The attitude of the Mormons toward the government at the outbreak
of hostilities with the Southern states was distinctly disloyal. The
Deseret News of January 2, 1861, said, "The indications are that the
breach which has been effected between the North and South will continue
to widen, and that two or more nations will be formed out of the
fragmentary portions of the once glorious republic." The Mormons in
England had before that been told in the Millennial Star (January 28,
1860) that "the Union is now virtually destroyed." The sermons in Salt
Lake City were of the same character. "General" Wells told the people
on April 6, 1861, that the general government was responsible for
their expulsion from Missouri and Illinois, adding: "So far as we are
concerned, we should have been better without a government than such a
one. I do not think there is a more corrupt government upon the face of
the earth."* Brigham Young on the same day said: "Our present President,
what is his strength? It is like a rope of sand, or like a rope made of
water. He is as weak as water.... I feel disgraced in having been born
under a government that has so little power, disposition and influence
for truth and right. Shame, shame on the rulers of this nation. I feel
myself disgraced to hail such men as my countrymen."**
* Journal of Discourses, Vol. VIII, pp. 373-374.
** Ibid., Vol. IX, p. 4.
Elder G. A. Smith, on the same occasion, railing against the non-Mormon
clergy, said, "Mr. Lincoln now is put into power by that priestly
influence; and the presumption is, should he not find his hands full by
the secession of the Southern States, the spirit of priestly craft would
force him, in spite of his good wishes and intentions, to put to death,
if it was in his power, every man that believes in the divine mission of
Joseph Smith."* On August 31, 1862, Young quoted Smith's prediction of
a rebellion beginning in South Carolina, and declared that "the nation
that has slain the prophet of God will be broken in pieces like a
potter's vessel," boasting that the Mormon government in Utah was "the
best earthly government that was ever framed by man."
* Journal of Discourses, Vol. IX, p. 18.
Tullidge, discussing in 1876 the attitude of the Mormon church toward
the South, said:--
"With the exception of the slavery question and the policy of secession,
the South stood upon the same ground that Utah had stood upon just
previously.... And here we reach the heart of the Mormon policy and
aims. Secession is not in it. Their issues are all inside the Union. The
Mormon prophecy is that that people are destined to save the Union and
preserve the constitution.... The North, which had just risen to power
through the triumph of the Republican party, occupied the exact position
toward the South that Buchanan's administration had held toward Utah.
And the salient points of resemblance between the two cases were so
striking that Utah and the South became radically associated in the
Chicago platform that brought the Republican party into office. Slavery
and polygamy--these 'twin relics of barbarism'--were made the two chief
planks of the party platform. Yet neither of these were the real ground
of the contest. It continues still, and some of the soundest men of the
times believe that it will be ultimately referred in a revolution so
general that nearly every man in America will become involved in the
action.... The Mormon view of the great national controversy, then, is
that the Southern States should have done precisely what Utah did,
and placed themselves on the defensive ground of their rights and
institutions as old as the Union. Had they placed themselves under the
political leadership of Brigham Young, they would have triumphed, for
their cause was fundamentally right; their secession alone was the
national crime."**
** Tullidge's "Life of Brigham Young," Chap. 24.
Knowledge of the spirit which animated the Saints induced the Secretary
of War to place them under military supervision, and in May, 1862, the
Third California Infantry and a part of the Second California Cavalry
were ordered to Utah. The commander of this force was Colonel P. E.
Connor, who had a fine record in the Mexican War, and who was among the
first, at the outbreak of the Rebellion, to tender his services to the
government in California, where he was then engaged in business. On
assuming command of the military district of Utah, which included Utah
and Nevada, Colonel Connor issued an order directing commanders of
posts, camps, and detachments to arrest and imprison, until they took
the oath of allegiance, "all persons who from this date shall be guilty
of uttering treasonable sentiments against the government," adding,
"Traitors shall not utter treasonable sentiments in this district with
impunity, but must seek some more genial soil, or receive the punishment
they so richly deserve."
When Connor's force arrived at Fort Crittenden (the Camp Floyd of
General Johnston), the Mormons supposed that it would make its camp
there. Persons having a pecuniary interest in the reoccupation of the
old site, where they wanted to sell to the government the buildings they
had bought for a song, tried hard to induce Colonel Connor to accept
their view, even warning him of armed Mormon opposition to his passage
through Salt Lake City. But he was not a man to be thus deterred. Among
the rumors that reached him was one that Bill Hickman, the Danite chief,
was offering to bet $500 in Salt Lake City that the colonel could not
cross the river Jordan. Colonel Connor is said to have sent back the
reply that he "would cross the river Jordan if hell yawned below him."
On Saturday, October 18, Connor marched twenty miles toward the Mormon
capital, and the next day crossed the Jordan at 2 P.M., without finding
a person in sight on the eastern shore. The command, knowing that
the Nauvoo Legion outnumbered them vastly, and ignorant of the real
intention of the Mormon leaders, advanced with every preparation to meet
resistance. They were, as an accompanying correspondent expressed it,
"six hundred miles of sand from reinforcements." The conciliatory policy
of so many federal officers in Utah would have induced Colonel Connor to
march quietly around the city, and select some place for his camp where
it would not offend Mormon eyes. What he did do was to halt his command
when the city was two miles distant, form his column with an advance
guard of cavalry and a light battery, the infantry and commissary
wagons coming next, and in this order, to the bewilderment of the
Mormon authorities, march into the principal street, with his two bands
playing, to Emigrants' Square, and so to Governor Harding's residence.
The only United States flag displayed on any building that day was the
governor's. The sidewalks were packed with men, women, and children,
but not a cheer was heard. In front of the governor's residence the
battalion was formed in two lines, and the governor, standing in the
buggy in which he had ridden out to meet them, addressed them, saying
that their mission was one of peace and security, and urging them to
maintain the strictest discipline. The troops, Colonel Connor leading,
gave three cheers for the country and the flag, and three for Governor
Harding, and then took up their march to the slope at the base of
Wahsatch Mountain, where the Camp Douglas of to-day is situated. This
camp was in sight of the Mormon city, and Young's residence was in range
of its guns. Thus did Brigham's will bend before the quiet determination
of a government officer who respected his government's dignity.
But the Mormon spirit was to be still further tested. On December 8
Governor Harding read his first message to the territorial legislature.
It began with a tribute to the industry and enterprise of the people;
spoke of the progress of the war, and of the application of the
territory for statehood, and in this connection said, "I am sorry to
say that since my sojourn amongst you I have heard no sentiments, either
publicly or privately expressed, that would lead me to believe that much
sympathy is felt by any considerable number of your people in favor
of the government of the United States, now struggling for its very
existence." He declared that the demand for statehood should not be
entertained unless it was "clearly shown that there is a sufficient
population" and "that the people are loyal to the federal government and
the laws." He recommended the taking of a correct census to settle the
question of population. All these utterances were gall and wormwood to a
body of Mormon lawmakers, but worse was to come. Congress having
passed an act "to prevent and punish the practice of polygamy in the
territories," the governor naturally considered it his duty to call
attention to the matter. Prevising that he desired to do so "in no
offensive manner or unkind spirit," he pointed out that the practice was
founded on no territorial law, resting merely on custom; and laid, down
the principle that "no community can happily exist with an institution
so important as that of marriage wanting in all those qualities that
make it homogeneal with institutions and laws of neighboring civilized
countries having the same spirit." He spoke of the marriage of a mother
and her daughter to the same man as "no less a marvel in morals than in
matters of taste," and warned them against following the recommendation
of high church authorities that the federal law be disregarded. This
message, according to the Mormon historian, was "an insult offered to
their representatives."*
* Tullidge's "History of Salt Lake City," p. 305.
These representatives resented the "insult" by making no reference in
the journal to the reading of the message, and by failing to have it
printed. When this was made known in Washington, the Senate, on January
16, 1863, called for a report by the Committee on Territories concerning
the suppression of the message, and they got one from its chairman,
Benjamin Wade, pointing out that Utah Territory was in the control of "a
sort of Jewish theocracy," affording "the first exhibition, within
the limits of the United States, of a church ruling the state," and
declaring that the governor's message contained "nothing that should
give offence to any legislature willing to be governed by the laws of
morality," closing with a recommendation that the message be printed by
Congress. The territorial legislature adjourned on January 16 without
sending to Governor Harding for his approval a single appropriation
bill, and the next day the so-called legislature of the State of Deseret
met and received a message from the state governor, Brigham Young.
Next the new federal judges came under Mormon displeasure. We have
seen the conflict of jurisdiction existing between the federal and the
so-called probate courts and their officers. Judge Waite perceived the
difficulties thus caused as soon as he entered upon his duties, and he
sent to Washington an act giving the United States marshal authority
to select juries for the federal courts, taking from the probate courts
jurisdiction in civil actions, and leaving them a limited criminal
jurisdiction subject to appeal to the federal court, and providing for a
reorganization of the militia under the federal governor. Bernhisel
and Hooper sent home immediate notice of the arrival of this bill in
Washington.
Now, indeed, it was time for Brigham to "bend his finger." If a governor
could openly criticise polygamy, and a judge seek to undermine Young's
legal and military authority, without a protest, his days of power were
certainly drawing to a close. Accordingly, a big mass-meeting was held
in Salt Lake City on March 3, 1863, "for the purpose of investigating
certain acts of several of the United States officials in the
territory." Speeches were made by John Taylor and Young, in which the
governor and judges were denounced.* A committee was appointed to ask
the governor and two judges to resign and leave the territory, and a
petition was signed requesting President Lincoln to remove them, the
first reason stated being that "they are strenuously endeavoring to
create mischief, and stir up strife between the people of the territory
and the troops in Camp Douglas." The meeting then adjourned, the band
playing the "Marseillaise."
* Reported in Mrs. Waite's "Mormon Prophet," pp. 98-102.
The committee, consisting of John Taylor, J. Clinton, and Orson Pratt,
called on the governor and the judges the next morning, and met with a
flat refusal to pay any attention to the mandate of the meeting. "You
may go back and tell your constituents," said Governor Harding, "that I
will not resign my office, and will not leave this territory, until it
shall please the President to recall me. I will not be driven away. I
may be in danger in staying, but my purpose is fixed." Judge Drake told
the committee that he had a right to ask Congress to pass or amend any
law, and that it was a special insult for him, a citizen, to be asked
by Taylor, a foreigner, to leave any part of the Republic. "Go back to
Brigham Young, your master," said he, "that embodiment of sin, shame,
and disgust, and tell him that I neither fear him, nor love him,
nor hate him--that I utterly despise him. Tell him, whose tools and
tricksters you are, that I did not come here by his permission, and that
I will not go away at his desire nor by his direction.... A horse thief
or a murderer has, when arrested, a right to speak in court; and, unless
in such capacity or under such circumstances, don't you even dare to
speak to me again." Judge Waite simply declined to resign because to
do so would imply "either that I was sensible of having done something
wrong, or that I was afraid to remain at my post and perform my duty."**
* Text of replies in Mrs. Waite's "Mormon Prophet," pp. 107-109.
As soon as the action of the Mormon mass-meeting became known at Camp
Douglas, all the commissioned officers there signed a counter petition
to President Lincoln, "as an act of duty we owe our government,"
declaring that the charge of inciting trouble between the people and the
troops was "a base and unqualified falsehood," that the accused officers
had been "true and faithful to the government," and that there was no
good reason for their removal.
Excitement in Salt Lake City now ran high. Young, in a violent harangue
in the Tabernacle on March 8, after declaring his loyalty to the
government, said, "Is there anything that could be asked that we would
not do? Yes. Let the present administration ask us for a thousand men,
or even five hundred, and I'd see them d--d first, and then they could
not have them. What do you think of that?' (Loud cries of 'Good, Good,'
and great applause.)"*
* Correspondence of the Chicago Tribune.
Young expected arrest, and had a signal arranged by which the citizens
would rush to his support if this was attempted. A false alarm of this
kind was given on March 9, and in an hour two thousand armed men
were assembled around his house.* Steptoe, who in an earlier year had
declined the governorship of the territory and petitioned for Young's
reappointment, took credit for what followed in an article in the
Overland Monthly for December, 1896. Being at Salt Lake City at the
time, he suggested to Wells and other leaders that they charge Young
with the crime of polygamy before one of the magistrates, and have him
arraigned and admitted to bail, in order to place him beyond the
reach of the military officers. The affidavit was sworn to before the
compliant Chief Justice Kinney by Young's private secretary, was served
by the territorial marshal, and Young was released in $5000 bail.
Colonel Connor was informed of this arrest before he arrived in the
city, and retraced his steps; the citizens dispersed to their homes;
the grand jury found no indictment against Young, and in due time he was
discharged from his recognizance.
* "On the inside of the high walls surrounding Brigham's premises
scaffolding was hastily erected in order to enable the militia to fire
down upon the passing volunteers. The houses on the route which occupied
a commanding position where an attack could be made upon the troops were
taken possession of, and the small cannon brought out."--"Rocky Mountain
Saints," p. 604.
"In the meantime," says a Mormon chronicler, "our 'outside' friends in
this city telegraphed to those interested in the mail* and telegraph
lines that they must work for the removal of the troops, Governor
Harding, and Judges Waite and Drake, otherwise there would be
'difficulty,' and the mail and telegraph lines would be destroyed. Their
moneyed interest has given them great energy in our behalf."** This
"work" told Governor Harding was removed, leaving the territory on
June 11 and, as proof that this was due to "work" and not to his own
incapacity, he was made Chief Justice of Colorado Territory.*** With
him were displaced Chief Justice Kinney and Secretary Fuller.**** Judges
Waite and Drake wrote to the President that it would take the support
of five thousand men to make the federal courts in Utah effective.
Waite resigned in the summer of 1863. Drake remained, but his court did
practically no business.
* The first Pony Express left Sacramento and St. Joseph,
Missouri, on April 3, 1860. Major General M. B. Hazen in an official
letter dated February, 1807 (House Misc. Doc. No. 75, 2d Session,
39th Congress), said: "Ben Holiday I believe to be the only outsider
acceptable to those people, and to benefit himself I believe he would
throw the whole weight of his influence in favor of Mormonism. By the
terms of his contract to carry the mails from the Missouri to Utah, all
papers and pamphlets for the newsdealers, not directed to subscribers,
are thrown out. It looks very much like a scheme to keep light out of
that country, nowhere so much needed."
** D. O. Calder's letter to George Q. Cannon, March 13, 1863, in
Millennial Star.
*** "Every attempt was made to seduce him from the path of duty,
not omitting the same appliances which had been brought to bear upon
Steptoe and Dawson, but all in vain."--"The Mormon Prophet," p. 109.
**** Whitney, the Mormon historian, says that while the President
was convinced that Harding was not the right man for the place, "he
doubtless believed that there was more or less truth in the charges of
'subserviency' to Young made by local anti-Mormons against Chief
Justice Kinney and Secretary Fuller. He therefore removed them as
well."--"History of Utah," Vol. II, p. 103.
Lincoln's policy, as he expressed it then, was, "I will let the Mormons
alone if they will let me alone."* He had war enough on his hands
without seeking any diversion in Utah. J. D. Doty, the superintendent
of Indian affairs, succeeded Harding as governor, Amos Reed of Wisconsin
became secretary, and John Titus of Philadelphia chief justice.
* Young's letter to Cannon, "History of Salt Lake City," p. 325.
Affairs in Utah now became more quiet. General Connor (he was made a
brigadier general for his service in the Bear River Indian campaign in
1862-1863) yielded nothing to Mormon threats or demands. A periodical
called the Union Vidette, published by his force, appeared in November,
1863, and in it was printed a circular over his name, expressing belief
in the existence of rich veins of gold, silver, copper, and other metals
in the territory, and promising the fullest protection to miners and
prospectors; and the beginning of the mining interests there dated from
the picking up of a piece of ore by a lady member of the camp while
attending a picnic party. Although the Mormons had discouraged mining
as calculated to cause a rush of non-Mormon residents, they did not show
any special resentment to the general's policy in this respect. With
the increasing evidence that the Union cause would triumph, the church
turned its face toward the federal government. We find, accordingly, a
union of Mormons and Camp Douglas soldiers in the celebration of Union
victories on March 4, 1865, with a procession and speeches, and, when
General Connor left to assume command of the Department of the Platte,
a ball in his honor was given in Salt Lake City; and at the time
of Lincoln's assassination church and government officers joined in
services in the Tabernacle, and the city was draped in mourning.