Returning from Australia we touched at Colombo, where my companion and a
friend paid an interesting visit to Arabi, who invited them to dine with
him. It soon became evident that intercourse would have to be conducted
through interpreters, as Arabi understood neither French nor English, and
his visitors were ignorant of Arabic.
My friend was an invalid, and the first dish put on the table caused him
great anxiety, as it was one which his medical man had given him strict
orders to avoid. What was to be done? My companion explained to the
invalid that in the East no greater affront could be given to a host than
to decline to partake of what was offered, and so, not having provided
himself with Jack the Giant Killer's device for disposing of surplus
food, he was fain to eat it, not without certain fearful forebodings.
Arabi's personal appearance had greatly altered, he having grown a beard
which was turning grey. At the table with him were his two sons, lads
apparently of ten and twelve years respectively. On his left sat Fehmi
Pasha, a man of very striking appearance with a face indicating
considerable intellectual power. Arabi desired to know what the English
thought of him, a question which my companion parried by saying the
English always respected a brave man. Rising to take leave of the host,
my companion patted the head of the eldest boy in a kindly manner. This
seemed to move Arabi in a singular way. He rose and said, in a sharp
tone of command, to his boys, "Salaam," then, crossing the room and
placing his hand on my companion's shoulder, said with some emotion, "Ah,
ah, good, good."
Proceeding on our voyage we called at Aden, a dreadful place, without a
single redeeming feature, in European eyes. Those of our countrymen who
are compelled to reside here in the service of the country are entitled
to the deepest sympathy of every Englishman. The possession of Aden is
of considerable importance to England and to India, both as a coaling
station and as a military post, although in the latter respect it is of
less importance than formerly. The islands commanding the channels at
the entrance to the Red Sea are after all the key to the position, one of
the most important being the Island of Perim, the acquisition of which
does more credit to the _'cuteness_ of the British commander at Aden than
to his sense of honour--that is, if the story told of him be true. It is
related that one evening, nearly forty years ago, two French war-ships
cast anchor before Aden, and the English governor with a laudable desire
to ascertain the object of their visit invited the commanders of the
ships to dinner. Unfortunately for France the officers were not
teetotallers, and the weather being hot and the British commander's wine
strong, the gallant Frenchmen's tongues were loosened, and the perfidious
Englishman ascertained that the mission with which his guests were
charged was no less than the occupation of the Island of Perim in the
name of Louis Philippe, King of the French!
[Picture: Adenese Women]
Without losing a moment the governor sent orders to the captain of the
English gunboat lying at Aden to proceed with all speed and in the
strictest secrecy to take possession of the island in the name of the
Queen! The sun had risen before the festivities at the governor's
residence had ceased, and then with many bows his guests departed to
their ships, and shortly afterwards left Aden for their destination. On
arrival, their astonishment and mortification may be imagined when they
saw on the highest point on the island the British flag flying, and the
gunboat which they had seen at Aden on the previous day anchored close
inshore. The incident gave occasion for much tall talk at the time on
the part of the fiery French colonels, and, not without reason, I fear,
gave fresh life to the cry of "Perfidious Albion."
We arrived at Suez in the third week of February, and as soon as our
steamer stopped, our old dragoman Hassan came on board with a huge packet
of letters for us, and although he had only seen us once before, three
years ago, he not only remembered our names but came straight to us and
told us he had brought a boat for our use, and that bedrooms were engaged
for us at the hotel. We owed all this attention--which was most
seasonable, as I was still suffering from the effects of a malarious
fever contracted in Australia--to Messrs. Cook and Son, who had been
advised of my coming, and here I will say that in Egypt and Syria the
name of "Cook" is the talisman which solves all difficulties and robs
travelling of nearly all its inconveniences.
On landing we were forcibly struck with the altered demeanour of the
people since our previous visit. On that occasion landing was effected
under the greatest difficulties. The people seemed to look upon us as
fair prey. It was almost impossible for us to keep our luggage together,
and the insolent threatening manner in which _backsheesh_ was demanded
was not a little disturbing to those who were visiting an eastern country
for the first time. But now all was changed; instead of idle excited
crowds loitering everywhere, everyone seemed to be engaged in some work,
_backsheesh_ was rarely asked for, and always in subdued tones, and one
refusal was enough. Even the donkey boys had been reached, for when
their proffered services were declined they went away with a "thank you."
The Suez Hotel is kept by an Englishman, and he informed us that during
the war he left it in charge of natives, and found everything safe and in
order on his return.
On the following day we proceeded by railway to Cairo, _via_ Ismailia and
Tel-el-Kebir. At many of the stations British soldiers were on guard, a
part of their duty appearing to be the inspection of the natives'
baggage; this was done amidst much good humour on both sides--indeed, all
through Egypt the British soldier seemed to be on the best possible terms
with the people, as indeed there is every reason why he should be, for it
is certain he has been the means of saving the people of Egypt from a
tyranny of the worst kind--the tyranny of rapacious pachas, civil and
military. With the usual exclusiveness of our nation, our party of four
had arranged to have the whole of the compartment of the railway-carriage
to ourselves. It is true we paid extra for the convenience, but at one
of the stations, the train being very crowded, two Frenchmen endeavoured
to enter, being prevented, however, by the Arab conductor. The
Frenchmen, with much gesticulation and great volubility, pointed out to
the Arab that there were only four persons in the carriage, whereas it
was constructed to take eight; the guard insisted that there were eight
persons in the compartment, although it was patent to all that there were
only four. "Four!" said the Frenchmen. "Eight!" returned the guard,
giving us a most wicked wink, which, however, failed to extort
_backsheesh_. Ultimately our would-be companions were safely bestowed
elsewhere.
The railway passes by the field of Tel-el-Kebir, the entrenchments
stretching as far as the eye can reach. When my companion went over the
ground a few weeks after the battle it was covered with debris of every
kind, clothing, arms, ammunition, and other ghastly indications of a
battle-field.
In one of the entrenchments my friend found a leaf torn from the New
Testament, while only a yard or two away was a leaf from the Koran, and
hard by he picked up a letter written in Arabic, addressed to a soldier
on the field, requesting him to authorise the writer to collect his rents
in Cairo.
On reaching the station of Tel-el-Kebir we found a number of tourists who
had come up from Cairo to gather curiosities from the battle-field, but
since my friend's visit in the autumn everything had been cleared off,
and the new comers were gathering pebbles (!) as mementoes of the famous
engagement.
The little grave-yard in which the British troops are buried is situated
near to the station, and appeared to be kept in excellent order.
In Cairo, as in Suez, the absence of the feverish excitement, latent
insolence, and spirit of unrest, so apparent during our last visit, was
very noticeable. There, too, _backsheesh_ was rarely demanded, and most
of the people seemed to have something to do.
It was curious to see the English soldiers lounging about the town in all
directions. They seemed to be quite at home. One of them informed me he
had gone through the Transvaal campaign, but very much preferred the land
of Goshen!
While we were in Cairo we often expressed our wonder that the city was
ever free from cholera or some other deadly epidemic. The sanitary
condition of the streets and public places was shocking in the extreme.
Fronting the Opera House and the great hotels and Government offices are
the extensive Ezbekiyeh public gardens, enclosed with iron railings.
Around the outside is a very handsome paved footpath, which, although in
the very heart of the city, is in many places utterly impassable because
of the unspeakable horrors accumulated upon it. If the English
occupation of Egypt does nothing more than cause the towns of that
country to be properly cleansed, it will be the means of saving as many
lives every few years as were lost in the late campaign.
There are two classes of people who undoubtedly view the British
occupation of Egypt with great and well-founded dislike--the military
party and the pachas. These classes have always played into each other's
hands, and always at the expense of the down-trodden and patient
fellaheen--the backbone and mainstay of the country. For the latter
class the presence of the British army is an almost unmixed blessing.
From time immemorial the desirability of connecting the Mediterranean and
Red Seas by a canal has been fully recognised; but the work does not
appear to have been attempted before the reign of Pharaoh Necho, who
undertook to construct a canal between the Nile and the Red Sea. In
carrying out this work 120,000 Egyptians perished, and before it was
completed the King abandoned it, having been informed by the Oracle that
the foreigners alone would profit by the work. Eventually the canal was
completed under the rule of Darius the Persian, and of the Ptolemies.
The canal was carried through the lakes Balah and Menzaleh, another
branch being constructed to the Bitter Lakes, into which the fresh water
canal--watering the land of Goshen--emptied itself; but owing to the
constant state of war it fell into decay, and was abandoned.
Many suggestions as to the reopening of the waterway have been made in
almost every generation since. Bonaparte, during his expedition to Egypt
in 1798, even caused the preliminary works to be undertaken. His chief
engineer surveyed the ground, but, owing to a serious miscalculation,
threw great doubt on the possibility of carrying out the work. He
estimated the level of the Red Sea to be nearly 33ft. higher than that of
the Mediterranean, an idea that Leibnitz ridiculed nearly a century
before. Vigorous protests against Lepere's theory were not wanting, but
it was, nevertheless, sufficient to cause the abandonment of the scheme
until Monsieur Lesseps directed his attention to the matter. On his
appointment as an Attache to the French Mission, Lesseps had to undergo a
lengthy quarantine at Alexandria; here he was supplied with books by his
Consul, among them being Lepere's memoirs respecting the scheme for
connecting the two seas, the effect of which upon the young Frenchman's
mind was never effaced.
In 1847 a Commission of Engineers demonstrated the inaccuracy of Lepere's
observations, and proved that the level of the two seas was practically
the same. In 1854 Lesseps having matured his plan laid it before the
Viceroy, who determined to carry it out. Palmerston, then premier, did
his utmost, from political motives, to thwart the enterprise; but early
in 1856 permission was given to commence the work.
Considerable difficulty was experienced in raising the capital, but on
the 25th April, 1858, operations were actually begun. The Viceroy
undertook to pay many of the current expenses, and provided 25,000
workmen, who were to be paid and fed by the Company at an inexpensive
rate, and were to be relieved every three months. In order to provide
these men with water 4,000 casks suitable for being carried on camels had
to be made, and 1,600 of these animals were daily employed in bringing
supplies, at a cost of 320 per day.
At the end of December, 1863, the Fresh Water Canal was completed, by
which the Company was relieved of the enormous expense of supplying the
workmen with water.
On the 18th March, 1869, the water of the Mediterranean was allowed to
flow into the nearly dry salt-incrusted basins of the Bitter Lakes, some
parts of which lay forty feet below the level of the Mediterranean, while
others required extensive dredging operations. The Bitter Lakes have
been identified with the Marah of the Bible (Exodus xv., 23--"And when
they came to Marah, they could not drink of the waters of Marah for they
were bitter"). The captain of our vessel informed me that in these lakes
the saltness, and consequently the density, of the water is such as to
cause the vessel to rise five inches above the ordinary waterline.
The cost of constructing the Canal amounted to about 19,000,000, more
than a third of which was contributed by the Khedive. The original
capital of the company in 400,000 shares amounted to 8,000,000, the
difference being raised by loans payable at fixed intervals, and adding
an annual burden to the scheme of 451,000. The festivities connected
with the opening of the Canal in 1869 cost the Khedive--that is to say
the taxpayer of Egypt--14,200,000, or more than half the total capital!
The great mercantile importance of the Canal is apparent from the
following data:--Between London and Bombay forty-four per cent. of the
distance is saved by through-going ships; between London and Hong Kong
twenty-eight per cent., and between Marseilles and Bombay fifty-nine per
cent. Over eighty per cent. of the trade passing through the Canal is
done in British vessels, and in 1875--or six years after the Canal was
opened--the English traffic was equal to twelve times that of the French.
In 1870, 486 steamers, representing 493,911 tons, passed through the
canal, and in 1882 these figures had risen to 3,198 steamers with
7,125,000 tons. (_Baedeker_).
From Port Said the Canal runs in a nearly straight line to Kantara (a
mere group of sheds), its course lying across the shallow lagoon-like
Lake Menzaleh, which has an average depth of only three feet. The
embankments are low, irregular sand-banks, formed of the dredged
material, and having at the margin of the water a coarse growth of
straggling sedgy-looking vegetation. After passing Kantara, the Balah
Lakes are reached, and the course is marked out in their open surface by
a double line of buoys. Then the most difficult portion of the original
work is reached--viz., the cutting of El Guisr, which is six miles long,
the depth from ground-level to surface of water being about forty-five
feet. This is by far the highest land in the Isthmus. Leaving the El
Guisr cutting, the open waters of Lake Timsah, (_Crocodile Lake_) are
reached, and far away across its blue mirror-like surface stretches the
double line of buoys, marking out the track. On the northern shore of
the lake, buried in a delightful mass of vegetation, lies the French town
of Ismailia, once the great centre from which operations during the
construction of the Canal were conducted, and now one of the principal
stations whence its navigation is controlled by means of telegraph. Lake
Timsah has an area of some six or seven square miles, and the huge fleet
of war vessels, transports, and tenders which Lord Wolseley used as a
base for his operations in the late campaign lay there without
difficulty. From Lake Timsah the Suez Canal holds a roughly parallel
course with the Freshwater Canal and the Suez line of railway, and passes
through a long cutting into the Bitter Lakes, an extremely tame and
uninteresting sheet of water some fifteen miles long, with flat, low,
sandy banks, and thence into another long cutting--some twenty-six feet
deep at Shalouf--after which the flat sandy plains of Suez are traversed,
and the head of the gulf reached.
The impression is general that the Suez Canal is cut through immense
deposits of sand, or sand and water, but this is quite erroneous. The
desert, it is true, is sandy and sterile, but the sand is quite
superficial, covering a gypseous clay, not at all difficult to work in.
From Balah to the Bitter Lakes there is fine muddy sand, with clay at
intervals, and at Serapeum a rocky barrier. From the Bitter Lakes to
Suez, however, there is a good clay, with limestone at Shalouf. The
sinuosities in the Canal are such as to render the passage of vessels
over 400 feet long somewhat difficult. It was expected that these curves
would prevent the washing away of the banks, but it is doubtful whether
they have at all contributed to the preservation of the sandy
embankments. Indeed, most of the predictions of the early destruction of
the Canal by the operation of natural causes have been proved to be as
ill-founded as such predictions generally are. The banks have no
ill-regulated propensity for crumbling away. The Canal is _not_ in
perpetual and imminent danger of being silted-up. The enormous and
costly dredging operations that were to swallow more than the revenue of
the undertaking are unknown, and the sole matter for regret is that the
Canal was not made as wide again as it is, for the accommodation of the
vast traffic it has created. Among the many confident prophesies made by
professional engineers of the day, one stands recorded in the technical
papers to the effect that every vessel must necessarily be towed through
the Canal, the explanation being that the regulation speed of five miles
per hour was not sufficient to afford steering "way"; hence, said the
prophet, the slightest wind across the line of the Canal must infallibly
blow ashore any vessel whose commander should have the temerity to
attempt to steam between the two seas. Experience, however, has shown
that the largest vessels are under perfect command when propelled by
their own engines.
It is impossible for anyone to pass through the Canal without being
impressed with the urgent necessity for vastly increased accommodation
for the constantly augmenting traffic. The delays occasioned by the
difficulties in coaling, the blocks in the Canal--caused sometimes by the
enormous traffic, and sometimes by the sinking of a ship across the
narrow channel--are most vexatious. No less than five days elapsed
between the time of the arrival of our steamer at Port Said and of its
departure from Suez, a distance of less than one hundred miles.
In every way it is most unfortunate for English commerce that--thanks to
the mulish obstinacy of Lord Palmerston--the management of the Canal
should have been thrown into the hands of Frenchmen; for, while according
the highest meed of praise to M. de Lesseps for his genius, tenacity of
purpose, and energy, in designing and carrying out such a vast
undertaking in the teeth of obstacles which would have daunted most men,
it is impossible to ignore the fact that, as compared with English
traffic-managers, the French officials responsible for the working of the
Canal are vastly inferior in capacity. The spirit of officialism as
displayed by a liberal use of red tape, and a certain non-elasticity in
carrying out the laws, so familiar to all travellers in France, exists in
an intensified form in the local management of the Canal. To the
ordinary traveller through the Canal, for example, it seems absurd that
vessels should be stopped for the night while some hours of light remain,
yet as soon as the sun goes down no further advance can be made. Again,
although daylight comes long before sunrise, it is forbidden to move till
the sun is up. Then again, experience shows that by the use of the
electric light the largest vessels can be handled with the utmost ease.
An electric light fixed in the foremast of a ship sweeps the Canal from
bank to bank, and for all practical purposes gives a light equal to that
of day; it seems strange, therefore, that vessels possessing such
appliances should not be permitted to proceed during the night. If one
ventures to make such a suggestion to a Canal official, he at once
replies that the rules laid down for the regulation of the traffic forbid
night passages, and if one further ventures to remind him that the said
rules were made before the introduction of electric lighting, he shrugs
his shoulders and plainly intimates that you have tried his patience long
enough.
A little delegation of authority from the chief office to the pilot or
other Canal official on board the ships would at once result in a vast
diminution of delay, and consequently in an increase to the capability of
the Canal, but the genius of French administration appears to be opposed
to the granting of any latitude or freedom of action to inferior
officials, and so in the administration of the Canal everything is done
by the official at the chief office in Ismailia, who transmits his orders
by telegraph.
But, after all the practicable improvements in the navigation of the
present Canal have been made, the necessity for a new one will be no less
urgent, and it is especially unfortunate that the Conservative party
should have made negotiations with M. de Lesseps so difficult by openly
suggesting that we should use our accidental supremacy in Egypt to
advance the national interests, without regard to the rights possessed by
him. Whatever the actual status of M. de Lesseps, under his concession,
may be, it is clear that he has always considered he had a monopoly. At
the outset he endeavoured to enlist British sympathy and capital in his
undertaking by demonstrating that the bulk of the traffic must
necessarily come from English sources. Was it probable, therefore, he
would have spent the Company's capital in making the Canal if, after
having demonstrated its success, an English company were at liberty to
make another, alongside, and take away four-fifths of its traffic?
In business matters the French are proverbially short-sighted. They fail
to see that "three sixpences are better than one shilling," and are
consequently unwilling to surrender present advantages without an
absolute certainty of an early and great benefit arising from their doing
so. They are much more truly a nation of retailers or shopkeepers than
the English are, notwithstanding Napoleon's famous epithet. What is
wanted is a greater breadth of view in the administration of the Canal,
and it is in this respect that it is particularly unfortunate there is
not a larger English representation on the Board of Management. If we
had a representation equal to our share of the capital, the result would
soon be apparent in the adoption of a line of policy giving the utmost
facilities to the Canal's customers, to the great advantage of both.
The recent discussions upon the Suez Canal question cannot fail to be of
the greatest use to the Government when they reopen negotiations with M.
de Lesseps, and if the latter finds it impossible to make another canal
without a further concession of land, he may probably think it advisable
to conciliate his partner and chief customer by making greater
concessions in return for the influence of the British Government with
that of the Khedive and the Sultan on his behalf.
But even if no further advantages for British commerce be obtained from
the Canal Company, this country occupies a unique position as regards
communication with the East. In less than fifteen years the whole of the
original cost of the British shares, both principal and interest, will
have been paid out of profits, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer of the
day will have to decide as to the destination of the revenue which the
shares produce. It appears to me that, after making provision for the
necessary expenses attending the administration of the property, it would
be both just and politic to return the balance to the owners of the ships
whose use of the Canal has been the means of creating the revenue. If
this course be adopted British commerce will be immensely benefited, for
our ships will be able to use the Canal at a little more than half the
expense falling upon those of other nations, and this great advantage
will have been obtained without having cost the British taxpayer a single
penny. The money will simply be returned into the hands which
contributed it, and the proposal, therefore, does not in any way partake
of the character of a bounty.
What is known as the Dual Control was established in 1879. By it the
British and French Controllers-General were invested with considerable
powers over the administration of the finances, in addition to which the
Khedive undertook to assign a certain portion of the revenue for the
discharge of the national obligations.
In the following year a Law of Liquidation, as drawn up by the
Commissioners appointed for the purpose, was issued with the agreement of
all the interested European Powers.
In return for these concessions, the Foreign Bondholders made a
compromise with the Egyptian Government involving the surrender of a
considerable portion of their claims. This settlement, while relieving
the country from an enormous burden, placed it in a position to meet its
liabilities and to progress in the development of its resources, and, in
the language of Lord Granville in his despatch to Lord Dufferin, "it was
undoubtedly working well for the material prosperity of the country, and
promised to do so for the future;" and in a subsequent despatch the
Foreign Secretary declared that, through the action of the Control, great
advantages had been secured for the natives, such as "the spread of
education, the abolition of vexatious taxation, the establishment of the
land-tax on a regular and equitable basis, and the diminution of forced
labour."
Our dragoman, an intelligent Copt, fully corroborated Lord Granville's
statement. He said that all that the Egyptian people required was
moderate taxation, certainty as to its amount and as to the time of its
collection, and such a military law as would relieve them from the
press-gang. He further said that before the institution of the Control,
whenever the Khedive wanted a new ironclad, or a new palace, or half a
dozen additional inmates for his harem, he ordered a new tax to be
levied; this tax was sold to some of the rapacious pachas about the
Palace, and resold by them to professional tax-gatherers. These wretches
committed the greatest atrocities upon the miserable fellaheen, exacting
the uttermost farthing under the threat, and often the actual
application, of torture; "but now," said my informant, "although the
taxes are heavy, their amount is known, and they are collected in coin
after the harvest has been gathered."
The country was becoming very prosperous, and there was a surplus in the
Treasury when, in February, 1881, a military riot broke out, originating
in the arrest of certain Egyptian officers, among whom was the Colonel of
the 1st Regiment. The officers of this regiment broke into the Council
Room of the Ministry of War, ill-treated the Minister, and then, having
released the prisoners, proceeded to the Khedive's Palace, followed by
the men of the regiment. In menacing tones they demanded the dismissal
of the Minister of War, and redress for their grievances. Arabi Bey was
one of the chief actors in this revolt. The Khedive was compelled to
submit, the mutinous colonels were reinstated, and tranquillity was
restored for the time.
The army officers were not long, however, in showing what their principal
object was, for in a few weeks after the revolt, decrees were issued
increasing the pay of the army and navy to the extent of nearly 60,000 a
year. The Controllers-General had now become aware that everything was
at the disposal of the military party, and that the Minister could not
guarantee that the officers would not next day insist upon fresh
financial concessions. The next demand made by the colonels was that
nominations to vacant posts in regiments should rest with them, and this
was granted. The object of all this was clear enough--indeed, Arabi
declared at one of the meetings of the Commission that "he would not
yield unconditional obedience to the War Minister." As time went on
fresh symptoms of disaffection broke out, all indicating the
determination of the military party to throw off all control and
restraint. In September the Ministry was dismissed at the instance of
these same men, who throughout the remainder of the year continued a
harassing series of turbulent outbreaks, gradually increasing in
audacity, and more and more trenching upon matters of administration.
They went so far as to demand an increase in the army, involving an
annual addition to the estimates of 280,000, although the Controllers
declared that not nearly half that amount was available.
The principal figure in all these outbreaks was Arabi, who steadily kept
himself at the head of the disaffected party, and gradually increased his
influence. After being appointed Under Secretary of War, then Chief
Secretary, he was described by Sir E. Malet as having become "Arbiter of
the destinies of the country." In March he was made Pasha, and the
Khedive was compelled to assent to a number of promotions by Arabi, who
insisted on dispensing with the examination required by law for officers.
In a word, the real power had become vested in the chiefs of the military
party, and the objects of those chiefs were showing themselves more and
more evidently to be, increase of the army, increase of pay and promotion
of a large number of officers to high military rank--the desire of all
such men in every country of the world.
In the following month Arabi caused numerous arrests to be made among the
officers and soldiery in consequence of an alleged conspiracy to murder
him. Among the prisoners was the Minister of War, who had been dismissed
at the demand of the mutinous regiments in the previous February. The
prisoners were tried by a court-martial--irregularly constituted--and the
proceedings were kept secret, while no counsel were allowed for the
defence. It was generally believed that torture had been used to extort
confession. Forty officers were condemned to exile for life to the
farthest limits of the Soudan. The Khedive, with great courage, refused
to sanction the sentence, and issued a decree commuting it to simple
banishment from Egypt.
In the meantime the excitement continued to increase, and the Governments
of France and England decided to send a naval force to Alexandria for the
protection of the interests of their subjects in Egypt. The combined
fleet arrived at Alexandria on the 20th of May. On June 11th the great
riot and massacre of Europeans took place, Arabi in the meanwhile
erecting new earthworks and strengthening the forts, in spite of his
repeated assurances to the contrary. On July 11th, the French fleet
having withdrawn, and twenty-four hours' notice having expired, Admiral
Seymour opened fire on the forts, and after a few hours completely
silenced them; not, however, without his ships having suffered
considerably in the encounter.
The above is a sketch of Arabi's career from the time of his first coming
into public notice to the time when he became Dictator. He was at no
pains to conceal his character as a military adventurer, and every
successive step in his career proves him to have been no other. It is
true that during the last few weeks he appeared to carry the country with
him, which, however, is not difficult to account for, seeing that he was
"master of the legions," and that detachments of the army had been sent
out into the highways and byways to compel men to come in at the point of
the bayonet. In ordinary times it is no uncommon thing to see a
chain-gang going through the streets of Egyptian towns composed, not of
criminals, but of unhappy wretches brought in by the press-gang for
service in the army, and should any of them falter in their steps through
weariness or despair, the heavy stick of the driver is always ready to
descend upon their shoulders. The only effect of the success of the
movement headed by Arabi would have been the perpetuation and extension
of this terrible state of things; and yet this is the man who has been
persistently held up to the admiration of the world as a pure-minded
patriot by a large section of what is called the Peace Party in England.
In the towns Arabi and his agents worked upon the cupidity of the lower
orders by telling them that he intended to drive the foreigners into the
sea, and that their property should be given over to a general loot. In
the country districts, where the fellaheen are ground down under the heel
of the usurer--always a foreigner, as the Koran forbids usury--Arabi
promised to cancel the village debts, and banish the usurers; {259a}
while in Upper Egypt, where usury is less common, he appealed to
Mohammedan fanaticism. But nowhere did he appeal to a national
sentiment, {259b} until, indeed, by various devices, he had become
absolute master of the country, when perhaps he thought he might say
_L'Etat, c'est moi_.