies of the heretics,
as they called the unfortunate protestants who were inhumanly
slaughtered at this very time.
At Kilmore, Dr. Bedell, bishop of that see, had charitably settled and
supported a great number of distressed protestants, who had fled from
their habitations to escape the diabolical cruelties committed by the
papists. But they did not long enjoy the consolation of living together;
the good prelate was forcibly dragged from his episcopal residence,
which was immediately occupied by Dr. Swiney, the popish titular bishop
of Kilmore, who said mass in the church the Sunday following, and then
seized on all the goods and effects belonging to the persecuted bishop.