que estabamos enfechizados, que hoy dia estan en ello. Otra gente fallé
que comian hombres: la desformidad de su gesto lo dice. Allí dicen qué
hay grandes mineros de cobre: hachas de ello, otras cosas labradas,
fundidas, soladas hube, y fraguas con todo su aparejo de platero y
los crisoles. Allí van vestidos; y en aquella provincia vide sábanas
grandes de algodon, labradas de muy sotiles labores; otras píntadas muy
sútilmente á colores con pinceles. Dicen que en la tierra adentro hácia
el Catayo las hay tejidas de oro. De todas estas tierras y de lo que hay
en ellas, falta de lengua, no se saben tan presto. Los pueblos, bien
que sean espesos, cada uno tiene diferenciada lengua, y es en tanto que
no se entienden los unos con los otros, mas que nos con los de Arabia.
Yo creo que esto sea en esta gente salvage de la costa de la mar, mas
no en la tierra dentro. Cuando yo descubrí las Indias dije que eran el
mayor señorío rico que hay en el mundo. Yo dije del oro, perlas, piedras
preciosas, especerías, con los tratos y ferias, y porque no pareció todo
tan presto fuí escandalizado. Este castigo me hace agora que no diga
salvo lo que yo oigo de los naturales de la tierra. De una oso decir,
porque hay tantos testigos, y es que yo vide en esta tierra de Veragua
mayor señal de oro en dos dias primeros que en la Española en cuatro
años, y que las tierras de la comarca no pueden ser mas fermosas, ni
mas labradas, ni la gente mas cobarde, y buen puerto, y fermoso rio, y
defensible al mundo. Todo esto es seguridad de los cristianos y certeza
de señorío, con grande esperanza de la honra y acrescentamiento de la
religion cristiana; y el camino, allí será tan breve como á la Española,
porque ha de ser con viento. Tan señores son vuestras Altezas de esto
como de Jerez ó Toledo: sus navíos que fueren allí van á su casa. De
allí sacarán oro: en otras tierras, para haber de lo que hay en ellas,
conviene que se lo lleven, ó se volverán vacíos; y en la tierra es
necesario que fien sus personas de un salvage. Del otro que yo dejo de
decir, ya dije por qué me encerré: no digo así, ni que yo me afirme en
el tres doble en todo lo que yo haya jamas dicho ni escrito, y que yo
estó a la fuente. Genoveses, Venecianos y toda gente que tenga perlas,
piedras preciosas y otras cosas de valor, todos las llevan hasta el cabo
del mundo para las trocar, convertir en oro: el oro es excelentísimo:
del oro se hace tesoro, y con él, quien lo tiene, hace cuanto quiere
en el mundo, y llega á que echa las animas al paraiso. Los señores de
aquellas tierras de la comarca Veragua cuando mueren entierran el oro
que tienen con el cuerpo, así lo dicen: á Salomon llevaron de un camino
seiscientos y sesenta y seis quintales de oro, allende lo que llevaron
los mercaderes y marineros, y allende lo que se pagó en Arabia. De este
oro fizo doscientas lanzas y trescientos escudos, y fizo el tablado que
habia de estar arriba dellas de oro y adornado de piedras preciosas, y
fizo otras muchas cosas de oro, y vasos muchos y muy grandes y ricos de
piedras preciosas. Josefo en su corónica de Antiquitatibus lo escribe.
En el Paralipomenon y en el libro de los Reyes se cuenta de esto. Josefo
quiere que este oro se hobiese en la Aurea: si así fuese digo que
aquellas minas de la Aurea son unas y se convienen con estas de Veragua,
que como yo dije arriba se alarga al Poniente veinte jornadas, y son en
una distancia lejos del polo y de la línea. Salomon compró todo aquello,
oro, piedras y plata, é allí le pueden mandar á coger si les aplace.
David en su testamento dejó tres mil quintales de oro de las Indías á
Salomon para ayuda de edificar el templo, y segun Josefo era el destas
mismas tierras. Hierusalem y el monte Sion ha de ser reedificado por mano
de cristianos: quien ha de ser, Dios por boca del Profeta en el décimo
cuarto salmo lo dice. El Abad Joaquin dijo que este habia de salir de
España. San Gerónimo á la santa muger le mostró el camino para ello. El
Emperador del Catayo ha dias que mandó sabios que le enseñen en la fé
de Cristo. ¿Quién será que se ofrezca á esto? Si nuestro Señor me lleva
á España, yo me obligo de llevarle, con el nombre de Dios, en salvo.
Esta gente que vino conmigo han pasado increibles peligros y trabajos.
Suplico á V. A., porque son pobres, que les mande pagar luego, y les haga
mercedes á cada uno segun la calidad de la persona, que les certifico
que á mi creer les traen las mejores nuevas que nunca fueron á España.
El oro que tiene el Quibian de Veragua y los otros de la comarca, bien
que segun informacion él sea mucho, no me paresció bien ni servicio de
vuestras Altezas de se le tomar por via de robo: lo buena orden evitará
escándalo y mala fama, y hará que todo ello venga al tesoro, que no quede
un grano. Con un mes de buen tiempo yo acabára todo mi viage: por falta
de los navíos no porfié á esperarle para tornar á ello, y para toda cosa
de su servicio espero en aquel que me hizo, y estaré bueno. Yo creo que
V. A. se acordará que yo queria mandar hacer los navíos de nueva manera:
la brevedad del tiempo no dió lugar á ello, y cierto yo habio caido en lo
que cumplia. Yo tengo en mas esta negociacion y minas con esta escala y
señorio, que todo lo otro que está hecho en las Indias. No es este hijo
para dar á criar á madrastra. De la Española, de Paria y de las otras
tierras no me acuerdo de ellas, que yo no llore: creia yo que el ejemplo
dellas hobiese de ser por estotras al contrario: ellas estan boca á yuso,
bien que no mueren: la enfermedad es incurable, ó muy larga: quien las
llegó á esto venga agora con el remedio si puede ó sabe: al descomponer
cada uno es maestro. Las gracias y acrescentamiento siempre fue uso
de las dar á quien puso su cuerpo á peligro. No es razon que quien ha
sido tan contrario á esta negociacion le goce ni sus fijos. Los que se
fueron de las Indias fuyendo los trabajos y diciendo mal dellas y de mí,
volvieron con cargos: así se ordenaba agora en Veragua: malo ejemplo, y
sin provecho del negocio y para la justicia del mundo: este temor con
otros casos hartos que yo veia claro, me hizo suplicar á V. A. antes que
yo viniese á descubrir esas islas y tierra firme, que me las dejasen
gobernar en su Real nombre: plúgoles: fue por privilegio y asiento, y con
sello y juramento, y me intitularon de Viso-Rey y Almirante y Gobernador
general de todo; y aseñalaron el término sobre las islas de los Azores
cien leguas, y aquellas del Cabo Verde por línea que pasa de polo á
polo, y desto y de todo que mas se descubriese, y me dieron poder largo:
la escritura á mas largamente lo dice. El otro negocio famosísimo está
con los brazos abiertos llamando: extrangero ha sido fasta ahora. Siete
años estuve yo en su Real corte, que á cuantos se fabló de esta empresa
todos á una dijeron que era burla: agora fasta los sastres suplican por
descubrir. Es de creer que van á saltear, y se les otorga, que cobran con
mucho perjuicio de mi honra y tanto daño del negocio. Bueno es de dar á
Dios lo suyo y acetar lo que le pertenece. Esta es justa sentencia, y de
justo. Las tierras que acá obedecen á V. A. son mas que todas las otras
de cristianos y ricas. Despues que yo, por voluntad divina, las hube
puestas debajo de su Real y alto señorío, y en filo para haber grandísima
rénta, de improviso, esperando navíos para venir á su alto conspecto
con victoria y grandes nuevas del oro, muy seguro y alegre, fuí preso
y echado con dos hermanos en un navío, cargados de fierros, desnudo en
cuerpo, con muy mal tratamiento, sin ser llamado ni vencido por justicia:
¿quién creerá que un pobre extrangero se hobiese de alzar en tal lugar
contra V. A. sin causa, ni sin brazo de otro Príncipe, y estando solo
entre sus vasallos y naturales, y teniendo todos mis fijos en su Real
corte? Yo vine á servir de veinte y ocho años, y agora no tengo cabello
en mi persona que no sea cano y el cuerpo enfermo, y gastado cuanto me
quedó de aquellos, y me fue tomado y vendido, y á mis hermanos fasta el
sayo, sin ser oido ni visto, con gran deshonor mio. Es de creer que esto
no se hizo por su Real mandado. La restitucion de mi honra y daños, y el
castigo en quien lo fizo, fará sonar su Real nobleza; y otro tanto en
quien me robó las perlas, y de quien ha fecho daño en ese almirantado.
Grandísima virtud, fama con ejemplo será si hacen esto, y quedará á la
España gloriosa memoria con la de vuestras Altezas de agradecidos y
justos Príncipes. La intencion tan sana que yo siempre tuve al servicio
de vuestras Altezas, y la afrenta tan desigual, no da lugar al anima
que calle, bíen que yo quiera: suplico á vuestras Altezas me perdonen.
Yo estoy tan perdido como dije: yo he llorado fasta aquí á otros: haya
misericordia agora el Cielo, y llore por mi la tierra. En el temporal no
tengo solamente una blanca para el oferta: en el espiritual he parado
aquí en las Indias de la forma que está dicho: aislado en esta pena,
enfermo, aguardando cada dia por la muerte, y cercado de un cuento de
salvages y llenos de crueldad y enemigos nuestros, y tan apartado de
los Santos Sacramentos de la Santa Iglesia, que se olvidará desta anima
si se aparta acá del cuerpo. Llore por mí quien tiene caridad, verdad y
justicia. Yo no vine este viage á navegar por ganar honra ni hacienda:
esto es cierto, porque estaba ya la esperanza de todo en ella muerta.
Yo vine á V. A. con sana intencion y buen zelo, y no miento. Suplico
humildemente á V. A. que si á Dios place de me sacar de aquí, que haya
por bien mi ida á Roma y otras romerías. Cuya vida y alto estado la Santa
Trinidad guarde y acresciente. Fecha en las Indias en la Isla de Jamaica
á siete de Julio de mil quinientos y tres años.
FOOTNOTES:
[202] The word “cosas” has been replaced on conjecture by “casas,” such
being the idea entertained in the Italian translation, republished by
Morelli.
[203] The “line” of Columbus implies fifteen degrees, or one hour of
longitude; and the twelve lines which describe the distance of Catigara
from the meridian of Ptolemy, equal one hundred and eighty degrees.
Marinus of Tyre, reckoned two hundred and twenty-five degrees to the same
space, which is equivalent to the fifteen lines stated by Columbus.
[204] Every one will immediately see the incorrectness of this notion,
arising from the belief of Columbus that the country he had discovered
was the east coast of Asia. Instead of the land bearing a proportion
of six-sevenths to the water, the water bears a proportion of about
two-thirds to the land.
[205] Morelli has given this passage thus: “la opposizion de Saturno con
Marte.” The adjective “desbarados,” however, sufficiently proves this
reading to be incorrect. It would seem that Columbus meant the opposition
of Saturn with the Sun.
[206] The word _proeses_ or _proizes_, answers to our English word
bollards—or the posts to which cables are fastened.
[207] Columbus, who now fancies himself in China, by this word “Mago,”
means Mangi, the name given by Marco Polo, whose travels he had read, to
Southern China, while Northern China was Cathay.
[208] Of course he here speaks of himself.
[209] Bow-lines are ropes employed to keep the windward edges of
the principal sails steady, and are only used when the wind is so
unfavourable that the sails must be all braced sideways, or close hauled
to the wind.
[210] In this remarkable notion, Columbus refers to a work of the learned
Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini, entitled _Cosmographia Pape Pii_, printed in
Venice in 1503. It is not paginated, but if the reader will count to the
nineteenth and twentieth pages he will find the following passages: “Post
Sacas ad septentrionem Messagetæ reperiuntur: ... Fæda gens et brutis
simillima apud quam genus mortis optimum judicabatur ut senio confecti
in frusta cœderentur et cum carnibus ovilis promiscue ederentur: eos
qui morbo decederent ut impios abjicientes tamque dignos qui a feris
devorarentur. Equites ac pedites inter eos optimi fuere arcu; gladio;
thorace; ac securi æneâ utentes; aureas zonas; aurea equorum frena ac
pectoralia habentes. Ferri parum apud eos fuit: argento carebant; ære
et auro abundabant: insularum cultores herbarum radices edebant, et
agrestes fructus: ex quibus pocula exprimebant. Vestis erat arborum
cortex: qui paludes inhabitabant piscibus vescebantur: focarum coria e
mari prodeuntium induebant,” etc. From Herodotus we gather an accurate
idea of the situation of the Massagetæ, viz., in the immense plain to
the east of the Caspian and on the east bank of the Jaxaretes. Strabo
corroborates the account of Herodotus as to the repulsive habits of these
old Mongolians.
[211] This is a malady undefined in any dictionary.
[212] This is most certainly a mistake; probably thirty-eight was
originally written, which, supposing Columbus to have been born in
1446-7, would bring the date referred to to 1484, when Columbus really
did escape from Portugal into Spain.
A NARRATIVE
_Given by Diego Mendez [in his will] of some events that occurred in the
last voyage of the Admiral Don Christopher Columbus._
Diego Mendez, citizen of St. Domingo, in the island of Española, being
in the city of Valladolid, where the Court of their Majesties was at
the time staying, made his will on the sixth day of June, of the year
one thousand five hundred and thirty-six, before Fernando Perez, their
Majesties’ scrivener, and notary public in that their Court, and in all
their Kingdoms and Lordships, the witnesses to the same being Diego de
Arana, Juan Diez Miranda de la Cuadra, Martin de Orduña, Lucas Fernandez,
Alonzo de Angulo, Francisco de Hinojosa and Diego de Aguilar, all
servants of my Lady the Vicequeen of the Indies.[213] And among other
chapters of the said will there is one which runs literally as follows:—
Clause of the will, Item: The very illustrious gentlemen, the admiral Don
Christopher Columbus, of glorious memory, and his son the admiral Don
Diego Columbus, and his grandson the admiral Don Louis, (whom may God
long preserve), and through them my Lady the Vicequeen, as tutress and
guardian of the latter, are in debt to me, for many and great services
that I have rendered them, in as much as I have spent and worn out the
best part of my life even to its close in their service; especially did
I serve the admiral Don Christopher, going with his Lordship to the
discovery of the islands and terra firma, and often putting myself in
danger of death in order to save his life and the lives of those who
were with him, more particularly when we were shut in at the mouth of
the river Belen or Yebra, through the violence of the sea and the winds
which drove up the sand, and raised such a mountain of it as to close up
the entrance of the port. His Lordship being there greatly afflicted, a
multitude of Indians collected together on shore to burn the ships, and
kill us all, pretending that they were going to make war against other
Indians of the province of Cabrava Aurira, with whom they were at enmity.
Though many of them passed by that part where our ships were lying,
none of the fleet took notice of the matter except myself, who went to
the admiral and said to him, “Sir, these people who have passed by in
order of battle, say that they go to unite themselves with the people
of Veragua, to attack the people of Cobrava Aurira: I do not believe
it, but, on the contrary, I think that they are collected together
to burn our ships and kill all of us,”—as in fact was the case. The
admiral then asked me what were the best means of preventing this, and
I proposed to his Lordship that I should go with a boat along the coast
towards Veragua, to see where the royal court sat. I had not proceeded
on my errand half a league when I found nearly a thousand men of war
with great stores of provisions of all kinds, and I went on shore alone
amongst them, leaving my boat afloat; I then spoke with them, making
them understand me as well as I could, and offered to go with them to
the battle with that armed boat; but this they strongly refused, saying
there was no need of such a thing. After that I returned to the boat,
and remained there in sight of them all that night, so that they could
not go to the ships to burn or destroy them, according to their previous
arrangements, without my seeing them, upon which they changed their plan,
and on that same night they all returned to Veragua. I then went back to
the ships, and related all this to his Lordship, who thought no little
of what I had done, and upon his consulting me as to the best manner
of proceeding so as clearly to ascertain what was the intention of the
people, I offered to go to them with one single companion; and this task
I undertook, though more certain of death than of life in the result.
After journeying along the beach up to the river of Veragua, I found two
canoes of strange Indians, who related to me more in detail, that these
people were indeed collected together to burn our ships and kill us all,
and that they had forsaken their purpose in consequence of the boat
coming up to the spot, but that they intended to return after two days
to make the attempt once more. I then asked them to carry me in their
canoes to the upper part of the river, offering to remunerate them if
they would do so; but they excused themselves, and advised me by no means
to go, for that both myself and my companion would certainly be killed.
At length, in spite of their advice, I prevailed upon them to take me in
their canoes to the upper part of the river, until I reached the villages
of the Indians, whom I found in order of battle. They, however, would
not, at first, allow me to go to the principal residence of the cacique,
till I pretended that I was come as a surgeon to cure him of a wound
that he had in his leg; then, after I had made them some presents, they
suffered me to proceed to the seat of royalty, which was situated on the
top of a hillock, surmounted by a plain, with a large square surrounded
by three hundred heads of the enemies he had slain in battle. When I
had passed through the square, and reached the royal house, there was a
great clamour of women and children at the gate, who ran into the palace
screaming. Upon this, one of the chief’s sons came out in a high passion,
uttering angry words in his own language; and, laying hands upon me, with
one push he thrust me far away from him. In order to appease him, I told
him that I was come to cure the wound in his father’s leg, and showed
him an ointment that I had brought for that purpose; but he replied,
that on no account whatever should I go in to the place where his father
was. When I saw that I had no chance of appeasing him in that way, I
took out a comb, a pair of scissors, and a mirror, and caused Escobar,
my companion, to comb my hair and then cut it off. When the Indian, and
those who were with him, saw this, they stood in astonishment; upon
which I prevailed on him to suffer his own hair to be combed and cut by
Escobar; I then made him a present of the scissors, with the comb and the
mirror, and thus he became appeased. After this, I begged him to allow
some food to be brought, which was soon done, and we ate and drank in
love and good fellowship, like very good friends. I then left him and
returned to the ships, and related all this to my lord the Admiral, who
was not a little pleased when he heard all these circumstances, and the
things that had happened to me. He ordered a large stock of provisions to
be put into the ships, and into certain straw houses that we had built
there, with a view that I should remain, with some of the men, to examine
and ascertain the secrets of the country. The next morning his lordship
called me to take counsel with me as to what was to be done. My opinion
was that we ought to seize that chief and all his captains; because,
when they were taken, the common people would submit. His lordship was
of the same opinion. I then submitted the stratagem and plan by which
this might be accomplished; and his lordship ordered that the Adelantado,
his brother, and I, accompanied by eighty men, should go to put it into
execution. We went, and our Lord gave us such good fortune, that we took
the cacique and most of his captains, his wives, sons, and grandsons,
with all the princes of his race; but in sending them to the ships, thus
captured, the cacique extricated himself from the too slight grasp of
the man who held him, a circumstance which afterwards caused us much
injury. At this moment it pleased God to cause it to rain very heavily,
occasioning a great flood, by which the mouth of the harbour was opened
and the Admiral enabled to draw out the ships to sea, in order to proceed
to Spain; I, meanwhile, remaining on land as Accountant of his Highness,
with seventy men, and the greater part of the provisions of biscuit,
wine, oil, and vinegar being left with me.
The Admiral had scarcely got to sea (while I stayed on shore with about
twenty men, for the others had gone to assist the Admiral), when suddenly
more than four hundred natives, armed with cross-bows and arrows, came
down upon me, extending themselves along the face of the mountain;
they then gave a shriek, then another, and another, and these repeated
cries, by the goodness of God, gave me opportunity to prepare for the
engagement. While I was on the shore among the huts which we had built,
and they were collected on the mountain at about the distance of an
arrow’s flight, they began to shoot their arrows and hurl their darts, as
if they had been attacking a bull. The arrows and cross-bow shots came
down thick as hail, and some of the Indians then separated themselves
from the rest, for the purpose of attacking us with clubs; none of them,
however, returned, for with our swords we cut off their arms and legs,
and killed them on the spot; upon which the rest took such fright, that
they fled, after having killed in the contest seven out of twenty of our
men; while, on their side, they lost nine or ten of those who advanced
the most boldly towards us. This contest lasted three long hours, and
our Lord gave us the victory in a marvellous manner, we being so few
and they so numerous. After this fight was over, the captain, Diego
Tristan, came with the boats from the ships to ascend the river, in
order to take in water for the voyage; and, notwithstanding I advised
and warned him not to go, he would not trust me, but, against my wish,
went up the river with two boats and twelve men; upon which the natives
attacked him, and killed him and all the men that he took with him,
except one who escaped by swimming, and from whom we heard the news. The
Indians then took the boats and broke them to pieces, which caused us
great vexation; for the Admiral was at sea with his ships without boats,
while we were on shore deprived of the means of going to him. Besides
this, the Indians came continually to assail us; every instant playing
trumpets and kettle-drums, and uttering loud cries in the belief that
they had conquered us. The only means of defending ourselves against
these people, were two very good brass falconets and plenty of powder
and ball, with which we frightened them so much that they did not dare
approach us. This lasted for the space of four days, during which time
I caused several bags to be made out of the sails of one of the vessels
which we had remaining on shore, and into them I put all our biscuit. I
then took two canoes, and secured them together with sticks across the
tops, and, after loading them with the biscuit, the pipes of wine, and
the oil and vinegar, I fastened them together with a rope, and had them
towed along the sea while it was calm, so that in the seven trips we
contrived to get all of it to the ships, and the people were also carried
over by few at a time. Meanwhile I remained with five men to the last,
and at night I put to sea with the last boatful. The Admiral thought
very highly of this conduct of mine, and did not content himself with
embracing me and kissing me on the cheeks for having performed so great
a service, but asked me to take the captaincy of the ship _Capitana_,
with the government of all the crew, and, in fact, of the entire voyage;
which I accepted in order to oblige him, as it was a service of great
responsibility.