symbols expressive of two distinct cultures, each ceremonially
distinct and, architecturally speaking, characteristic. The line of
junction of the influences of these two subcultural areas practically
follows the Little Colorado river, the valley of which is the site
of a third ceramic subculture area; this is mixed, being related on
one side to the northern, on the other to the southern, region. The
course of this river and its tributaries has determined a trail of
migration, which in turn has spread this intermingled ceramic art far
and wide. The geographical features of the Little Colorado basin have
prevented the evolution of characteristic ceramic culture in any part
of the region.
Using color and symbolism of pottery as a basis of classification,
the author has provisionally divided the sedentary people of the
Southwest into the following divisions, or has recognized the
following ceramic areas: (1) Hopi area, including the wonderful
ware of Sikyatki, Awatobi, and the ruins on Antelope mesa, at old
Mishongnovi, Shumopavi and neighboring ruins; (2) Casa Grande area;
(3) San Juan area, including Mesa Verde, Chaco canyon, Chelly canyon
as far west as St. George, Utah, and Navaho mountain, Arizona; (4)
Little Colorado area, including Zuñi. The pottery of Casas Grandes in
Chihuahua is allied in colors but not in symbols to old Hopi ware. So
little is known of the old Piros ceramics and of the pottery from all
ruins east of the Rio Grande, that they are not yet classified. The
ceramics from the region west of the Rio Grande are related to the
San Juan and Chaco areas.
The Spruce-tree House pottery belongs to the San Juan area, having
some resemblance and relationship to that from the lower course of
the Little Colorado. It is markedly different from the pottery of
the Hopi area and has only the most distant resemblance to that from
Casas Grandes.[26]
HOPI AREA
The Hopi area is well distinguished by specialized symbols which
are not duplicated elsewhere in the pueblo area. Among these may be
mentioned the symbol for the feather, and a band representing the sky
with design of a mythic bird attached. As almost all pueblo symbols,
ancient and modern, are represented on old Hopi ware, and in addition
other designs peculiar to it, the logical conclusion is that these
Hopi symbols are specialized in origin.
The evolution of a ceramic area in the neighborhood of the modern
Hopi mesas is due to special causes, and points to a long residence
in that locality. It would seem from traditions that the earliest
Hopi people came from the east, and that the development of a purely
Hopi ceramic culture in the region now occupied by this people
took place before any great change due to southern immigration had
occurred. The entrance of Patki and other clans from the south
strongly affected the old Hopi culture, which was purest in Sikyatki,
but even there it remained distinctive. The advent of the eastern
clans in large numbers after the great rebellion in 1680, especially
of the Tanoan families about 1710, radically changed the symbolism,
making modern Hopi ware completely eastern in this respect. The old
symbolism, the germ of which was eastern, as shown by the characters
employed, almost completely vanished, being replaced by an introduced
symbolism.
In order scientifically to appreciate the bearing on the migration of
clans, of symbolism on pottery, we must bear in mind that a radical
difference in such symbolism as has taken place at the Hopi villages
may have occurred elsewhere as well, although there is no evidence of
a change of this kind having occurred at Spruce-tree House.
The author includes under Hopi ware that found at the Hopi ruins
Sikyatki, Shumopavi, and Awatobi, the collection from the first-named
being typical. Some confusion has been introduced by others into the
study of old Hopi ware by including in it, under the name “Tusayan
pottery,” the white-and-black ware of the Chelly canyon.[27] There
is a close resemblance between the pottery of Chelly canyon and
that of Mesa Verde, but only the most distant relationship between
true Hopi ware and that of Chelly canyon. The latter belong in fact
to two distinct areas, and differ in color, symbolism, and general
characters. In so far as the Hopi ware shares its symbolism with the
other geographical areas of the eastern region, to the same extent
there is kinship in culture. In more distant ruins the pottery
contains a greater admixture of symbols foreign to Mesa Verde. These
differences are due no doubt to incorporation of other clans.
The subceramic area in which the Mesa Verde ruins lie embraces the
valleys of the San Juan and its tributaries, Chelly canyon, Chaco
canyon, and probably the ruins along the Rio Grande, on both sides
of the river. Whether the Chaco or the Mesa Verde region is the
geographical center of this subarea, or not, can not be determined,
but the indications are that the Mesa Verde is on its northern
border. Along the southwestern and western borders the culture of
this area mingles with that of the subcultural area adjoining on the
south, the resultant symbolism being consequently more complex. The
ceramic ware of ruins of the Mesa Verde is little affected by outside
and diverse influences, while, on the contrary, similar ware found
along the western and southern borders of the subcultural area has
been much modified by the influence of the neighboring region.
LITTLE COLORADO AREA
Although the decoration on pottery from Spruce-tree House embraces
some symbols in common with that of the ruins along the Little
Colorado, including prehistoric Zuñi, there is evidence of a mingling
of the two ceramic types which is believed to have originated in
the Gila basin. The resemblance in the pottery of these regions
is greater near the sources of the Little Colorado, differences
increasing as one descends the river. At Homolobi (near Winslow) and
Chevlon, where the pottery is half northern and half southern in
type, these differences have almost disappeared.
This is what might be expected theoretically, and is in accordance
with legends of the Hopi, for the Little Colorado ruins are more
modern than the round-kiva culture of Chaco canyon and Mesa Verde,
and than the square-ceremonial-house culture of the Gila. The
indications are that symbolism of the Little Colorado ruins is a
composite, representative in about equal proportions of the two
subcultures of the Southwest.[28]
As confirmatory of this suggested dual origin we find that the
symbolism of pottery from ruins near the source of the Little
Colorado is identical with that of the Salt, the Verde, and the
Tonto basins, from which their inhabitants originally came in larger
numbers than from the Rio Grande. In the ruins of the upper Salt
and Gila the pottery is more like that of the neighboring sources
of the Little Colorado because of interchanges. On the other hand,
the ancient Hopi, being more isolated than other Pueblos, especially
those on the Little Colorado, developed a ceramic art peculiar to
themselves. Their pottery is different from that of the Little
Colorado, the upper Gila and its tributary, the Salt, and the San
Juan including the Mesa Verde.
The Zuñi valley, lying practically in the pathway of culture
migration or about midway between the northern and southern
subceramic areas, had no distinctive ancient pottery. Its ancient
pottery is not greatly unlike that of Homolobi near Winslow but has
been influenced about equally by the northern and the southern type.
Whatever originality in culture symbols developed in the Zuñi valley
was immediately merged with others and spread over a large area.[29]
MESA VERDE AREA
While there are several subdivisions in the eastern subcultural area,
that in which the Mesa Verde ruins are situated is distinctive. The
area embraces the ruins in the Montezuma valley and those of Chelly
canyon, and the San Juan ruins as far as Navaho mountain, including
also the Chaco and the Canyon Largo ruins. Probably the pottery of
some of the ruins east of the Rio Grande will be found to belong
to the same type. That of the Hopi ceramic area, the so-called
“Tusayan,” exclusive of Chelly canyon, is distinct from all others.
The pottery of the Gila subculture area is likewise distinctive but
its influence made its way up the Verde and the Tonto and was potent
across the mountains, in the Little Colorado basin. Its influence is
likewise strong in the White Mountain ruins and on the Tularosa, and
around the sources of the Gila and Salt rivers.
An examination of the decoration of pottery from Spruce-tree House
fails to reveal a single specimen with the well-known broken
encircling line called “the line of life.” As this feature is
absent from pottery from all the Mesa Verde ruins it may be said
provisionally that the ancient potters of this region were unfamiliar
with it.
This apparently insignificant characteristic is present, however,
in all the pottery directly influenced by the culture of the
southwestern subceramic area. It occurs in pottery from the Gila
and the Salt River ruins, in the Hopi area, and along the Little
Colorado, including the Zuñi valley, and elsewhere. Until recorded
from the northeastern subceramic area, “the line of life” may be
considered a peculiarity of ceramics of the Gila subarea or of the
pottery influenced by its culture.
Among the restored food bowls from Spruce-tree House, having
characteristic symbols, may be mentioned that represented in plate
16, _d_, _d′_, which has on the interior surface a triangular design
with curved appendages to each angle. The triangular arrangement of
designs on the interior surface of food bowls is not uncommon in the
Mesa Verde pottery.
Another food bowl has two unusual designs on the interior surface, as
shown in plate 18, _c_, _c′_. The meaning of this rare symbolism is
unknown.
In plates 16-19 are represented some of the most characteristic
symbols on the restored pottery.
The outer surfaces of many food bowls are elaborately decorated with
designs as shown, while the rims in most cases are dotted.
STONE IMPLEMENTS
Stone implements from Spruce-tree House include axes, mauls, stone
hammers, and grinding stones, in addition to other objects of unknown
uses. As a rule these stone implements are rudely made, although
some of them are as fine as any known from the Southwest. It is but
natural that these implements should have been manufactured from more
compact and harder rock than that of which the walls of the buildings
were constructed. Apparently these objects were not picked up in
the neighborhood but brought to the site of the ruin from a great
distance.
AXES
The author collected several stone axes (pl. 21 and fig. 11) from
Spruce-tree House, some of which (_a_-_f_) are fine specimens. These
are all of the same general type, sharpened at one end and blunt at
the opposite end, with a groove midway for attachment of the handle.
In no case is there a ridge bordering this groove which in one
specimen (pl. 21, _g_) is partially duplicated.
One ax has a cutting edge at each end, while another (fig. 12) has
the handle still attached, recalling the two specimens figured by
Nordenskiöld.
[Illustration: FIG. 11. Stone axes.]
Among the objects of stone taken from Spruce-tree House are several
similar to those called by the Hopi _tcamahias_ (pl. 21, _h_).
These implements are as a rule long, with smooth surfaces; they are
sharpened at one end and pointed at the opposite end. Generally they
have no groove for the attachment of a handle; in one instance,
however, there is an indentation on opposite borders. The use
of these objects is unknown; they may have been axes or planting
implements.
Stone objects of precisely the same type are highly prized by the
Hopi and play important parts in their ceremonials. A number of these
objects are arranged about the sand picture of the Antelope altar in
the Snake dance at Walpi.[30]
[Illustration: FIG. 12. Stone ax with handle.]
Similar specimens are attached by the Hopi to their most sacred
palladium, called the _tiponi_, or badge of office of the chief of
a priesthood. The tiponi of the Antelope society has one of these
projecting from its top. The meaning of this association may be even
greater than at first would be suspected, for according to legends
the Snake family, which is the guardian of the fetishes used in the
snake ceremonies, originally lived at Tokonabi, near Navaho mountain,
at the mouth of the San Juan river. The culture of the ancient
inhabitants of the ruins at that place was not very different from
that of the people of the Mesa Verde.
GRINDING STONES
Both pestles and hand stones used in grinding maize were excavated,
the latter in considerable numbers. There were found also many
stone slabs having rounded depressions, or pits, on opposite sides,
evidently similar to those now used by the Hopi in grinding the
paints for their ceremonials. In some places peckings or grooves in
the surfaces of the rocks show where these grinding stones were used,
and perhaps flattened to the desired plane. These grinding places are
found in the plazas, on the sides of the cave back of the village,
and elsewhere. A number of these grooves in a lower ledge of rock at
the spring indicate that this was a favorite spot for shaping the
hand grinders, possibly for grinding corn or other seeds.
The hand stones are of several types: (1) Polygonal, having corners
somewhat worn, but flat on both sides, and having grooves on opposite
edges to insure a firm hold for the hand; (2) convex on one face and
flat on the opposite; (3) having two faces on each side, separated by
a sharp ridge. The third type represents apparently the last stage in
the life of a grinding stone the surfaces of which have been worn to
this shape by constant use.
Several flat stones, each having a slight depression on one side,
were found to be covered with pigments of various colors, which were
ground on their surfaces by means of conical stones, as shown in
figure 13. Two rectangular flat stones (pl. 21, _i_, _j_) with finely
polished surfaces and rounded edges have a notch on the rim. Their
use is unknown. Nordenskiöld refers to similar stones as “moccasin
lasts,” but there seems no valid reason thus to identify these
objects except that they have the general form—although larger—of
the sole of the foot. The Spruce-tree House aborigines wore sandals
and had no need for lasts. Moreover, so far as known, the Pueblo
Indians never made use of an object of this kind in fashioning their
moccasins.
POUNDING STONES
[Illustration: FIG. 13. Stone pigment-grinder.]
In the course of the excavations a large number of stones having pits
in the sides were exhumed, but these are so heavy that they were not
sent to Washington. Several of these stones are cubical in form and
have lateral pits, one on each of four faces. Some are thick, while
others are thin and sharpened at the end like an ax. These stones
are probably the mauls with which the masons dressed the rocks used
in the construction of the buildings. With such mauls the surfaces
of the floors of some ceremonial rooms were cut down several inches
below the original level. Some of the pounding stones resemble in
a measure the grinding stones, but in them pits replace grooves
commonly found in the edge of the latter.
Corn was usually ground on flat stones called _metates_ which were
found in considerable numbers. These metates commonly show wear on
one or both surfaces, and a few specimens have a ridge on each border
resulting from the wearing down of the middle of the stone.
CYLINDER OF POLISHED HEMATITE
Among the objects from the ruins of Mesa Verde figured by
Nordenskiöld is one designated a “cylinder of polished hematite,
perhaps a fetish.” Another stone cylinder closely resembling this was
found by the present author at Spruce-tree House. This object closely
resembles a bead, but as the author has seen similar stones used on
Hopi altars, especially on the altar to the cardinal points, he is
inclined to accept the identification suggested by Nordenskiöld. On
altars to the cardinal points small stones of different shapes and
colors are arranged near ears of corn surrounding a medicine bowl.
As black is the symbolic color of the underworld, a stone of this
color is found on the black ear of corn representing the nadir. If
this cylinder is a fetish it may have been somewhat similarly used.
BASKETRY
[Illustration: FIG. 14. Fragment of basket.]
Not a single entire basket was found, although a few fragments of
baskets made of woven rushes or osiers were obtained (fig. 14). It
would appear, however, from a fine basket figured by Nordenskiöld,
which he ascribes to Spruce-tree House and from other known
specimens, figured and unfigured, that the Mesa Verde people were
skillful basket makers. None of the fragments obtained by the author,
and the same holds true regarding the basket figured by Nordenskiöld,
are decorated.
WOODEN OBJECTS
Few objects made of wood were obtained at Spruce-tree House, but
those which were found are well made and reveal the existence of
interesting aboriginal customs. Wooden objects closely resembling
some of these were used until a few years ago by the Hopi and other
Pueblo tribes.
STICKS TIED TOGETHER
[Illustration: FIG. 15. Sticks tied together.]
Among the wooden objects found are many perforated sticks tied
together by strings. This specimen (fig. 15) is not complete, but
enough remains to show that it is not unlike the covering in which
the Hopi bride rolls her wedding blankets. From the place where
the object was found, it appears that the dead were wrapped in
coverings of this kind. Although the specimen is much damaged, it is
not difficult to make out from the remaining fragment the mode of
construction of the object.
SLABS
[Illustration: FIG. 16. Wooden slab.]
Nordenskiöld figures a wooden object of rectangular shape, slightly
concave on one side and more or less worn on the edges. Two similar
wooden slabs (fig. 16) were found at Spruce-tree House. The objects
occasioned much speculation, as their meaning is unknown. It has been
suggested they are cradle-boards, a conjecture which, in view of the
fact that similar specimens are sometimes found in child burials, is
plausible. In this interpretation the holes which occur on the sides
may have served for attachment of blankets or hoops. These boards, it
may be said, are small even for the most diminutive Indian baby.
Another suggestion not without merit is that these boards are
priest’s badges and were once carried in the hands suspended by
strings tied to the holes in their edges.
Still another theory identifies them as parts of head dresses called
tablets, worn in what the Pueblos call a _tablita_ dance.
The upright portions of some of the Hopi altars have similar wooden
slabs painted with symbolic figures and tied together. Altars having
slabs of the same description are used in ceremonials of certain
Tewan clans living in New Mexico.
SPINDLES
[Illustration: FIG. 17. Spindle and whorl.]
There were found at Spruce-tree House a complete spindle with stick
and whorl (fig. 17), and a whorl without the spindle, both of which
are practically identical in type with the spinning apparatus of
the Hopi Indians. When in use this spindle was made to revolve by
rubbing it on the thigh with one hand, while the other held the
unspun cotton, the fiber being wound on one end of the spindle. This
implement affords still another indication that the arts of the
people of Spruce-tree House were similar to those still practised by
the Pueblos.
PLANTING-STICKS
A few sticks which resemble those used by the Hopi as dibbles were
collected at Spruce-tree House. These measure several feet in length;
they are flat at one end, while the opposite end is pointed and
rubbed down to a sharp edge. Some of these implements were slightly
bent at one extremity.
MISCELLANEOUS OBJECTS
[Illustration: FIG. 18. Ceremonial sticks.]
Among various wooden objects found at Spruce-tree House may be
mentioned sticks resembling prayer offerings and others which may
have been employed in ceremonials (fig. 18.)
A fragment of a primitive fire-stick (fig. 19) was obtained from
the northern refuse-heap and near it were straight sticks that
undoubtedly served as fire-drills. There were one or two needles
(fig. 20), made of hard wood, suggesting weaving or some similar
process. A fragment of an arrow was unearthed in the débris of the
northern refuse-heap.
[Illustration: FIG. 19. Primitive fire-stick.]
[Illustration: FIG. 20. Wooden needle.]
FABRICS
[Illustration: FIG. 21. Belt.]
The yucca plant, which grows wild in the canyons and level places of
the Mesa Verde, furnishes a tough fiber which the prehistoric people
of Spruce-tree House used in the manufacture of various fabrics.
Small packages of this fiber and cords made of the same material were
found in the refuse-heap and in the houses; these were apparently
obtained by heating and chewing the leaves, after which the fiber was
drawn out into cords or braided into strings.
A braided cord was also found attached to the handles of jars, and
this fiber was a favorite one in mending pottery. It was almost
universally employed in weaving cloth netting and other fabrics,
where it was combined with cotton fiber. Belts (fig. 21) or headbands
(figs. 22, 23) show the best examples of this weaving. Native cotton
fiber is not as common as yucca, being more difficult apparently to
procure. There is some doubt regarding the cultivation of the cotton
plant, and no cotton seeds were identified; the cloth woven from this
fiber shows great skill in weaving.
[Illustration: FIG. 22. Headband.]
The bark of willows and alders was utilized for fabrics, but this
furnished material for basketry rather than for cloth.
[Illustration: FIG. 23. End of headband. FIG. 24. Head ring.]
One of the most beautiful specimens of woven cloth yet obtained in
the Mesa Verde ruins was taken from room 11; this is apparently a
headband for carrying bundles.
Among the objects obtained in the northern refuse-heap were rings
made of the leaf and fiber of yucca and other plants, sometimes
blackened as if by fire (fig. 24). These rings may have been used
for carrying jars on the head, although some are too large and flat
for that purpose. It has been suggested that the largest were used in
some game, but this theory lacks confirmation.
Small fragments of matting were found, but no complete specimen came
to light. These fragments resemble those referred to by Nordenskiöld
as “objects used in carpeting the floors.” It was customary
among some of the sedentary Indians of the Southwest to sleep on
rectangular mats, and in one building of compound B of Casa Grande
impressions of these mats were found on the floor.
[Illustration: FIG. 25. Yucca-fiber cloth with attached feathers.]
Fragments of cloth made of yucca fiber (fig. 25), in which feathers
are woven, are abundant in the refuse-heaps of Spruce-tree House.
There were found also many strings in which feathers were woven (fig.
26), but of these nothing but the midribs remain.
[Illustration: FIG. 26. Woven cord.]
The object shown in figure 27 is made of agave fiber tied in a series
of loops. Its use is unknown.
Several sandals were excavated at Spruce-tree House, the majority
from the refuse-heap in the rear of the dwellings. One of these
specimens, figure 28, is in good condition; it is evidently a
mortuary object, being found near a skeleton. The other specimen
(fig. 29) is fragmentary, consisting of a sole of a sandal with
attached toe cords.
[Illustration: FIG. 27. Agave fiber tied in loops.]
[Illustration: FIG. 28. Woven moccasin.]
[Illustration: FIG. 29. Fragment of sandal.]
[Illustration: FIG. 30. Hair-brush.]
Several specimens of slender yucca leaves bound in a bundle were
found. One of these (fig. 30) served as a hair-brush, or was used in
stirring food. One brush made of finer material was collected.
BONE IMPLEMENTS
[Illustration: FIG. 31. Bone implements.]
A large collection of beautiful bone implements (see fig.
31)—needles, awls, tubes, and dirks—rewarded the work at Spruce-tree
House. Some of these show the effects of fire throughout their
length, while others are smoked only at one end. When unearthed, one
of these dirks was still in the original sheath of cedar bark (fig.
32).
[Illustration: FIG. 32. Dirk and cedar-bark sheath.]