So far as the distinction between gifts of nature and products of labour

goes, movable wealth and immovable stand on precisely the same footing.

Both are alike gifts of nature, and both are alike products of labour.

In thinking otherwise Mr. George is certainly supported by the high

authority of Mr. Mill, who has also failed to recognise how far arable

land was really an artificial product. He says: "The land is not of

man's creation, and for a person to appropriate to himself a mere gift

of nature, not made to him in particular, but which belonged to all

others until he took possession of it, is _prima facie_ an injustice to

all the rest" (Dissert. iv., 289). But what is of man's creation? He

finds his materials already created, and he merely appropriates them,

and adapts them to his own uses by labour, exactly as he does with the

soil that in his hands becomes fruitful fields. Land is as much a

creation of man as anything else is, and everything is as much a gift of

God as land. That distinction is therefore of no possible help to us.

The true ground for observing a difference between the right of property

in land and the right of property in other things must be sought for

elsewhere. It is not because land is a gift of nature, while other

things are products of labour, but because land is at once limited in

quantity, and essential to the production of the general necessaries of

life. These are the characteristics that make land a unique and

exceptional commodity, and require the right of property in it to be

subject to different conditions from the right of property in other

products of labour. The justification of the restriction of that right

in the case of land accordingly rests neither on theological dogma nor

on metaphysical distinction, but on a plain practical social necessity.

Where land is still abundant, where population is yet scanty as compared

with the land it occupies, there is no occasion for interference; the

proprietor might enjoy as absolute a title as Mr. George claims over his

pen, without any public inconvenience, but, on the contrary, with all

the public benefit that belongs to absolute ownership in other things.

But as soon as population has increased so much as to compel recourse to

inferior soils for its subsistence, it becomes the duty of society to

see that the most productive use possible is being made of its land, and

to introduce such a mode of tenure as seems most likely effectually to

secure that end. Under these circumstances private property in land

requires an additional justification, besides that which is sufficient

for other things; it must be conducive to the best use of the land.

Society has become obliged to husband its resources; if it will do so

most efficiently by means of private property, private property will

stand; if not, then it must fall. Of course land is not the only kind of

property that is subject to this social claim. All property is so held,

but in the case of other things the claim seldom comes into open view,

because it is only on exceptional occasions that it is necessary to call

it into active operation. Provisions are among the things Mr. George

considers not gifts of God but products of labour, but in a siege

private property in provisions would absolutely cease, and the social

right would be all in all. These products of labour would be

nationalized at that time because in the circumstances the general

interests of the community required them to be so, and the reason why

they are not nationalized at other times is at bottom really this, that

the general interest of the community is better served by leaving them

as they are. In some parts of the world all products of labour actually

are nationalized; in Samoa, for example, a man who wants anything has a

latent but recognised claim to obtain it from any man who has it; but

Dr. Turner explains that the result is most pernicious, because while it

has extinguished absolute destitution, it has lowered the level of

prosperity and prevented all progress, no man caring to labour when he

cannot retain the fruits of his labour. Civilized communities, however,

have always perceived the immense public advantage of the institution of

private property, and the right to such property, of whatever kind,

really rests in the last analysis on a social justification, and is held

subject to a social claim, if any reason occurred to exert it. In this

respect there is nothing peculiar about land. The only peculiarity about

land is that a necessity exists for the practical exercise of the claim,

because landed property involves the control of the national food

supply, and of other primary and essential needs of the community. The

growth of population forces more and more imperatively upon us the

necessity of making the most of our land, and consequently raises the

question how far private property in such a subject is conducive to that

end.

Now, in regard to capital invested in trade or manufactures, it has

always been justly considered that the private interest of its possessor

constitutes the best guarantee for its most productive use, because the

trader or manufacturer is animated by the purely commercial motive of

gaining the greatest possible increase out of the employment of his

capital. But it must be admitted that the private interest of the

landlord does not supply us with so sure a guarantee. He desires wealth

no doubt as well as the trader, but he is not so purely influenced by

that desire in his use of his property. He is apt to sacrifice the most

productive use of land--or, in other words, his purely pecuniary

interest--to considerations of ease or pleasure, or social importance,

or political influence. He may consolidate farms, to the distress of the

small tenants and the injury of the country generally, merely because

there is less trouble in managing a few large farmers than a number of

small; or he may refuse to give his tenants those conditions of tenure

that are essential to efficient cultivation of the land, merely to keep

them more dependent on himself in political conflicts. Mr. George,

however, has a strong conviction that even the purely pecuniary interest

of the private owner tends to keep land out of cultivation, but he

builds his conclusion on the special experiences of land speculation

rather than on the general facts of land-owning. Of course if there were

no land-owning, there would be no land speculation; but to abolish

land-owning merely to cure the evils of land speculation is, if I may

borrow an illustration of his own, tantamount to burning a house to

roast a joint. Besides, all that is alleged is that speculation keeps a

certain amount of land in America out of the market. In other countries

it suffers from a contrary reproach. The evil of the _bandes noires_ of

France and the _Landmetzger_ of Germany is their excessive activity in

bringing land into the market, by which they have aggravated the

pernicious subdivision of estates that exist. In America the effect of

speculation may be different, but at any rate keeping land out of the

market is one thing, keeping it out of cultivation is another; and it is

hard to see how speculation should prevent the extension of cultivation,

because cultivation may be as well undertaken by tenant as proprietor,

and why should a speculator, who buys land to sell it in a few years at

a high profit, object to taking an annual rent in the interval from any

one who thought it would pay him to hire the land? It would not be fair

to condemn the landlord for the sins of the land speculator, even if the

latter were all that Mr. George's curious horror of him represents him

to be, and if he exercised any of the irrationally extravagant effects

which Mr. George ascribes to his influence over the economy of things;

but as a matter of fact a sober judgment can discover no possible reason

why the private interest of a land speculator as such should stand in

the way of the cultivation of the soil he happens to hold. What concerns

us here, however, is not the private interest of the speculator, but the

private interest of the landlord, whether a speculative purchaser or

not. Now, much land lies waste at present through the operation of the

Game Laws, which establish an artificial protection of sport as an

alternative industry against agriculture, but then the general

institution of private property in land must not be credited with the

specific effects of the Game Laws, and need not be suppressed in order

to get rid of them. The abolition of these laws would place the culture

of wild animals and the culture of domestic animals on more equal terms

in the commercial competition, and would probably restore the balance of

the landlord's pecuniary advantage in favour of the latter. Besides, it

is not a question of ownership but of occupation of land that is really

involved. If the land were nationalized to-morrow, the State would have

to decide whether it would let as much land as had hitherto been let to

sporting tenants; and of course it can decide that, if it chooses, now.

So far as I am able to judge, there is only one respect in which the

pecuniary interest of the landlord appears to be unfavourable to an

extension of cultivation. There is probably a considerable quantity of

land that might be cultivated with advantage to the community generally

by labourers who expected nothing from it but the equivalent of ordinary

wages, and which is at present suffered to lie waste, because its

produce would be insufficient to yield anything more than wages, and

would afford nothing to the capitalist farmer as profit or to the

landlord as rent. How far this operates I have, of course, no means of

knowing; but here again one may deal with waste ground if it were judged

requisite to do so, without resorting to any revolutionary schemes of

general land nationalization. Of course much land is kept in an inferior

condition, or perhaps absolutely waste, through want of capital on the

part of its owners, but the same result would happen under the

nationalization plan, through want of capital on the part of the

tenants. Mr. George does not propose to supply any of the necessary

capital out of public funds, but trusts to the enterprise and ability of

the tenants themselves to furnish it; so that the occupier would be no

better situated under the State than he would be under an embarrassed

landlord, if he enjoyed compensation for his improvements. In either

case he would improve as far as his own means allowed, and he would

improve no further. But if by nationalization of land we get rid of the

embarrassed landlord, we lose at the same time the wealthy one, and the

tenants of the latter would be decidedly worse off under the State,

which only drew rents, but laid out no expenses. The community, too, and

the general cultivation of the country would be greatly the losers. Mr.

George has probably little conception of the amount of money an

improving landlord thinks it necessary to invest in maintaining or

increasing the productive capacity of his land. A convenient

illustration of it is furnished by the evidence of Sir Arnold Kemball,

commissioner of the Duke of Sutherland, before the recent Crofters'

Commission. Sir Arnold gave in an abstract of the revenue and

expenditure on the Sutherland estates for the thirty years 1853-1882,

and it appears that the total revenue for that period was L1,039,748,

and the total expenditure (exclusive of the expenses of the ducal

establishment in Sutherland) was L1,285,122, or a quarter of a million

more than the entire rental. Here, then, is a dilemma for Mr. George:

With equally liberal management of the land on the part of the State,

how is he to endow widows and pay the taxes of the _bourgeoisie_ out of

the rents? And without such liberal management how is he to promote the

spread of cultivation better than the present owners?

The production of food, however, is only one of those uses of the land

in which the public have a necessary and growing interest. They require

sites for houses, for churches, for means of communication, for a

thousand purposes, and the landlord often refuses to grant such

altogether, or charges an exorbitant price for the privilege. He has

refused sites to churches from sectarian reasons; for labourers'

cottages in rural districts for fear of increasing the poor-rate; in

small towns with a growing trade from purely sentimental objections to

their growth; he has refused rights of way to people in search of pure

air, for fear they disturbed his game, and he has enclosed ancient paths

and commons which had been the enjoyment of all from immemorial time. I

do not speak of the ground rent in large cities where owners are

numerous, because that, though a question of great magnitude, involves

peculiarities that separate it from the allied question of rural

ground-rent, and make it more advantageously treated on its own basis.

But in country districts where owners are few, and the possession of

land therefore confers on one man power of many sorts over the growth

and comfort of a whole community, that power ought certainly to be

closely controlled by the State. Its tyrannical exercise has probably

done more than anything else to excite popular hostility against

landlordism, and to lend strength to the present crusade for the total

abolition of private property in land. But here again the cure is far

too drastic for the disease. What is needed is merely the prevention of

abuses in the management of land, and that will be accomplished better

by regulations in the interest of the community than by any scheme of

complete nationalization. A sound land reform must--in this country at

least--set its face in precisely the contrary direction. It must aim at

multiplying, instead of extirpating, the private owners of land, and at

nursing by all wise and legitimate means the growth of a numerous

occupying proprietary. State ownership by itself is no better guarantee

than private ownership by itself for the most productive possible use of

the land; indeed, if we judge from the experience of countries where it

is practised, it is a much worse one; but by universal consent the best

and surest of all guarantees for the highest utilization of the land is

private ownership, coupled with occupation by the owner.

INDEX.

A.

Agriculture, Russian, 291.

Albrecht, the Prophet, 137.

Alexander II., Czar, 264, 265;

death, 283.

Alliance, Republican Socialist, 47.

Amorphism, 274.

Anabaptist Socialism, 219.

Anarchism, 4;

in France, 47;

Austria, 55;

Italy, 58;

Spain, 62;

Portugal, 66;

Belgium, 70;

Holland, 73;

Switzerland, 74;

Boston, 77, 248;

United States, 80;

London, 86;

Melbourne, 91;

ultra-socialistic, 249;

ultra-democratic, 250;

ultra-revolutionary, 255;

anti-religious, 254;

Warsaw, 296.

_Anarchist, The_, 86.

Anarchists, Congress at Geneva, 254.

Applegarth, Mr., 320.

Arbitration, Papal, 245;

courts of, 431.

Arendal Congress, 66.

Ashburnham, Lord, 243.

Austria, Socialism in, 54;

condition of people in, 56.

Aveling, Dr. and Mrs., on America, 81;

on Knights of Labor, 84;

on Anarchists, 249.

B.

Babbage, C., 26.

Baboeuf, C. G., 17, 188.

Bakunin, M., in Italy, 57;

Hegelian, 261;

with German Hegelians, 261;

escape, 273;

in London, 274;

Amorphism, 274;

Lyons insurrection, 278;

in Zurich, 278.

Bamberger, M., 203.

Barton, Mr., 370.

Bastiat, M., 297.

Bax, Belfort, 84.

Baxter, Dudley, 303.

Beaconsfield, Lord, 210.

Bebel, A., 34;

on armaments, 37, 41, 125.

Becker, B., 108.

Beesley, Professor, 149.

Beggars in Russia, 286.

Belgium, Socialism, 45, 70;

forests, 412;

railways, 416.

Bellamy, E., 79, 403, 434.

Besant, Mrs., 88.

Bismarck, Prince, State Socialism, 12;

Rodbertus on, 34;

peasant-catching, 52;

right to labour, 421.

Black Division Party, The, 283.

Black Division, The, 292.

Black Hand, The, 62.

Blanc, Louis, 2, 3, 95, 122;

theist, 254.

Blanquists, 53.

Boeckh, Professor, 97.

Boehmert, V., 315.

Boerenbond, The, 245.

Bonar, Mr., quoted, 75.

Boston Anarchists, 77.

Boycotting, 42.

Birmingham, 433.

Brassey, Lord, 310, 330.

Brentano, Professor L., on A. Smith, 198;

on condition of people, 204;

working-class claims, 213;

trade unions, 216;

working class insurance, 216.

Brimstone League, 148.

Brissot, M., 16.

Brook Farm, 402.

Brousse, M., 50.

Broussists, 51, 52.

Buchsel, Dr., 239.

Buda Pest Congress, 54.

Burns, John, 85.

Burt, T., M.P., 86.

C.

Cabet, 3.

Cairnes, Professor, on Mill, 5;

on working-class prospects, 297;

cost of labour, 310.

California, 435.

Carpenter, E., 89.

Castelar, E., 61.

Catholic Church on employer's responsibility, 72.

Catholic Socialists, 223.

Catholic Workmen's Clubs, 223, 229;

in France, 243.

Caudron, Father, 243, 244.

Cavour, Count, 288.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J., M.P., ransom, 385, 386;

overgovernment, 395.

Channing, W. H., 403.

Chevalier, Michel, 348.

China, Socialist Clubs, 92.

Christian Socialism in England, 87, 220;

Germany, 223;

Austria, 242;

France, 243.

Christian Social Association, 229.

Christian Social Politics, 242.

Church, Primitive Communism of, 237.

Clemenceau, M., 47.

Coaches, Stage, 451.

Cobden, R., 221;

on Government intervention, 372;

on Prussian Government, 393.

Colins, M., 2.

Colinsian Socialists, 2, 72.

Colonization, Nihilist, 281.

Companies, Joint Stock, 417.

Communards, 46.

Commune, Paris, 277;

Russian, 259, 289.

Communist League, 142, 144.

Conciliation Courts, 35.

Congress at Halle, 33, 37;

Gotha, 88;

Havre, 47, 48;

Wyden, 44, 126, 421;

Zurich, 76;

Eisenach, 202;

D'Etienne, 50;

Buda Pest, 54;

Lisbon, 66;

Arendal, 86;

Stockholm, 67;

Copenhagen, 69;

Newark, U.S.A., 80;

Leipzig, 103, 179;

Geneva, 150.

Co-operative production, 338, 339.

Copenhagen Congress, 59.

Costa, A., 58.

Councils of Labour, 35.

Crises, Commercial, 323, 451.

D.

Dave, V., 86.

Davenant, Dr., 303, 455.

Davitt, Michael, 90.

Dawes, Mr., quoted, 60.

Day of labour, Normal, 240, 434.

Day of labour, Eight hours, 36, 52;

Cardinal Manning on, 244;

international compulsory, 434;

in Victoria, 435;

California, 435.

Death-rate, 452.

Delitzsch. _See_ Schultze-Delitzsch.

Democracy, relation to socialism, 16, 18;

American and Continental, 20.

Denmark, socialism, 67.

Denny, William, 315, 322.

Distribution of incomes, 456.

Dockyards, English, 410.

Dolgourouki, the revolutionist, 274.

Doellinger, Dr. von, 223.

Doennigsen, Helena von, 106.

Dynamite, 256.

E.

_Egaux_, Conspiracy of, 17.

Eight Hour Day. _See_ Day of labour.

Eisenach Congress, 202.

Ely, Professor, 77, 80.

Emancipation of serfs, 270, 284, 286.

Engel, Dr., 31, 203.

Engelhardt, Professor, 293.

Engels, F., 93, 131, 142, 146.

England, Socialism in, 83.

Equality, Love of, 24.

Equality of conditions, 385.

Ethical School of Economics, 209.

Eudes, General, 53.

F.

Fabian Society, 88.

Familistere of Guise, 2.

Farmer, Small, 27, 28, 30.

Federalism of C. Marlo, 178.

Ferroti (Schedo), 267.

Ferroul, M., 52.

Feuerbach, Friedrich, 133.

Feuerbach, L., 131, 132.

Fleischmann, M., 42.

Fluctuations, Commercial, 323.

Forbes, Father, 243.

Forestry, 412.

Fourier, 23, 254.

France, Liberty in, 21;

socialism, 45;

municipal socialism, 50.

Franklin, B., 13;

on high wages, 365.

Fraternity, 269.

Freiligrath, F., 146.

Froebel, F., 130.

Frohme, M., 35.

Fulda Conference, 229.

G.

Gallenga, A., on unemployed in Italy, 59.

Game Laws, 497.

Geneva Congress, 150.

George, Henry, United Labour Party, 78;

a semi-socialist, 78;

Mayoralty of New York, 79;

in Australia, 90;

"Progress and Poverty," 440;

his problem, 445;

his explanation, 461;

theory of population, 464;

of wages, 465;

profits, 474;

rent, 476;

his remedy, 486;

land nationalization, 485.

Germany, Socialism in, 33;

Crown lands and industries, 345.

Giffen, R., 449, 452.

Gilbert's Act, 424.

Glennie, J. S., 34.

Gneist, Professor, 203.

Goethe, 127.

Goltz, T. von der, on piecework, 315.

Goschen, Right Hon. G. J., State intervention, 346;

rationale of Factory Acts, 350;

distribution of wealth, 460.

Gotha Congress, 38.

Gotha Programme, 38, 40.

Graham, Mr. Cunninghame, M.P., 85.

Greig, George, 490.

Greeley, Horace, on socialist communities, 402.

Gronlund, L., 81.

Guesde, J., 48, 50, 73.

Guesdists, 51, 52.

H.

Hadley, Professor, 416.

Hale, Sir M., 301.

Halle Congress, 33, 37, 41.

Hartmann, E. von, 355.

Hasselmann, 45, 72.

Havre Congress, 47.

Haxthausen, Professor, 259, 262.

Headlam, Rev. S., 84, 88.

Hearn, Professor, 347.

Hegel, 131, 261.

Hegelians, Young, 3, 5, 130, 139.

Heine, H., on Lassalle, 96, 98;

on parties, 126.

Held, Professor, 196.

Herder, 127.

Hermann, 309.

Herring brand, 412.

Herzen, Alexander, 261, 262, 264, 265;

letter renouncing revolutionism, 273, 274.

Herzenism, 266.

Hildebrand, Professor B., 201, 203.

Hill, Sir R., 382.

Hime, Dr., Sheffield, quoted, 341.

Hirsch, Max, 203.

Hoedel, 33.

Holland, Socialism in, 72.

House Communities of Russia, Dissolution of, 289.

Housing of poor, in Sheffield, 341;

McCulloch's view, 367.

Howell, G., M.P., on piecework, 315.

Hughes, Thomas, 222.

Humboldt, A. von, 98, 102.

Humboldt, W. von, on freedom, 334;

on marriage, 353;

on energy, 396.

Humphreys, Mr., 482.

Hyndman, H. M., 84.

I.

Icarians, 2, 77.

"Illegal Men," 257.

Incomes, Distribution of, 486.

Increment, Unearned, 488.

Ingram, Dr. J. K., 371.

Insurance, National, 423;

in New Zealand, 417.

International Working Men's Association, in France, 46;

Italy, 57;

Spain, 60, 62;

Denmark, 68;

Belgium, 70;

Holland, 70;

Jurassian Federation, 73;

origin, 147;

Paris Commune, 152;

disruption, 153;

in Russia, 276.

International Working People's Association, U.S.A., 80.

Internationality, 126.

Ireland, Poor Law, 385.

Irish labour, 365.

"Iron and Cruel Law," view of Lassalle, 121;

of Ketteler, 226;

of Todt, 237;

refuted, 300.

Italy, Socialism in, 57.

J.

Jacobites, 126.

Janson, Professor, pauperism in St. Petersburg, 284.

Jevons, Professor W. Stanley, commercial statistics, 327.

Jews become Nihilists, 271, 296.

Jurassian Federation, 73, 250.

_Justice_, 84.

K.

Karakasoff's attempt, 276.

Kemball, Sir Arnold, 495.

Ketteler, Bishop, 224;

iron and cruel law, 226;

right of property, 227;

part of Church in Social Question, 228.

Kildonan Strath improvements, 490.

King, Gregory, occupiers of land, 29;

classes of population, 301;

distribution of wealth, 303;

rent of land, 454.

Kingsley, Charles, 221.

Knies, Professor, 201.

Knights of Labor, 82.

Koegel, Dr., 139.

Koelping, Father, 223.

Koscheleff, 267.

Krapotkin, Prince, 45;

Lyons anarchist, 48;

English anarchism, 86;

housing the poor, 250;

the Municipal Councils, 252;

painter, 280.

L.

Labour, Cost of, in different countries, 310.

Labour Department of State, 35.

Labour Emancipation League of Russia, 295.

Labouring class prospects, 297, 312.

Labour, Knights of, 82.

Labour Party of Belgium, 71.

Labour Statistical Bureaux, 326.

Lafargue, P., 52.

"Land and Liberty" Society, 283.

Land, diminishing return, 467;

an artificial product, 489;

Mill on, 491:

speculation in, 493;

reform, 496.

_Landmetzger_, 484.

Land Nationalization in Belgium, 72;

in England, 89.

Land Restoration League, 90.

Laing, Samuel, 411.

Laisant, M., 64.

_Laissez-faire_, 336, 352;

repudiated by McCulloch, 361;

never adopted in England, 373;

and property, 394.

Lange, F. A., 216.

Laveleye, E. de, on Italian peasantry, 59;

no revolutionary Metropolis in Italy, 60;

Spanish socialist clubs, 61;

the Portuguese, 65;

the Scandinavians, 67;

Belgian socialism, 71;

State Socialism in England, 346;

professes State Socialism, 384.

Lavergne, M. de, on French and English rural population, 46.

Lavrists, 280.

Lavroff, P., 278;

his principles, 279;

followers, 295.

Lassalle, F., 92;

Heine, 96;

character, 96;

epitaph, 97;

a revolution, 97;

Humboldt, 98;

Countess Hatzfeldt's defence, 99;

theft of _cassette_, 100;

conviction for treason, 101;

literary work, 102;

"Working Men's Programme," 103;

summary of, 109;

General Working Men's Association, 105;

progress of propaganda, 105;

Helena von Doennigsen, 106;

death, 108;

apotheosis, 108;

reply to Schultze-Delitzsch, 114;

new socialistic constitution of property, 116;

anarchic socialism of existing _regime_, 117;

Ricardo's doctrine of value, 119;

"iron and cruel law," 121;

productive societies, 122;

a national socialist, 124;

letter to Feuerbach, 172;

on the modern economists, 201;

popularity in Russia, 277;

on increase of production, 336.

Le Basse, Father, 243.

Ledru-Rollin, quoted, 22.

Leipzig Congress, 103, 179.

Leo XIII., 243;

encyclical, 245.

Le Play, 284.

Leroux, P., 3.

Leroy-Beaulieu, Paul, 219.

Lessing, 127.

Levi, Professor Leone, 304.

Liberalism, Marlo on, 185.

Liberty in America, 20;

in France, 21;

under democracy, 24.

Lichtenstein, Prince, 243.

Liebknecht, W., 34;

on revolution, 42;

peasant catching, 42;

religion, 42;

future socialist State, 43;

expulsion from General Working Men's Association of Germany, 125;

foundation of Social Democratic Labour Party, 125;

speech at Leipzig, 249.

Liege, Congress, 243.

Lilyenkrantz, Jacquette, 69.

Limitation of production, 313.

Limousin, M., minimum of socialism, 14.

Lisbon Congress, 66.

Locke, John, 353.

London, death-rate, 302.

Ludlow, Edmund, 127.

Ludlow, J. M., 221.

M.

Mably, 161.

Macaulay, Lord, quoted, 214.

Macdonald, Mr., Owenite, 403.

Machiavelli, secret societies, 257.

Malet, Mr., 45.

Malikowsy, 280.

Malthus, T. R., 369, 421.

Malthusianism, 17.

Manchester Party of Germany, 201, 212.

Manchester School, view of Maurice, 221;

of Kingsley, 221;

of Todt, 235;

their real doctrine, 372.

Manning, Cardinal, Liege letter, 244.

Marlboro' Association, 405.

Marlo, Carl, 178.

Marr, W., 136, 137.

Marshall, Professor A., 437.

Martensen, Bishop, Catholicism and socialism, 233.

Marx, Karl, historical necessity of socialism, 23;

social revolution impossible without English participation, 83;

despair of English participation, 84;

reception of _Das Kapital_, 127;

life, 129;

Young Hegelian, 130;

early views, 139;

Communist League, 142;

communist manifesto, 144;

International, 149;

inaugural address to, 151;

summary of _Das Kapital_, 156;

value, 160;

wages, 161;

normal workday, 161;

machinery, 170;

piecework, 172;

over-population, 174;

letter from Proudhon, 255;

popularity in Russia, 277.

Massachusetts, Joint Stock management in, 417.

Maurice, F. D., 11, 221.

McCulloch, J. R., disciple of Ricardo, 360;

Wages fund, 360;

_laissez-faire_, 361;

State management, 362;

factory system, 363;

pauper labour, 364;

factory legislation, 366;

housing the poor, 366;

poor law, 368;

agricultural produce, 456.

"Medalmen," 294.

Meeker, Mr., Fourierist, 408.

Melbourne anarchists, 91.

Menger, Prof. A., historical necessity of socialism, 23.

Meyer, Rudolph, 242, 383.

Michel, Louise, 48.

Mill, James, 360.

Mill, John Stuart, profession of socialism, 5;

liberty, 334;

province of Government, 353;

over-government in democracy, 395;

industrial habits under socialism, 404;

unearned increment, 488;

land, 472.

Ministry of Labour, 35.

Mint, The, 412.

_Mir_, The, 252, 262.

Molinari, G. de, 3, 45.

Montefiore, L., 97.

Morelly, 16.

Morier, Sir R., 288.

Morris, William, 84, 85.

Most, John, 44, 80, 248.

Moufang, Canon, 230, 231.

Mulhall, M., wages, 308;

textile workers, 323;

agricultural rent, 456.

Mun, Count A., de, 243.

Municipal management, 413.

Municipal socialism in France, 51.

Mutualists, 3.

N.

Napoleon I., 380.

Nasmyth, James, manual dexterity, 317, 440.

Nasse, Professor E., economic individualism in England, 346.

Neale, E. Vansittart, 87.

Netchaieff, 276.

Newark Congress, 80.

New Zealand, State insurance, 348.

Nicholas, Czar, 263, 264.

Niewenhuis, D., 72.

Nihilism, Russian, 45, 259;

name, 266.

Nobiling, 33.

No Man's land, 482.

Nordhoff, Mr., 403.

North American Phalanx, 408.

Norway, Socialism in, 66;

the poor, 452.

Noyes, Mr., 403.

O.

Oldham, co-operative mills, 338.

Old Believers, 292.

Oppenheim, M., 195.

Overtime, 320.

Owen, R. D., 405.

Owen, Robert, 77, 360.

Owenites, 2, 11, 77, 148;

in America, 404.

P.

Palm, 67.

Pan-destruction, 274.

Parsons, 249.

Patriotism, disparaged by socialists, 126;

by great writers, 127.

Paul, St., slave emancipation, 242.

Pauperism, St. Petersburg, 260;

aged, 423;

England, 449;

able-bodied, 450;

Norway, 452.

Peasant proprietary, prospects, 27;

in the International, 46.

Peasants' League in Belgium, 245.

Pensions, National, 423.

Perowskaia, Sophia, 280.

Pestel, 264.

Peukert, 55.

Piecework, 314.

Pio, 68.

Poles, The, 271.

Poor Law, England, 402;

McCulloch, 368;

S. Webb, 423.

Population theory, 464.

Porter, G. R., good wages and temperance, 318;

working class houses in Sheffield, 341.

Portugal, Socialism in, 65.

Possibilists, 50, 51.

Post-office management, 410.

Potter, George, piecework, 320.

Production, Limitation of, 313.

Productive associations, 79.

Profit-sharing, 339.

Propaganda of Deed, 256.

Property, diffusion, 23;

advantages of institution, 333.

Proudhon, anarchy, 250;

letter to Marx, 255;

pauperism, 475.

Prussia, socialism, 31;

condition of people, 31;

occupation of land, 32;

forests, 42.

R.

Railways, State, 416.

Rappists, 405.

Realistic School of Economics, 205.

Reclus, Elisee, anarchist, 48;

on Russian agriculture, 290.

Renan, E., 384.

Rent, Fair, 429;

agricultural, 456;

H. George, 476.

Republican Socialist Alliance in France, 54.

Revolutionist, The complete, 275.

Reybaud, M., 179.

Ricardo, D., law of value, 226;

"iron law of wages," 300;

real theory of wages, 306;

province of Government, 359;

National Bank, 360;

working class annuities, 360;

rent, 477.

Right to existence, 421.

Right to labour, in Convention of 1793, 22;

Bismarck on, 421;

in English Poor Law, 424.

Rights, Natural, 420;

Primitive economic, 385.

Rodbertus on Bismarck's social policy, 34;

differences from Lassalle, 123;

social question, 127;

relation to socialist movement, 178;

converts Wagner, 380;

acknowledges Hohenzollerns, 381;

views, 381.

Rodriguez de Capada, Professor, 245.

Rogers, Professor Thorold, 350.

Roscher, Professor W., time as reformer, 199;

historical method, 200, 204;

Eisenach Congress, 203;

economic ideal, 205;

task as economist, 207;

piecework, 321.

Rousseau, J. J., 16.

Ruge, Arnold, 131.

Ruskin, John, 88.

Russia, Nihilism in, 259.

Russo-Turkish war, 282.

S.

St. Etienne Congress, 50.

St. Joseph associations, 229.

St. Petersburg pauperism, 260.

St. Simon, 218, 254.

Samoa, Socialist customs in, 401, 492.

Samter, V., on Mill, 198.

Sassulitch, Vera, 277, 282.

Say, Leon, State Socialism, 345.

Schaeffle, Professor, 326.

Scheel, Professor von., social question, 215.

Schmoller, Professor, 195;

on Socialists of Chair, 200;

Eisenach Congress, 203;

Province of Government, 211;

distributive justice, 213

Schoenberg, Professor, 203, 213.

Schorlemer-Abst, Baron, 229.

Schulte, Professor, 229.

Schultze-Delitzsch, 4;

co-operative societies, 103;

Lassalle's reply, 114.

Schweitzer, Dr. von, 124.

Self-interest, 375.

Senior, N. W., 464.

Shakers, 405.

Shaw, G., Bernard, 88.

Sheffield, socialists, 89;

housing of working-class, 341.

Shuttleworth, Canon, 88.

Sidgwick, Professor, 360, 428.

Sinclair, Sir John, 469.

Sisyphism, 443.

Smith, Adam, as viewed by Socialists of the Chair, 198;

on Government trading, 345;

his theory of social politics, 353;

national education, 354;

military training, 355;

English Government management, 356;

truck, 357;

usury, 357;

corporate management, 417.

Smith, E. Peshine, effect of education on wages, 321.

Social Democratic Party in Germany, 33;

in Reichstag, 34;

France, 48;

programme, 49;

Italy, 58;

Spain, 61;

Norway, 66;

Denmark, 69;

Belgium, 70;

Holland, 73;

Switzerland, 74;

U.S.A., 80;

England, 84;

Scotland, 90;

Sydney, 91.

Social Monarchical Union, 241.

Social Politics, English theory, 373;

Christian, 242.

Social Reform, Central Union for, 239.

Socialism, before 1848, 2;

contemporary, 3;

labourers' claim of right, 7;

variable use of word, 8;

inequitableness its ruling characteristic, 9;

old and new, 10;

minimum of, 14;

relation to democracy, 15;

Christian, 224;

State, 345;

meanings of word, 374.

Socialist Laws of Germany, 33.

Socialists of the Chair, 195.

Society of Public Utility in Switzerland, 76.

Society of Social Peace, 243.

Spain, Socialism in, 60;

anarchism, 62;

condition of people, 64.

_Spectator, The_, testamentary statistics, 459.

Speculation, 493.

Spencer, Herbert, believes in socialist ideal of society, 8;

the coming slavery, 346;

functions of Government, 351, 352;

land nationalization, 385;

natural rights, 420.

Stahl, quoted, 16.

State management, 409.

State railways, 415.

State Socialism, 345;

in Germany, 379

State, The, 211.

Statistics, Commercial, 326.

Stein, Professor L. von, 94, 132.

Stephanovitch, 293.

Stepniak, on _mir_, 252;

Paris Commune, 277;

Russian proletariat, 284;

Russian peasantry, 285, 286, 288;

break-up of the Russian Commune, 289;

Russian agriculture, 291.

Stoecker, Dr., 234, 236, 241, 242.

Stockholm Congress, 67.

Strachey, Mr., 68.

Strikes, 44.

Studnitz, A., 320, 331.

Suez Canal, 348.

Sumner, Archbishop, 370.

Sunday Schools, Nihilist, 269, 272.

Surplus Value, Marx's doctrine, 167.

Sweating System, 432.

Sweden, Socialism in, 66.

Switzerland, Socialism in, 73;

Society of Public Utility, 76;

secret societies, 136.

Sylvania Association, 404.

T.

Taylor, Helen, 84.

Tchaikowsky, 280.

Tchernycheffsky, 269, 272.

Telegraphs, State management of, 410.

Thompson, William, anticipation of Marx's doctrine, 148.

Thornton, W. T., 464.

Thuenen, J. von, natural wages, 121.

Thun, Professor A., 278, 281, 284, 285, 287.

Tocqueville, A. de, socialism and democracy, 19;

democratic passion for equality, 24;

middle-class materialization, 24;

political necessity of religion, 25;

the plutocracy, 186.

Todt, R., 234.

Trade Unions, 311.

Tramps, 450.

Treitschke, H., 203.

Trepoff, Assassination of General, 282.

Trial of the, 193, 280.

Troglodytes, Secret Society, 283.

Trumbull Phalanx, 404.

Tucker, B. R., 91.

Turgenieff, 266.

Turner, Dr., Samoa, 401, 492.

U.

Unemployed, 424.

Unionism, The New, 85, 86.

United States, Liberty in, 20;

socialism, 77;

nationalism, 79;

anarchism, 80.

V.

Vaillant, M., 53.

Value, Marx's doctrine, 160;

true theory, 327.

"Versaillais," The, 126.

Victoria, State railways, 411, 417;

eight hours day, 436.

Volmar, Herr von, 35.

Vogt, K., 148.

W.

Wages Fund, 464, 465.

Wages, "iron law," 226, 237, 300;

rise since English Revolution, 301;

Ricardo's theory, 306;

true theory, 307;

fair, 430;

minimum, 431.

Wagner, Professor A., ground-rents, 199;

State and the social question, 213;

Evangelical Social Congress, 241;

converted by Rodbertus, 380;

his State Socialism, 387.

Walker, President F. A., 332, 469.

Wallace, A. R., 89, 485.

Warren, Josiah, 77.

Watts, Dr. J., 434.

Webb, Sidney, 88;

State pensions for the aged, 423.

Weitling, W., 80, 137.

Westminster, Duke of, 486.

Wieland, 127.

Will of the People Party, 283, 295.

Winchester, Bishop of, definition of socialism, 376.

Winkelblech, Professor, 180.

Woeste, M., 244.

Working classes, prospects, 297, 312;

habits, 318;

legitimate aspirations, 333.

Workmen's Chambers, 35.

Wyden Congress, 44, 126.

Y.

Yellow Springs, 404.

Young, Arthur, 455.

Young England Party, 380.

Z.

Zurich Congress, 76.

* * * * *

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Contemporary Socialism · 第 15 / 15 章