The poor girl's only defence against such a danger had been wearing male

attire; though, strange to say, no one had ever seemed able to

understand her motive for wearing it. All, both friends and enemies,

were scandalized by it. At the outset, she had been obliged to explain

her reasons to the woman of Poitiers; and when made prisoner, and under

the care of the ladies of Luxemburg, those excellent persons prayed her

to clothe herself as honest girls were wont to do. Above all, the

English ladies, who have always made a parade of chastity and modesty,

must have considered her so disguising herself monstrous and

insufferably indecent. The Duchess of Bedford sent her female attire;

but by whom? By a man, a tailor. The fellow, with impudent familiarity,

was about to pass it over her head, and, when she pushed him away, laid

his unmannnerly hand upon her--his tailor's hand on that hand which had

borne the flag of France. She boxed his ears.

If women could not understand this feminine question, how much less

could priests! They quoted the text of a council held in the fourth

century, which anathematized such changes of dress; not seeing that the

prohibition specially applied to a period when manners had been barely

retrieved from pagan impurities. The doctors belonging to the party of

Charles VII, the apologists of the Pucelle, find exceeding difficulty in

justifying her on this head. One of them--thought to be Gerson--makes

the gratuitous supposition that the moment she dismounted from her

horse, she was in the habit of resuming woman's apparel; confessing that

Esther and Judith had had recourse to more natural and feminine means

for their triumphs over the enemies of God's people. Entirely

preoccupied with the soul, these theologians seem to have held the body

cheap; provided the letter, the written law, be followed, the soul will

be saved; the flesh may take its chance. A poor and simple girl may be

pardoned her inability to distinguish so clearly.

On the Friday and the Saturday the unfortunate prisoner, despoiled of

her man's dress, had much to fear. Brutality, furious hatred, vengeance,

might severally incite the cowards to degrade her before she perished,

to sully what they were about to burn. Besides, they might be tempted to

varnish their infamy by a "reason of state," according to the notions of

the day--by depriving her of her virginity they would undoubtedly

destroy that secret power of which the English entertained such great

dread, who perhaps might recover their courage when they knew that,

after all, she was but a woman. According to her confessor, to whom she

divulged the fact, an Englishman, not a common soldier, but a

_gentleman_, a lord, patriotically devoted himself to this

execution--bravely undertook to violate a girl laden with fetters, and,

being unable to effect his wishes, rained blows upon her.

"On the Sunday morning, Trinity Sunday, when it was time for her to

rise--as she told him who speaks--she said to her English guards, 'Leave

me, that I may get up.' One of them took off her woman's dress, emptied

the bag in which was the man's apparel, and said to her, 'Get up.'

'Gentlemen,' she said, 'you know that dress is forbidden me; excuse me,

I will not put it on.' The point was contested till noon; when, being

compelled to go out for some bodily want, she put it on. When she came

back, they would give her no other, despite her entreaties."

In reality, it was not to the interest of the English that she should

resume her man's dress, and so make null and void a retractation

obtained with such difficulty. But at this moment, their rage no longer

knew any bounds. Saintrailles had just made a bold attempt upon Rouen.

It would have been a lucky hit to have swept off the judges from the

judgment seat, and have carried Winchester and Bedford to Poitiers; the

latter was, subsequently, all but taken on his return, between Rouen and

Paris. As long as this accursed girl lived, who beyond a doubt continued

in prison to practise her sorceries, there was no safety for the

English; perish she must.

The assessors, who had notice instantly given them of her change of

dress, found some hundred English in the court to obstruct their

passage; who, thinking that if these doctors entered they might spoil

all, threatened them with their axes and swords, and chased them out,

calling them "traitors of Armagnacs." Cauchon, introduced with much

difficulty, assumed an air of gayety to pay his court to Warwick, and

said with a laugh, "She is caught."

On the Monday he returned, along with the Inquisitor and eight

assessors, to question the Pucelle, and ask her why she had resumed that

dress. She made no excuse, but, bravely facing the danger, said that the

dress was fitter for her as long as she was guarded by men, and that

faith had not been kept with her. Her saints, too, had told her "that it

was great pity she had abjured to save her life." Still, she did not

refuse to resume woman's dress. "Put me in a seemly and safe prison,"

she said; "I will be good, and do whatever the Church shall wish."

On leaving her the Bishop encountered Warwick and a crowd of English;

and to show himself a good Englishman he said in their tongue,

"Farewell, farewell." This joyous adieu was about synonymous with "Good

evening, good evening; all's over."

On the Tuesday, the judges got up at the Archbishop's palace a court of

assessors as they best might; some of them had assisted at the first

sittings only, others at none; in fact, composed of men of all sorts,

priests, legists, and even three physicians. The judges recapitulated to

them what had taken place, and asked their opinion. This opinion, quite

different from what was expected, was that the prisoner should be

summoned, and her act of abjuration be read over to her. Whether this

was in the power of the judges is doubtful. In the midst of the fury and

swords of a raging soldiery, there was in reality no judge, and no

possibility of judgment. Blood was the one thing wanted; and that of the

judges was, perhaps, not far from flowing. They hastily drew up a

summons, to be served the next morning at eight o'clock; she was not to

appear, save to be burned.

Cauchon sent her a confessor in the morning, brother Martin l'Advenu,

"to prepare her for her death, and persuade her to repentance. And when

he apprised her of the death she was to die that day, she began to cry

out grievously, to give way, and tear her hair: 'Alas! am I to be

treated so horribly and cruelly? must my body, pure as from birth, and

which was never contaminated, be this day consumed and reduced to ashes?

Ha! ha! I would rather be beheaded seven times over than be burned on

this wise! Oh! I make my appeal to God, the great judge of the wrongs

and grievances done me!'"

After this burst of grief, she recovered herself and confessed; she then

asked to communicate. The brother was embarrassed; but, consulting the

Bishop, the latter told him to administer the sacrament, "and whatever

else she might ask." Thus, at the very moment he condemned her as a

relapsed heretic, and cut her off from the Church, he gave her all that

the Church gives to her faithful. Perhaps a last sentiment of humanity

awoke in the heart of the wicked judge; he considered it enough to burn

the poor creature, without driving her to despair, and damning her.

Besides, it was attempted to do it privately, and the eucharist was

brought without stole and light. But the monk complained, and the Church

of Rouen, duly warned, was delighted to show what it thought of the

judgment pronounced by Cauchon; it sent along with the body of Christ

numerous torches and a large escort of priests, who sang litanies, and,

as they passed through the streets, told the kneeling people, "Pray for

her."

After partaking of the communion, which she received with abundance of

tears, she perceived the Bishop, and addressed him with the words,

"Bishop, I die through you." And, again, "Had you put me in the prisons

of the Church, and given me ghostly keepers, this would not have

happened. And for this I summon you to answer before God."

Then, seeing among the bystanders Pierre Morice, one of the preachers by

whom she had been addressed, she said to him, "Ah, Master Pierre, where

shall I be this evening?"

"Have you not good hope in the Lord?"

"Oh! yes; God to aid, I shall be in paradise."

It was nine o'clock: she was dressed in female attire, and placed on a

cart. On one side of her was brother Martin l'Advenu; the constable,

Massieu, was on the other. The Augustine monk, Brother Isambart, who had

already displayed much charity and courage, would not quit her.

Up to this moment the Pucelle had never despaired, with the exception,

perhaps, of her temptation in the Passion Week. While saying, as she at

times would say, "These English will kill me," she in reality did not

think so. She did not imagine that she could ever be deserted. She had

faith in her King, in the good people of France. She had said expressly:

"There will be some disturbance, either in prison or at the trial, by

which I shall be delivered, greatly, victoriously delivered." But though

King and people deserted her, she had another source of aid, and a far

more powerful and certain one from her friends above, her kind and dear

saints. When she was assaulting St. Pierre, and deserted by her

followers, her saints sent an invisible army to her aid. How could they

abandon their obedient girl, they who had so often promised her "safety

and deliverance"?

What then must her thoughts have been when she saw that she must die;

when, carried in a cart, she passed through a trembling crowd, under the

guard of eight hundred Englishmen armed with sword and lance? She wept

and bemoaned herself, yet reproached neither her King nor her saints.

She was only heard to utter, "O Rouen, Rouen! must I then die here?"

The term of her sad journey was the old market-place, the fish-market.

Three scaffolds had been raised; on one was the episcopal and royal

chair, the throne of the Cardinal of England, surrounded by the stalls

of his prelates; on another were to figure the principal personages of

the mournful drama, the preacher, the judges, and the bailiff, and,

lastly, the condemned one; apart was a large scaffolding of plaster,

groaning under a weight of wood--nothing had been grudged the stake,

which struck terror by its height alone. This was not only to add to the

solemnity of the execution, but was done with the intent that, from the

height to which it was reared, the executioner might not get at it save

at the base, and that to light it only, so that he would be unable to

cut short the torments and relieve the sufferer, as he did with others,

sparing them the flames.

On this occasion the important point was that justice should not be

defrauded of her due or a dead body be committed to the flames; they

desired that she should be really burned alive, and that, placed on the

summit of this mountain of wood, and commanding the circle of lances and

of swords, she might be seen from every part of the market-place. There

was reason to suppose that being slowly, tediously burned, before the

eyes of a curious crowd, she might at last be surprised into some

weakness, that something might escape her which could be set down as a

disavowal, at the least some confused words which might be interpreted

at pleasure, perhaps low prayers, humiliating cries for mercy, such as

proceed from a woman in despair.

The frightful ceremony began with a sermon. Master Nicolas Midy, one of

the lights of the University of Paris, preached upon the edifying text:

"When one limb of the Church is sick, the whole Church is sick." He

wound up with the formula: "Jeanne, go in peace; the Church can no

longer defend thee."

The ecclesiastical judge, the Bishop of Beauvais, then benignly

exhorted her to take care of her soul and to recall all her misdeeds, in

order that she might awaken to true repentance. The assessors had ruled

that it was the law to read over her abjuration to her; the Bishop did

nothing of the sort. He feared her denials, her disclaimers. But the

poor girl had no thought of so chicaning away life; her mind was fixed

on far other subjects. Even before she was exhorted to repentance, she

had knelt down and invoked God, the Virgin, St. Michael, and St.

Catharine, pardoning all and asking pardon, saying to the bystanders,

"Pray for me!" In particular, she besought the priests to say each a

mass for her soul. And all this so devoutly, humbly, and touchingly

that, sympathy becoming contagious, no one could any longer contain

himself; the Bishop of Beauvais melted into tears, the Bishop of

Boulogne sobbed, and the very English cried and wept as well, Winchester

with the rest.

Might it be in this moment of universal tenderness, of tears, of

contagious weakness, that the unhappy girl, softened, and relapsing into

the mere woman, confessed that she saw clearly she had erred, and that,

apparently, she had been deceived when promised deliverance? This is a

point on which we cannot implicitly rely on the interested testimony of

the English. Nevertheless, it would betray scant knowledge of human

nature to doubt, with her hopes so frustrated, her having wavered in her

faith. Whether she confessed to this effect in words is uncertain; but I

will confidently affirm that she owned it in thought.

Meanwhile the judges, for a moment put out of countenance, had recovered

their usual bearing, and the Bishop of Beauvais, drying his eyes, began

to read the act of condemnation. He reminded the guilty one of all her

crimes, of her schism, idolatry, invocation of demons, how she had been

admitted to repentance, and how, "seduced by the Prince of Lies, she had

fallen, O grief! 'like the dog which returns to his vomit.' Therefore,

we pronounce you to be a rotten limb, and, as such, to be lopped off

from the Church. We deliver you over to the secular power, praying it at

the same time to relax its sentence and to spare you death and the

mutilation of your members."

Deserted thus by the Church, she put her whole trust in God. She asked

for the cross. An Englishman handed her a cross which he made out of a

stick; she took it, rudely fashioned as it was, with not less devotion,

kissed it, and placed it under her garments, next to her skin. But what

she desired was the crucifix belonging to the Church, to have it before

her eyes till she breathed her last. The good huissier Massieu and

Brother Isambart interfered with such effect that it was brought her

from St. Sauveur's. While she was embracing this crucifix, and Brother

Isambart was encouraging her, the English began to think all this

exceedingly tedious; it was now noon at least; the soldiers grumbled,

and the captains called out: "What's this, priest; do you mean us to

dine here?"

Then, losing patience, and without waiting for the order from the

bailiff, who alone had authority to dismiss her to death, they sent two

constables to take her out of the hands of the priests. She was seized

at the foot of the tribunal by the men-at-arms, who dragged her to the

executioner with the words, "Do thy office." The fury of the soldiery

filled all present with horror; and many there, even of the judges, fled

the spot, that they might see no more.

When she found herself brought down to the market-place, surrounded by

English, laying rude hands on her, nature asserted her rights and the

flesh was troubled. Again she cried out, "O Rouen, thou art then to be

my last abode!" She said no more, and, in this hour of fear and trouble,

did not sin with her lips.

She accused neither her King nor her holy ones. But when she set foot on

the top of the pile, on viewing this great city, this motionless and

silent crowd, she could not refrain from exclaiming, "Ah! Rouen, Rouen,

much do I fear you will suffer from my death!" She who had saved the

people, and whom that people deserted, gave voice to no other sentiment

when dying--admirable sweetness of soul!--than that of compassion for

it.

She was made fast under the infamous placard, mitred with a mitre on

which was read, "Heretic, relapser, apostate, idolater."

And then the executioner set fire to the pile. She saw this from above

and uttered a cry. Then, as the brother who was exhorting her paid no

attention to the fire, forgetting herself in her fear for him, she

insisted on his descending.

The proof that up to this period she had made no express recantation is,

that the unhappy Cauchon was obliged--no doubt by the high satanic will

which presided over the whole--to proceed to the foot of the pile,

obliged to face his victim to endeavor to extract some admission from

her. All that he obtained was a few words, enough to rack his soul. She

said to him mildly what she had already said: "Bishop, I die through

you. If you had put me into the Church prisons, this would not have

happened." No doubt hopes had been entertained that, on finding herself

abandoned by her King, she would at last accuse and defame him. To the

last, she defended him: "Whether I have done well or ill, my King is

faultless; it was not he who counselled me."

Meanwhile the flames rose. When they first seized her, the unhappy girl

shrieked for holy _water_--this must have been the cry of fear. But,

soon recovering, she called only on God, on her angels and her saints.

She bore witness to them, "Yes, my voices were from God, my voices have

not deceived me." The fact that all her doubts vanished at this trying

moment must be taken as a proof that she accepted death as the promised

deliverance; that she no longer understood her salvation in the Judaic

and material sense, as until now she had done, that at length she saw

clearly; and that, rising above all shadows, her gifts of illumination

and of sanctity were at the final hour made perfect unto her.

The great testimony she thus bore is attested by the sworn and compelled

witness of her death, by the Dominican who mounted the pile with her,

whom she forced to descend, but who spoke to her from its foot, listened

to her, and held out to her the crucifix.

There is yet another witness of this sainted death, a most grave

witness, who must himself have been a saint. This witness, whose name

history ought to preserve, was the Augustine monk already mentioned,

Brother Isambart de la Pierre. During the trial he had hazarded his life

by counselling the Pucelle, and yet, though so clearly pointed out to

the hate of the English, he persisted in accompanying her in the cart,

procured the parish crucifix for her, and comforted her in the midst of

the raging multitude, both on the scaffold where she was interrogated

and at the stake.

Twenty years afterward, the two venerable friars, simple monks, vowed to

poverty and having nothing to hope or fear in this world, bear witness

to the scene we have just described: "We heard her," they say, "in the

midst of the flames invoke her saints, her archangel; several times she

called on her Saviour. At the last, as her head sunk on her bosom, she

shrieked, 'Jesus!'"

"Ten thousand men wept. A few of the English alone laughed, or

endeavored to laugh. One of the most furious among them had sworn that

he would throw a fagot on the pile. Just as he brought it she breathed

her last. He was taken ill. His comrades led him to a tavern to recruit

his spirits by drink, but he was beyond recovery. 'I saw,' he exclaimed,

in his frantic despair, 'I saw a dove fly out of her mouth with her last

sigh.' Others had read in the flames the word 'Jesus,' which she so

often repeated. The executioner repaired in the evening to Brother

Isambart, full of consternation, and confessed himself; he felt

persuaded that God would never pardon him. One of the English King's

secretaries said aloud, on returning from the dismal scene: 'We are

lost; we have burned a saint.'"

Though these words fell from an enemy's mouth, they are not the less

important, and will live, uncontradicted by the future. Yes, whether

considered religiously or patriotically, Jeanne d'Arc was a saint.

Where find a finer legend than this true history? Still, let us beware

of converting it into a legend; let us piously preserve its every trait,

even such as are most akin to human nature, and respect its terrible and

touching reality.[83]

CHARLES VII ISSUES HIS PRAGMATIC SANCTION

EMANCIPATION OF THE GALLICAN CHURCH

A.D. 1438

W. H. JERVIS R. F. ROHRBACHER

"No two words," says Smedley, "convey less distinct meaning

to English ears than 'pragmatic sanction.' Perhaps 'a

well-considered ordinance' may in some degree represent

them, _i.e._, an ordinance which has been fully discussed by

men practised in state affairs." Carlyle defines "pragmatic

sanction" as "the received title for ordinances of a very

irrevocable nature, which a sovereign makes in affairs that

belong wholly to himself, or what he reckons his own

rights." A dictionary definition calls it "an imperial edict

operating as a fundamental law." The term was probably first

applied to certain decrees of the Byzantine emperors for

regulating their provinces and towns, and later it was given

to imperial decrees in the West. In the present case it is

applied to the limitations set to the power of the pope in

France.

In the Council of Constance, 1414-1418, at which decrees

were passed subordinating the pope as well as the whole

Church to the authority of a general council, Gallican or

French opinion on this subject won its first great victory.

But this triumph introduced into the Western Church an

element of strife which resulted in calamities scarcely less

grave than those of the Great Schism of 1378-1417, during

which different parties adhered to rival popes. From the

Council of Constance may be dated the formal divergence of

the Gallican from the Ultramontane or strictly Roman church

government.

Pope Martin V, who was elected by the Council of Constance

after it had deposed John XXIII, Gregory XII, and Benedict

XIII, is generally considered to have assented to all its

decrees. In 1431, on the death of Martin V, Eugenius IV

succeeded to the papal throne. A council had been convened

at Pavia in 1423. After a few weeks it was transferred to

Siena, and subsequently to Basel. Fearing that it would

follow the policy of Constance, Eugenius (1431) attempted to

dissolve it and to have it reconvened at Bologna under his

own eye. A rupture followed between Pope and council,

resulting in years of confused strife.

In all this confusion our historians, Jervis and Rohrbacher,

distinguish the leading events, the most significant of

which was the issuing of the Pragmatic Sanction by Charles

VII of France. This ordinance is known, from the place of

its promulgation, as the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, and

is sometimes called the "Palladium of France," also the

"Magna Charta of the Gallican Church."

W. HENLEY JERVIS

The position assumed by the Gallican Church at this junction was

peculiar and in some respects questionable. It declared decidedly in

favor of the Council of Basel; many French prelates repaired thither,

and ambassadors were sent by the King, Charles VII, to Pope Eugenius, to

beseech him to support the authority of the synod, and to protest

against its dissolution. The fathers stood firm at their posts,

appealing to the principles solemnly asserted at Constance, that the

pope is bound in certain specified cases to submit to an ecumenical

council, and that the latter cannot be translated, prorogued, or

dissolved without its own consent. The gift of infallibility, they

affirmed, resides in the collective Church. It does not belong to the

popes, several of whom have erred concerning the faith. The Church alone

has authority to enact laws which are binding on the whole body of the

faithful.

The Great Events by Famous Historians, Volume 07 · 第 34 / 38 段