Entrance of the Syrtis — Extensive Lake, or Marsh, described by
Strabo — Remarks of Strabo compared with the actual appearance and
extent of the Marsh — Remains considered as those of the ancient
Naval Station, described by Strabo, at the Mouth of the Lake —
Appearance of another Station more to the northward — Gulf of Zuca
— Remarks of Signor Della Cella connected with it — Resemblance
of the names Zuchis and Zuca — Non-existence of the Gulf of Zuca
in the Greater Syrtis — Error of D’Anville and modern Geographers
on this point — Remarks of Signor Della Cella on the terms _Marsh_
and _Lake_, as applied to the body of water mentioned by Strabo —
Dimensions of the existing Marsh — Alleged danger of crossing it
— Insulated spots in several parts of the Marsh, corresponding
with the accounts of Strabo — Arrival at Sooleb — Appearance of
Pasturage in this neighbourhood — Liberality of Shekh Mahommed —
Cause of it ascertained — Sooleb occupies the place assigned in
modern charts to the Gulf of Zuca — Continuance of the Marsh —
Remains near Mahada called Kusser el Jébbah — Story connected with
them related by the Dúbbah — Unwillingness of our Arab Guides to
cross the Marsh — Cause of this ascertained — Narrow escape of
two of our party — Nature of the soil in this neighbourhood —
French Inscription left by the boats of the Chevrette — Another
left by the barge of the Adventure — Arrive at Mahàd Hassàn,
probably the Turris Hassàn of Edrisi — Remains at Mahàd Hassàn
— Arrive at Giraff, where the Marsh terminates altogether —
Refractory conduct of our Camel-drivers — Improvement in the
appearance of the country — Arrival at Zaffràn — Grateful
verdure of its Pasturage — Remains at Zaffràn considered as
those of Aspis — Their nature and appearance described — Port
called Mersa Zaffràn considered as that of Aspis — Difficulties
attending this position — Remains on the Beach — Supposed Date of
the Buildings at Zaffràn — Remarks connected with them — Castles
mentioned by Leo Africanus — Construction of the Forts at Zaffràn.
On quitting the groves and gardens of Mesurata for the wilds of the
Greater Syrtis, the first object which presents itself, in the level
tract of country already mentioned, is the extensive marsh described
by Strabo as occurring after the Cephalas Promontorium. It has not
now the character of an uninterrupted sheet of water, as it appears
to have had when seen by this geographer, but spreads itself in pools
over a wide tract of country, and communicates occasionally with the
sea. Many of these pools, are, however, some miles in extent, and
were they deep enough would deserve the appellation of lakes. When
we passed along the marsh the rainy _season_ had not commenced
although a good deal of rain had fallen, and it is probable that,
at the close of it, the greater number of the pools are collected
into much larger masses. While at Tripoly, Shekh Mahommed was
anxious for our departure chiefly on account of this morass, which
he represented as being very dangerous, if not wholly impassable,
after the long continuance of heavy rains. The dimensions given by
Strabo are three hundred stadia for the length, and seventy for
the breadth of the marsh, or lake, which he describes; and these
measurements correspond quite sufficiently with the appearance of
that which actually exists; its length, from Mesurata to Sooleb,
being little less than forty miles, and its breadth, from the sea
inland, from nine and ten to fifteen. It does not indeed finish
wholly at Sooleb, but is contracted in passing that place, to the
narrow limits of two and three miles in width, and then continues as
far as Giraff. The great body of the marsh may however be considered
as contained between Sooleb and Mesurata; for though it extends
much further in length and widens itself again after passing the
former place, there is no part where it presents so broad, and
uninterrupted a surface, as in the space comprehended within the
measurements of Strabo, beginning from the Cephalas Promontorium.
Strabo’s lake is stated to have enclosed several islands and to
have possessed an υφορμος or naval station, at the point
of communication with the Gulf[1]. Several insulated spots are
certainly still observable in various parts of the existing marsh;
but there are no remains of building which can be attributed to the
station mentioned, except those which occur in the neighbourhood
of Mesurata. At the distance of about nine miles from that place,
are the remains of a kind of causeway of singular construction,
extending inland to a length of three hundred and thirty paces from
the sea; and forming, with a rising ground on the opposite side
of it, what may be called a στομα or communication with the
Gulf. The ruins appear to be those of a landing-place; and consist
of a long causeway, or terrace, of about ten feet in breadth[2],
which widens itself at regular intervals into squares, from which
descend flights of steps on either side of the causeway. One end
of it is washed by the sea, which has undermined it considerably,
and the whole structure is now little more than a heap of ruins.
If this building have not been a landing-place or quay, we must
confess that we know not what use to assign to it; and, admitting
it to have been one, it immediately becomes evident that it must
have been connected with some station for shipping.
The general character of the land along this part of the coast,
which rises higher than the level of the lake or morass, would
prevent any communication between the marsh and the sea except
in this place and the one which we are about to mention. In this
place, particularly, such connexion seems formerly to have existed;
for here a passage still remains, through the higher land forming
the separation, by means of which the waters of the lake might have
emptied themselves into the sea, and on one side of this channel is
the structure in question which we have supposed to be a landing
place. The small vessels of the ancients might have entered this
passage, and have found sufficient shelter behind the high land[3]
which formed it; on the inner side of which they might also have
been hauled up when the current through the channel was too strong
for them to remain afloat[4].
Nearer to Mesurata, a little to the southward of the Marábūt of
Sidy Abou Shaifa, are the remains of what seem to have been a small
fort or station: its outer walls enclose a square of about an hundred
feet and there are vestiges of smaller walls within, which appear
to have divided it into several compartments. On the north-western
side there are some small blocks of stone, about two feet square,
which seem to have been the abutments of arches formerly supporting
the roof of the building; and which are about eight feet distant
from each other. These remains, forming at present nothing more
than an imperfect ground-plan, are situated on a low rising ground
close to the sea; and between them and point Abou Shaifa the lake
may have communicated with the gulf a little to the southward of
the point. There are also some slight remains of building in the
neighbourhood of this place, as well as in that of the causeway,
occupying the low range which runs along the coast: but from the
presence of the landing-place, at the communication first mentioned,
we should be disposed to adopt it in preference to that at Abou
Shaifa, as the στομα, or mouth, of the lake mentioned by Strabo.
Signor Della Cella, in stating that the lake or marsh which we
have mentioned, is the same with that laid down by D’Anville and
other modern geographers, under the title of Gulf of Zuca, or Succa,
has instanced the passage above quoted from Strabo in confirmation
of this opinion. But the Gulf of Zuca is represented as an inlet,
or creek, of not more than four miles across in any part of it;
while Strabo’s lake is in width more than double that distance,
and seems to bear no other resemblance to the gulf than that of
having a communication with the sea. If, therefore, the Gulf of
Zuca, as D’Anville himself has stated, be actually laid down on
the authority of Strabo, we should rather look for its origin in
another passage of this geographer which occurs before the one
we have quoted. In this passage Strabo describes a Lake Zuchis,
to which he attributes the peculiarity of a narrow entrance at
the point of communication with the sea; while he merely states,
in his description of the lake we have first mentioned, that it
emptied itself into the Gulf (of the Greater Syrtis).
The similarity of the names of Zuchis and Zuca and the narrow
width which is given to the latter would certainly appear to be
in favour of our suggestion; but then the Lake Zuchis is in the
_Lesser_ Syrtis, near the town of the same name which Strabo has
mentioned as being famous for its purple dye and its saltworks; and
in pointing it out as that intended by D’Anville, we must suppose
that this geographer has confounded the two passages of Strabo, and,
consequently, the two lakes, together. As this, however, appears
(at least to us) very probable, from the reasons which we have
mentioned above, we will submit to our readers the two passages
in question[5], on which our supposition is founded, and proceed
to consider the lake first alluded to as wholly distinct from the
Gulf of Zuca, to which it has really no sufficient resemblance to
authorize us in supposing them to be the same.
We may state at the same time, in positive terms, that no inlet now
exists in any part of the Greater Syrtis which resembles the Gulf
of Zuca in question; and that it might certainly be altogether
expunged from the charts, without the least impropriety; unless
indeed its position be shifted from the Greater, to the Gulf of
the Lesser, Syrtis.
It must be confessed, at the same time that the reasoning of Signor
Della Cella on the words λιμην and υφορμος does not appear to be very
satisfactory; for even if we allow that the precise meaning of υφορμος
may be open to conjecture, it seems evident that it implied a shelter
of some kind for vessels, whether or not it might be considered to mean
actually a port; which is the signification that we should be disposed
to attach to it in the passage of Strabo in question[6]. We do not,
either, see why the word λιμνη in the same passage may not be rendered
lake, as well as marsh; for it is certainly used in that sense in many
instances as well by Strabo as other Greek writers; and there seems to
be no reason why the marsh which we are describing may not have been in
Strabo’s time a lake, particularly as he mentions it to have had a naval
station (υφορμος) at its entrance, which could scarcely have been the
case had it been nothing more than a marsh.
As a general description of the marsh above mentioned, we should say
that it commences at Mesurata, and extends southward along the coast
as far as Giraff; occupying altogether a space of 101 miles by 15,
and narrowing towards its southern termination. A small part of the
marsh only was covered with water when we crossed it; but from the
alternate laminæ of salt and alluvial deposite as well as from the
numerous small shells principally of the trochus kind, which cover
its surface, it is evident that the sea at times wholly inundates
it. Our guides were always desirous that we should not deviate from
the track, and were constantly representing to us the danger there
was of sinking, with all the usual hyperbole of Arab description. As
we suspected, however, that they only made difficulties in order
to save themselves the trouble of attending us in our excursions,
we paid but little attention to their observations of this nature;
and continued to cross the marsh, whenever our duties rendered it
necessary that we should examine either the coast or the country
beyond it, taking no other precautions than those of keeping in such
places as appeared to ourselves to offer the firmest footing. The
crusted surface occasionally gave way under our horses’ feet,
and discovered hollow spaces of various depths underneath, at the
bottom of which appeared water: but as none of our party ever sank
in very deeply, we concluded that these hollows were too trifling to
be dangerous, and continued to cross the marsh wherever it seemed
practicable, till experience at length convinced us that a portion
of truth was mixed up with the exaggerated accounts of our guides,
and induced us to use more precaution.
Many insulated spots, both of earth and of sand, are conspicuous
in different parts of the marsh; and most of these places are
honoured with a name by their Mahometan visitors or occasional
inhabitants. The road, if such we may call it, either winds
along the margin of these little islands, or traverses them, when
necessary for greater security. The first of these which occurs,
after leaving Mesurata, is the little oasis called Towergah; lying
out of the track at a distance of seven or eight miles from the
coast: it has a village, and a considerable plantation of date-trees.
A little beyond this is said to be another small insulated spot
called Wady Halfa, where date-trees are also to be found; but this
was not in sight from the immediate neighbourhood of the coast. The
surface of the marsh, in the direction of these places, presents a
smooth, unvaried level, as far as the eye can reach, wholly destitute
of any vegetation; it consists entirely of an incrustation of salt
and alluvial deposit. In following the route along the coast, the
first rising ground which occurs, of any tolerable dimensions, is
Melfa[7]; where are the remains of an old, dilapidated Marábūt,
and occasionally a patch of vegetation, affording a scanty supply
to a few miserable-looking goats.
To this succeeds Sooleb, which we have already pointed out as the
southern limit of the marsh, according to the dimensions given
by Strabo; and where that part of the low ground, which could,
at any time, be covered with water, is too narrow to interfere
with the general character of the geographer’s lake. Sooleb has
the advantage of some tolerable pasturage, and is in consequence
occupied by flocks of sheep and goats, the property of several Arab
Shekhs, and which are chiefly tended by negro slaves, who dwell
in scattered tents with the animals confided to their charge. The
sight of a little vegetation was by no means unwelcome to us after
the dismal prospect afforded by the barren flats we had just passed;
and the dreary uncultivated wilds of Sooleb assumed, by comparison,
some appearance of interest, to which Salisbury plain or Newmarket
heath might perhaps be more justly entitled; and which a draught
or two of milk, that we were able to procure there, may probably
have in some degree contributed to heighten. This refreshment was
here more peculiarly welcome, as the water of Sooleb is too bitter,
brackish, and stinking, to be drank without the greatest disgust:
the purchase of a lamb, also, added meat to our board, which we had
not tasted since we left Mesurata. In addition to these luxuries,
we received a present from Shekh Mahommed, of a bowl of cuscusu,
and another of bazeen; and his liberality was equally extended to
the whole of our party.
We were at a loss, when the smoking dishes were ushered into
our tent, escorted by no less a person than the Dúbbah himself,
to conjecture what could possibly have occurred to occasion this
display of Arab munificence; but we soon learnt that Sooleb was the
northern limit of the district of Syrt, and that we had entered the
territory over which the Dúbbah presided; who had in consequence
taken these means of making us acquainted with the circumstance,
and of testifying his friendly disposition, together with his
magisterial importance.
After quitting Sooleb, which, we may here observe, occupies the
place assigned in modern charts to the Gulf of Zuca, we entered
again upon marshy ground, and continued our route to Maháda[8];
a tract of rising ground about forty or fifty feet above the level
of the marsh, and terminating in a declivity towards the sea, and
in perpendicular cliffs on its inland extremities. Near Maháda we
perceived the remains described in Della Cella as those of an old
castle. They are situated on a spot of rising ground surrounded by
a dangerous marsh, and can only be safely approached by following
the few narrow tracks winding along the edges of the hollows which
abound in it. This building is a _gusser_[9], or _kusser_, highly
venerated by the Arabs of the Syrt, and takes its name of Gusser
el Jebha from the son of a celebrated Marábūt, of whom Shekh
Mohammed related to us the following story.
Sinessah, a holy man of the neighbouring territory of Esha, possessed
of great influence and property, bequeathed to the inhabitants
of Esha and Sooleb, some three hundred years since, the privilege
of paying no tribute or duty: this charter, we were assured, has
continued to the present time, and is said to be still respected by
the Bashaw, and to extend itself to the posterity of these people,
whether they settle in their native places, or in any other part
of the country between Mesurata and Syrt.
Jebha, the son of this celebrated Marábūt, conceived the project
of establishing a convenient communication between the two lakes,
or marshes, or, more properly speaking, between the two parts of the
same marsh, and fixed upon the rising ground which is occupied by the
gusser as the spot best qualified for the purpose. He accordingly
made known this proposal to his friends, and conducted a little
party to establish themselves on the eminence.
But the people of Tówergah, aware of this intention, and jealous
of the colony about to be planted by Jebha, stole upon them in
the night, and attacking them unexpectedly, massacred the whole
of the party. To commemorate the project of the unfortunate Jebha,
and the tragical event which attended it, the little structure in
question was raised by the people of Esha, and called after the name
of their benefactors; while he, and the party which accompanied him,
were buried round the consecrated building. Gusser el Jebha consists
of three narrow, vaulted chambers, parallel and communicating with
each other, and which are entered by a door in the central one.
They are about twenty feet in length, and no more than five in
breadth, and are rudely constructed with unhewn stones arranged
with tolerable regularity. The cement is mud with a little mixture
of lime, and the vaulted ceilings are coated with plaster from the
spring of the arch upwards, and ornamented with a pattern raised
from the surface; the lower parts of the interior walls are at
present wholly bare, and do not appear to have been coated. The
outer parts of the building are now a mass of ruin, and the form
of the external roof is not to be ascertained; at least we were
not able to make it out.
A day or two before our arrival at Jebha, Chaous Mahmoud, one of the
Arabs of the Dúbbah’s party, had stoutly refused to accompany
us across the marsh; but after having been severely reprimanded,
and threatened with the loss of his pay, the punishment most dreaded
by an Arab, he consented to go, provided we would allow him to leave
his own horse with the camels, and take one belonging to our party.
This arrangement being acceded to, we trotted on in advance,
telling him to follow as soon as he was mounted; but he continued
to busy himself about the saddle and stirrups, making one little
difficulty after another, till we were nearly out of sight; and then,
mounting the horse which he had exchanged for his own, he galloped
round the marsh in another direction, to meet us as we arrived on
firmer ground.
On coming up with us he began to make excuses for his conduct, and
declared, like a true Arab, that his life was at our service, and
that he was ready to risk it for us on all occasions; but his horse,
he said, was his friend and companion, and he could not bear the idea
of losing him in the marsh, which he was certain he should have done
if he had rode him across it in the direction which we had pointed
out. His regard for our property had at the same time, he added,
prevented him from risking the horse he then rode, and not any regard
for his own personal safety, which was at all times indifferent to
him in the performance of his duty. Perceiving, however, that this
gasconade, delivered with all the vehemence which he could muster
for the occasion, was not producing the effect which he desired,
he called the Prophet to witness the truth of his assertions,
and swore that we had had a most miraculous escape in having been
enabled to reach the ground we then stood upon in safety. There
was nothing to be said against such solemn asseverations; and we
contented ourselves with telling him, in the language of his own
religion, that what is destined to happen cannot be averted; that
there was no occasion to fear, either for his horse or himself,
if the time of their deaths were not come; and that if the fatal
hour had really arrived, no precautions whatever could retard it.
At the same time we declared that the marsh, in our opinion, was
not so dangerous as he had represented, and that we thought he
might cross it, in most directions, without incurring the charge of
tempting Providence too far. Mahmoud shook his head as if he did
not believe it, but said no more upon the subject; and he perhaps
thought we were more obstinate than wise in having so often refused
to be regulated by his advice.
Repeated success will, however, at all times give confidence, even
under the consciousness of danger; and it is not to be wondered at
that we should so often have attempted the passage of the marsh,
believing, as we did, that there was little risk in doing so. But
an accident which occurred in the neighbourhood of Jebha convinced
us that more caution was necessary on these occasions; and we were
afterwards surprised, not only at our numerous escapes, but at our
want of penetration in not having sooner perceived the danger to
which the nature of the marsh had exposed us. It is probable that
the frequent attempts of our guides to excuse themselves from any
service of difficulty or exertion, had prepared us to distrust them
on all subjects equally, and to overlook dangers for no other reason
than because they were mentioned to us by them. Truth is so little
regarded by an Arab, that when his interest or his comfort will be
promoted by a breach of it, he is always prepared with a falsehood;
and it is difficult, even for those who are well acquainted with
his character, to tell when he is sincere in his assertions. One
of two things must necessarily result from this want of proper
feeling: they who place too much confidence in Arab sincerity will
continually be deceived and imposed upon, or they who distrust it
too far will on some occasions be liable to wish that they had been
less obstinate in their disbelief.
As two of our party were making their way across the marsh (a few
days after the conversation just related) to something which bore
the appearance of a ruin, the ground suddenly gave way beneath the
feet of the foremost horse, and discovered a hollow of ten or twelve
feet in depth, at the bottom of which appeared water. The animal, who
was galloping at the time, feeling the insecurity of his footing,
sprang violently forward with all the energy of terror, and by
this sudden exertion saved himself and his rider from destruction;
for it would not have been possible to extricate either from such a
place, had there even been more persons at hand to attempt it: the
ground continued to crack and break away for some distance farther,
as the horse galloped on from the hole, and a large aperture was
soon formed in the crusted surface of the marsh as the pieces fell
in one after another. The whole extent of the danger was not at
first perceived by the rider who had so narrowly escaped; but the
person who was following saw the chasm which had been made, and
wheeling his horse round in another direction was just in time to
avoid plunging into it. As this accident occurred near the middle
of the marsh, it was difficult to decide upon the best path to be
pursued, the surface being everywhere in appearance the same; but,
in order that the weight might be more equally divided, both riders
dismounted, and continued to lead their horses till they reached a
firmer place. This was however no easy matter; as the poor animals
were so terrified with their repeated stumbles, that they could
with difficulty be pulled along, and they trembled so violently
as to be almost incapable of keeping their legs, for the surface
frequently cracked and partially gave way in places which appeared
to be secure, and the parties were so often obliged to alter their
direction, that they almost despaired of being able to bring off
their horses. After much winding and turning, this was, however, at
length effected, and both horses and riders were heartily glad to
find themselves once more on firm ground. Nothing was said to our
guides of this accident, but it served to convince us that their
apprehensions of the marsh were not groundless, and we afterwards
took the precaution of dismounting when we had occasion to cross any
part which was considered to be dangerous. We found on examination
that many hollow spaces of considerable depth and extent existed
in various parts of the marsh; and that the crust of salt and mud
which covered them was sometimes no more than two inches, and an
inch and a half, in thickness.
These usually occurred in the most level parts, but as the crust
was everywhere in appearance the same, there were no means of
ascertaining where they existed, but by breaking the surface which
concealed them.
The water contained in these hollows was invariably salt, or very
brackish; it was usually clear, and was in some places deep:
the depth of mud below the water must also have been sometimes
considerable, and the vacant space contained between the outer
surface of the marsh and the water was in various instances observed
to be as much as twelve and fifteen feet in depth. We had no means of
ascertaining the depth of the water in the hollow alluded to above;
but the space between its surface and that of the marsh appeared
to be more than twelve feet, and, from the sound occasioned by the
fall of the pieces into it, its depth could scarcely have been less
than six or eight feet. In that part of the marsh which surrounds
the Gusser el Jebha the nature of these pits is very apparent; for
the ground being unequal, and overgrown with reeds and brushwood, no
crust has been formed over them, and their dimensions are therefore
easily ascertained. They are here very numerous, and it would be
scarcely possible to escape falling into them after dark, as the
paths which wind among them are sometimes not two feet in breadth,
and the edges of the pits are often concealed by the vegetation which
surrounds them; indeed many of these hollows are wholly overgrown,
and would not be perceived by a casual observer. In crossing to the
Gusser, we could not at first account for the obstinacy of our horses
in refusing to quit the path, which to us appeared to wind in a most
unnecessary manner, and made our ride five or six times as long as
it would have been if we could have crossed to the ruin in a straight
direction. But we soon found that the animals were more quick-sighted
than ourselves, and that the brushwood through which we attempted to
push them concealed pits of the nature already described, from many
of which we could in all probability have never been extricated,
had we persevered in the attempt to force our horses into them.
In our journey along the beach abreast of Maháda, we passed many
fragments of wrecks which the violence of the surf had thrown far
upon the shore; and observed a block of marble erected near the sea,
with the following inscription:—
LA GABORE DU ROI
LA CHEVRETTE
1821.
LAT. 31° 35′, LONG. 13° 18′.
This had evidently been placed by the crew of the Chevrette, which
had quitted Tripoly a few months before, to survey the gulf of the
Greater Syrtis; and we afterwards learned that one of the boats of
this vessel had been round it.
In order to compare longitudes with Captain Gautier who commanded
the Chevrette, an able and scientific officer, a base was measured
at this place, and reduced to the spot where the block of marble
was erected; both were then reduced to the conspicuous position of
Gusser el Jebha, and the comparisons were very satisfactory. A few
miles farther, we perceived a piece of timber placed upright on the
beach, and on examining it found some writing upon it in English,
which stated that, on the 24th of October, His Majesty’s ship
Adventure was lying eighteen miles to the northward of it. This we
knew must have been left by the barge of the Adventure, which had
been despatched by Captain Smyth, under the command of Mr. Elson,
to proceed along the coast as far as it might be practicable; and
we were glad to perceive, in these dreary and desolate regions,
some traces of our English friends. Our party was soon collected
round this old shattered post, and every one employed in searching
for more writing, with all the eagerness of an antiquary poring
over some valuable inscription. Nothing more was, however, to be
discovered, and we took our leave of it with an interest at which
we could not help smiling, when we looked at the ragged piece of
timber which had excited it. On the evening of this day we pitched
the tents at Jereed, a name bestowed by the Arabs upon some low and
barren hills of sand-stone, for everything with them has a name:
off this place lie some dangerous shoals, which broke, although
the sea was tolerably quiet[10]. As the wind was blowing on shore,
and the shoals beginning to shew themselves distinctly, we were
desirous of remaining a day at Jereed, in order to mark their
direction more minutely in the chart, particularly as it appeared,
from the erection of the post above mentioned, that Captain Smyth
had left the coast; but we found upon inquiry, that our horses
would in this event be four days without drinking, and we were
consequently obliged to proceed. We continued our route along the
base of a low ridge of hills, at the back of which we observed a
continuation of the great marsh, which was here very considerably
narrowed; and arrived in the evening at Mahad Hassan, a little oasis
which rises from the bed of the marsh, and consists of a few hills
partially covered with pasturage. In the valleys between these we
observed some wild olive-trees, and many remains of buildings were
scattered over the ground in all directions[11]. Mahad Hassan is
the first place after the long tract of marshy land which has any
appearance of an ancient site. Its remains consist of a number of
small quadrangular buildings, similar to the fortresses observable
at the different stations all the way from this point to Derna. They
are in a very dilapidated state, and it is difficult to say for
what purpose they were intended. They seem to be too numerous
and too close together to have been forts, though their form very
closely resembles them; and they are by no means well calculated
for dwelling-houses, unless we suppose it to have been necessary
that every family should have its castle, unconnected with that of
its neighbour, in which it was regularly intrenched. These little
structures occupy the plains as well as the rising ground, and
are in general from fifty to seventy and a hundred feet square;
their height cannot now be ascertained, even from a computation
of the quantity of rubbish with which each is surrounded, for the
Arabs remove the stones to different places in the neighbourhood
to build the rude tombs of their Marábūts and relations; many
of which are raised on the site of the buildings themselves, and
might sometimes be confounded with the original plan. Shrubs and
bushes have overgrown the greater part of these ruins, and rooted
themselves firmly in the masses of fallen stones, frequently at the
height of twelve and fifteen feet from the ground. None of them are
at present more than rude heaps of shattered stones, and the eye
in passing over the spot would scarcely detect any regular plan,
which is only indeed observable on attentive examination. Among
the buildings may be seen a few wells, in one of which we had been
told we should probably find a little sweet water, a luxury we had
not enjoyed since we left Arár, as the water in the marshy ground
is both salt and stinking. We were rather disappointed, however,
on reaching it, to find that we had been anticipated by our Arab
escort, who had rode on before on pretence of reconnoitring the
country, and of endeavouring to procure some provision. It was
evident at the same time, by the print of their horses’ hoofs,
that they had not been contented with allaying their own thirst, but
had satisfied also that of their horses, till the last drop of water
was expended. At Mahad Hassan we found an Arab tent, and managed to
procure a little milk from an old woman who dwelt in it with her
two sons. These people were the only living things we had seen,
jackalls, gazelles, and water-fowl excepted, since we quitted the
little encampment at Sooleb. Sixteen miles south of Mahad Hassan,
the marsh finishes at Giraff; we arrived there on the night of
the 11th, and pitched the tents upon some sand-hills bordering a
plain thickly covered with low brushwood, which extended as far
as the eye could reach, and from its green appearance seemed to
promise some signs of habitation. Our journey across the marsh had
been monotonous and uninteresting in the extreme; no objects had
appeared to enliven the scene, and no sounds were heard but the
voices of our own camel-drivers, and the tiresome unvaried songs
of our Arab escort, which usually consisted of no more than three
or four words, repeated eternally without any change of tone, and
apparently without the consciousness of the performers themselves.
The only sounds which broke in upon the stillness of the night were
the prayers of our friend the Dúbbah as he chanted them at intervals
in a low and drousy tone, and the howlings of his namesakes[12],
who prowled about the tents, occasionally mingled with the shriller
cries of the jackalls.
We had passed a tolerably comfortable night at Giraff, and were
preparing to proceed early on our journey the following morning,
when, to our no small surprise, we found that the camel-drivers
refused to load their camels, and, on inquiring the cause of this
strange behaviour, we were told they would not proceed any farther,
unless we paid them their wages each day in advance. As this had
not been our agreement with the Shekh of Mesurata, who had hired
them for us at that place, we refused to comply with this ill-timed
demand, for which there appeared to be no reason whatever. We well
knew the impolicy of paying Arabs in advance, which is in fact
giving up the best hold which can be acquired upon their conduct;
and had the demand been even made with a much better grace, we
should not certainly have complied with it. In the present case we
refused it most decidedly, and told the mutineers that we should
abide by our agreement and expected that they would keep theirs:
we added that we were determined at all events to proceed, and that
if they persisted in refusing to load the camels we should do so
without farther ceremony ourselves. They made no reply, but instead
of doing their duty, they all walked away together to a little
eminence a few yards distant, where they were presently joined by
all our Arab escort, with the exception of the Dúbbah; and began to
prime their guns very ceremoniously, charging such of them with ball
as did not happen to be already loaded. We took no other notice of
this Arab manœuvre than by having our own fire-arms in readiness,
and proceeded immediately to load the camels ourselves, in which we
were assisted by the Bashaw’s Chaous, the Dúbbah all the while
recommending us to comply with the demands of the malcontents. This
we told him, however, we were determined not to do; and reproached
him at the same time with the unfriendly part which he was himself
taking on the occasion. It here became evident how little dependence
was to be placed upon Shekh Mahommed el Dúbbah and his company,
and we were glad to have discovered this circumstance so early,
as it might prevent us from relying upon their co-operation,
in cases of greater importance. We did not much expect that the
Arabs would proceed to extremities, but our party, at all events,
was quite as strong as theirs, and we were determined to carry
our point. When the Camels were loaded, and we were about to drive
them off, the warmth of our opponents had abated; for an Arab very
easily makes up his mind to submission when he finds that the chances
are not greatly in his favour; and they followed our party without
offering further resistance, resuming by degrees their customary
occupations. A little beyond Giraff is a small ravine or wady, called
Ghebaiba, the banks of which present the only cultivation which is
to be found in this neighbourhood; and near it, on a little rising
ground, are the remains of some building, too much in ruin to admit
of any satisfactory description, and which bears the same name as
the wady. As we passed over the plain which occurs after Giraff,
the country began to assume a more pleasing aspect. Instead of
the dreary, level surface of the marsh over which we had lately
travelled, we now passed over a succession of undulating ground,
covered with pasturage, among which appeared flocks of sheep and
goats, and here and there an Arab tent. But the most welcome objects
which this change of soil afforded were the wells of sweet water
which presented themselves at Zaffran, near one of which we encamped
for the night; and after a few copious draughts, we soon forgot the
nauseous flavour of that which we had lately been drinking, which
nothing but necessity could have induced any one to swallow. We drew
plentifully from the wells, which were very deep, and allowed our
horses and camels to drink freely; a luxury which the poor animals
had not enjoyed since leaving Mesurata, as their allowance even of
the bad water had been necessarily limited, and for the last four
days they had been without any. This privation, though not unusual
in the Syrtis, was nevertheless severely felt by both horses and
camels; and their breath during these intervals, particularly that
of the camel, became extremely heated and offensive[13].
It is in this neighbourhood that we must look for the Aspis of
Strabo, which is mentioned by that geographer as occurring _after_
the lake, and for a port which he describes as the best in the
Syrtis. “After the lake (are his words) is a place (called) Aspis,
and a port (which is) the best of those in the Syrtis[14].” The
first remains of building which occur after Sooleb (where the great
body of the lake has already been said to finish) are those at Mahád
Hassan, which is evidently an ancient site. To these remains succeed
those of Zaffran, which are more important, and are placed in a
much more desirable situation. They occur immediately after Giraff
where the marsh finishes altogether, and are situated in a country
abounding with pasturage, and furnished with a plentiful supply of
sweet water. Zaffrán has been evidently a military station; and it
is there that we began to perceive more clearly the nature of those
numerous quadrangular buildings which are scattered in all directions
over the Syrtis, in passing from Sooleb to Bengazi. These structures
may be said to commence at Mahad Hassan; but they assume at Zaffran
the appearance of regular forts, and may there be considered as
the commencement of a chain of fortified posts extending itself
through the whole of the Syrtis[15]. They usually occupy the
higher grounds, although some of them are situated in the plains,
and are generally so placed as to have been originally seen from
each other. Indeed no opportunity appears to have been neglected
by the ancients of securing the advantages of pasturage and water
which occur in the regions of the Syrtis; wherever these exist we
find fortresses erected, or regular stations established, which
would materially contribute to facilitate the march of troops and
to prevent at the same time the predatory incursions of the Arabs
and the establishment of their tribes in these desirable positions.
If it be considered necessary to fix the sight of the τοπος
Ασπις at the _first_ place where remains of ancient building are
found, after the lake which is laid down by Strabo, we must place it
at Mahad Hassan; but if it must be identified with the port mentioned
with it, which does not seem, indeed, to be necessary, we are then
obliged to fix it at the first place where a port is to be met with,
after the termination of the marsh, and this will bring us to Mersa
Zaffran[16]. The little port of this name is the first which occurs
in passing eastward from the Cephalas Promontorium, and the remains
of building which are found there, on the beach, will authorize
the conclusion that it has been used as such by the ancients[17].
Its present appearance will however by no means entitle it to the
distinction of καλλιστος, (bestowed by Strabo upon Aspis,
or the port which succeeds it); for the Gulf of Syrtis, though ill
supplied with conveniences of this nature, has certainly ports of
more consideration than Mersa Zaffran.
We must at the same time recollect that the space required for the
vessels of the ancients was much less than would be necessary for
those of the present day, and the depth of water required for them
comparatively inconsiderable. The port at Zaffran is also much less
than formerly, and, like that at Lebida, nearly filled up with sand;
so that although it cannot now be considered as a good one (nor,
indeed, in the present acceptation of the term, as any port at all)
it may certainly have afforded very good shelter and accommodation
for vessels such as those of the ancients[18]. The remains on the
beach are constructed with larger stones than are usually employed in
the Syrtis, and, from what we could perceive of them, for the tops
only appear above the sand, have been built with more than common
attention to workmanship and regularity. Traces of building may
also be observed for nearly a mile from the Mersa to the eastward,
and the whole place is strewed with fragments of pottery. Several
stone troughs are lying on the beach, some of them in an unfinished
state; they do not appear to have been intended for sarcophagi,
as their lengths vary from five to eight feet; while their breadth
remains nearly the same, or from fifteen to eighteen inches. Had
our time and means allowed it we should have remained a few days to
excavate at Mersa Zaffran, and we had marked it as one of the places
to be examined on our return: there is little to remove but sand,
and it is by no means improbable that the results of excavation at
this place would be interesting. As Mersa Zaffran appears to have
been used as a port by the ancients, and is the first which occurs
after the marsh, we may fairly consider it as that mentioned by
Strabo with Aspis; and the remains at Zaffran are probably those of
Aspis itself, which we may conclude to have been a military post
from the nature of the buildings which are found there; although
the word τοπος applied to it by Strabo, does not necessarily
imply any idea of fortification. No place worth selecting for any
advantages which it might afford could, however, have been secure
without some fortification; and accordingly we find every desirable
position in the Syrtis provided with forts for its defence, which
ensured, at once, the possession of the local advantages and a
communication with the adjacent inhabited places.
It is difficult to fix any precise date to these buildings, but
we may perhaps conclude, with some appearance of reason, that
the greater number of them were erected by the Romans under the
emperors, who possessed, at various times, the whole of the north
coast of Africa, and kept open an extensive communication along
the shores of the Mediterranean, as well as with some parts of the
interior[19]. The quadrangular form of these structures is the same
as that used by the Romans in their stations and encampments; and
the small number of troops which was allotted by the empire for the
defence of Africa, made it peculiarly necessary that their garrisons
should be well intrenched[20]. It has been calculated that a square
of seven hundred yards was sufficient, according to the Roman method
of encampment, for containing a body of twenty thousand men; and
a square of one hundred feet would, at that rate, suffice for the
accommodation of nine hundred and fifty. The habitable parts of the
forts above mentioned very rarely exceeded a square of that size,
and this portion of the structure, in by far the greater number of
them, seldom amounted to sixty feet. As the nature of the country
rendered it necessary to lay up stores of provision, a part of
each fortress must have been set aside for that purpose, and it
is probable that the greater number of the forts did not contain
more than from fifty to two hundred men. The most perfect of those
now remaining may perhaps have been constructed in the time of the
emperor Justinian, when the victories of Belisarius and Solomon had
restored the Roman authority in Africa: for it would then have been
advisable to secure, by means of forts, the advantages which arms
had obtained. The privations which were experienced by the army of
Marcus Cato, in its march across the regions of the Syrtis, make it
appear extremely probable that no stations or resting-places, had
at that time been erected within their limits; and we may perhaps
also infer that the fortresses of Euphrantas and Automala were not
then available as places of accommodation. Should this have been
the case, some of the forts and stations now existing, in various
parts of the country in question, may be reasonably attributed to
the well-founded policy of the emperors Augustus and Hadrian.
A regular and uninterrupted communication was, under these
princes, beginning to be firmly established with all parts of the
Roman empire; and the intercourse which then existed between the
eastern and western parts of Northern Africa was much greater than
that which had obtained under the governments of the Greeks and
Carthaginians. The numerous native tribes who inhabited the coast
were perpetually at variance with their foreign invaders, and ever
ready to avail themselves of the slightest opportunity of harassing
their oppressors, or of recovering their ancient inheritance. It
must also be observed, that, however worthless and insignificant
the regions of the Syrtis might possibly appear, to the inhabitants
of more favoured countries, there are parts of them which must
always have been eagerly coveted by the wanderers of the desert
which bounds them to the southward; since the advantages which
they are occasionally found to afford, though consisting merely in
a little fresh water, and a few spots of scanty vegetation, would
naturally be objects of great attraction to those who had seldom
the opportunity of finding either. From the sudden, but unskilful,
attacks of these people, the forts and stations of the Syrtis would
have been sufficient defence; and they would also have been more
convenient for the troops than the usual Roman encampment, greatly
contributing at the same time, to facilitate the communication of
one part of the country with another, by ensuring a good supply of
water, and serving as depôts for stores and provisions. We must
not, however, venture decidedly to assert, that the Syrtis was
unprovided with buildings of this nature before the occupation
of the country by the Romans; for, without mentioning those of
Euphrantas and Automala, we find that castles were in use among
the natives of Northern Africa before that period; and if they are
known to have been previously erected in other parts of the coast,
they might equally have existed in the Syrtis[21].
Many buildings of this nature appear to have remained in a tenable
state long after the conquest of Africa by the Mahometans; for they
are frequently mentioned by Arab writers as having been occupied by
the natives; and wells still continued to be found within the works,
which could not be approached without the consent of the garrison.
An instance in point may here be given from Leo Africanus, who
tells us that three castles were accidentally discovered, far in
the desert of Libya, about eighteen years before the time when he
related the following story:—“The guide of a caravan (whose
name was Hámar) had missed the usual track, in consequence of a
complaint in his eyes; and there being no other person in the whole
caravan who knew the road they ought to take but himself, he went on,
upon his camel, in advance of the party, and at every mile they made
he caused a handful of sand to be presented to him, which he smelt,
and then continued his journey. In this manner the caravan continued
to advance till they came within forty miles of the castles above
mentioned, near which there were five or six little hamlets, and
a profusion of excellent dates. The guide then addressed himself
to those who were about him, and assured them that they were in
the neighbourhood of some inhabited place, but few of the party
believed what he said, for as they were at least four hundred and
eighty miles from Egypt, it was imagined, if indeed the assertion
should be true, that they must have moved back upon Augela.”
“On the third day, however, after this notice, they came in sight
of the three castles above mentioned; and the people of the place,
surprised and alarmed at the appearance of so many strangers,
retreated to the castles, where they shut themselves up, and refused
to supply the caravan with water, of which they were greatly in
need. As the wells were within the fortifications, there was nothing
left for the caravan, under these adverse circumstances, but to carry
the forts, and to supply themselves by force, or to continue their
journey across the desert, at the risk, perhaps the certainty, of
perishing with thirst. They soon determined to make an attack upon
the castles, which, after a slight engagement, they succeeded in
carrying; and having obtained from the wells as much water as was
necessary, they proceeded on their route across the desert[22].”
In many of the forts which we visited in the Syrtis, one or two,
and sometimes more, wells were still visible within the works
(although, for the most part, they were filled up with mud and sand,
or with the rubbish of the fallen materials of the buildings);
and it is probable that all of them were originally provided with
a convenience so essential to the garrison. In some cases we found
wells decidedly without the works, in places which appeared to be
wholly undefended; except we may suppose them to have been within
range of the archers and slingers from the walls, which did not
always appear to have been the case.
In such instances, however, we must not conclude that there were
originally no wells within the forts, because none are found there
at present; for a single century of neglect would in many cases be
sufficient to account for the disappearance of a well altogether.
We may observe with regard to the structure of these forts,
that some of them have the habitable part of the building (which
is always of a quadrangular form, and placed in the centre)
surrounded by a double wall of very solid work; leaving a space
between the walls, of ten, twenty, and thirty feet, sometimes of
more, in which wells are occasionally found, and which may have
served for the accommodation of the horses, sheep, or cattle of the
garrison. Others have been built in one solid mass, with sloping
sides, resembling the base of a pyramid, having only a square
space left in the centre for the accommodation of the troops and
the stowage of stores and provision. On these there is always a
platform, and sometimes two, the sides of which form a glacis at
a slope of from thirty to forty-five degrees, some of them being
steeper than others: it seems probable that a parapet originally
existed on the platforms of some of the forts, behind which the
troops might more securely encounter their enemies; but on most
of them there are now no traces of any defence of this nature,
and the platform is left exposed. The lower platform is usually
raised about ten and fifteen feet from the ground, and the upper
one about eight or twelve feet above that. Trenches are rarely seen
round the last mentioned buildings, but those enclosed within walls
usually possessed that additional defence. Both are constructed
with stone found in the neighbourhood, generally without any
cement, particularly the sloping ones, although a very good cement
may sometimes be observed in them: the most considerable forts
are built with large and regularly-shaped stones, while the more
unimportant are composed of stones of unequal forms and sizes, care
being always taken, however, to leave a smooth surface on the slope
of the glacis, in order to make the ascent more difficult. If we
suppose that the greater number of these fortresses were built as
defences against the attacks of the predatory natives, and not to
resist the regular siege of a disciplined army, it may certainly be
allowed that they were well calculated to afford security to their
garrisons on such occasions; but their resources must soon have
been exhausted by a continued blockade, the space enclosed being
inadequate to contain many stores or much provision. As, however,
there could scarcely have been any accommodation for horses or cattle
in the pyramidal-shaped forts, which are by far the most numerous,
more provision might certainly have been stowed in them than would
at first sight be imagined. From the extreme height of the habitable
part of these buildings in proportion to its breadth, we may conclude
that it possessed an upper story, or, it may be, two; for otherwise
a great portion of space would be thrown away: this fact, however,
from their ruined state, could not be properly ascertained.
The roofs were most probably arched, for no wood is to be found in
the Syrtis, and large blocks of stone could not always be procured,
and would at any rate have been less convenient to employ than
the small ones, which might be used in the arches[23]. From the
circumstance of finding no aperture in the sides of the buildings,
we may conclude that the light was admitted from above; and it
is by no means improbable that a space was left uncovered in the
centre for that purpose, this mode of building being common in
hot climates, and it would at all times have been easy to guard
against the inconvenience of rain, as the surface exposed would
have been inconsiderable.
No appearance of doors, or of apertures of any kind, is observable
in the sides of these structures; and they must either have been
entered from the top, or by some subterranean communication. There
are instances still remaining, in the eastern parts of the Syrtis,
of fortresses more difficult of access than these, where they who
entered have evidently been drawn up with ropes by the persons
already stationed above; and we may conclude, as no traces of any
subterranean entrance were discernible in the forts, which we have
just described, that they were entered in a similar manner. In the
walled forts we found entrances to the _outer_ works by means of
gates, but could in no instance discover any door in the habitable
part.
We often wished for an opportunity of excavating some of these
buildings, that we might be enabled to give their plans more
correctly; but, as it was important to secure the coast-line before
the rainy season set in, we did not think ourselves justified in
delaying the advance of the party any longer than was necessary
for the attainment of that object.
As a general remark, we may here observe, that, in passing from
west to east of the Greater Syrtis, the fortresses were found to be
more perfect as we advanced towards the Cyrenaica; their interest
may be said to begin at Zaffran, to increase at Medīnét Sultàn,
and to continue, from thence, in almost a regular progression,
to become stronger at every step that is made towards Bengazi.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: Εισπλεοντι δη την μεγαλην Συρτιν, ενδεξια μετα
τας Κεφαλας, εστι λιμνη τριακοσίων που σταδιων το μηκος,
εβδομηκοντα δε το πλατος, εκδιδουσα εις τον κολπον, εχουσα
και νησια και υφορμον προ του στοματος.—Lib. 17, § 20.]
[Footnote 2: The measurements are taken roughly, on account of the
ruined state of the structure.]
[Footnote 3: No part of this land can properly be called high—but
only by comparison with the lower level of the marsh.]
[Footnote 4: It was not, however, necessary, in places of this kind,
that the vessels should be drawn upon shore; for υφορμος is the term
here employed by Strabo, and the ορμοι, or υφορμοι, were somewhat
similar to our own docks, and consisted of walls parallel with each
other, between which vessels would be perfectly secure from wind and
waves, as well as from the effects of strong current.]
[Footnote 5: Μετα δε την Συρτιν (the Lesser Syrtis is here meant,)
Ζουχις εστι λιμνη σταδιων τετρακοσιων, στενον εχουσα εισπλουν,
και παρ᾽ αυτην πολις ομωνυμος πορφυροβαφεια εχουσα και ταριχειας
παντοδαπας·—(Lib. 17, § 18.)
D’Anville’s words are these—“Strabon parle d’un grand lac debouchant
dans la Syrte, et ce lac forme une _saline_ dont l’entrée est nommée
la _Succa_.”—(Géog. Ancienne, tom. 3, p. 70.)
The circumstance of there being saltworks in the Mesurata lake,
as well as in that of the Lesser Syrtis, will tend to strengthen
the idea of their having been confounded.]
[Footnote 6: We even fear that to make the reasoning of Signor Della
Cella at all consistent with itself, we must be obliged to suppose
that he has again stated exactly the contrary of what he appears to
have intended. His words are, “Quanto alla stazione che rimaneva
probabilmente alla sua imboccatura (meaning the mouth of the lake,
or marsh in question). Non può realmente dirsi che fosse _porto_,
servendosi Strabone della voce υφορμον per _porto_ e non di λιμνη (λιμην
is intended) la qual voce malamente trovasi tradutta da Buonacciuoli
per _molo_. Cosi passo e passo a conto di Strabone si è fatto un porto
e non è tosto mancato che le ha guarnito di molo.” (p. 75-6.) As
υφορμον, and not λιμην, is the word used by Strabo in the passage in
question, the deduction of Signor Della Cella may scarcely be made
without reversing the words as we have stated.
Strabo distinguishes between λιμην and υφορμος in the following
passage—speaking of the coast of the Cyrenaica from Apollonia
to the Catabathmos—ου πανυ ευπαραπλους και γαρ λιμενες ολιγοι και
υφορμοι και κατοικιαι και υδρειαι.—(Lib. 17, § 22.)]
[Footnote 7: Arar occurs before Melfa; but, though a good deal above
the level of the marsh, it cannot well be considered as an island,
but is rather a continuation of the little range of high land which
we have mentioned as running along the coast in the neighbourhood
of the causeway. It consists wholly of heaps of sand, overspread
occasionally with vegetation, and is remarkable as possessing a
tall and solitary date-tree, the only one to be met with on the
coast of the Syrtis, in a tract of more than four hundred miles.]
[Footnote 8: The noxious qualities of the night air in these swampy
regions were occasionally severely felt by our party; one of our
servants was seized with a fever while at Sooleb, and we were
apprehensive that he would not be able to proceed for some days;
but after being bled rather copiously he found himself better,
and was the next day in condition to travel with the camels. The
atmosphere after sunset was always very chilly in the Syrtis, and
there was usually a heavy deposit of dew; a very offensive smell
was also experienced in many parts of the marsh.]
[Footnote 9: Gusser is a term indiscriminately applied by the Arabs
to ruins of every description.]
[Footnote 10: Monsieur Lautier has some remarks upon this part of
the gulf, which do not appear to be very intelligible.—See the
account of his voyage in Della Cella, p. 216. These observations
are alluded to in the hydrographic remarks attached to the journal.]
[Footnote 11: Edrisi has mentioned a tower called Hassān, which
he places at four days’ journey from the western point of the
Syrtis—and Mahād Hassān is four days’ journey from Mesurata,
at the rate of between thirteen and fourteen geographical miles
per day.]
[Footnote 12: We have already stated that Shekh Mahommed was called
el Dúbbah, or the Hyæna.]
[Footnote 13: The camel has been known to go as much as ten days
without water, but they suffer very much from an abstinence of
three and four days.]
[Footnote 14: Μετα δε την λιμνην τοπος εστιν Ασπις, και λιμην
καλλιστος των εν τῆ Συρτει.—Lib. 17, p. 836.]
[Footnote 15: Buildings of the same nature are also found in the
Cyrenaica.]
[Footnote 16: Aspis is laid down in Ptolemy on the western side of
the gulf, at about sixty miles within the promontory of Triæorium;
but this distance would only bring us within nine miles of Jaireed,
and we have already stated that Mahād Hassān is the first place
in the Syrtis (travelling eastward) which can be considered as an
ancient site. Strabo’s lake finishes at Sooleb, but there are no
remains of building in the neighbourhood of that place, nor between
it and Mahād Hassān.]
[Footnote 17: The naval station above mentioned, at the junction of
Strabo’s lake with the sea, is not styled λιμην, but υφορμος; and we may
conclude from this circumstance that it was formed by art, and not by
any of those peculiarities of coast which usually constitute a fort.]
[Footnote 18: It is formed by a rocky projection, which appeared
to have been partly natural and partly artificial; and though its
inconsiderable size would not allow vessels in it to ride clear of
the surf in a gale of wind, yet in moderate weather there would
be quite sufficient shelter for them to load and unload; and in
the event of a gale they might easily have been hauled up on the
beach.—See the plan of Mersa Zaffrān annexed.]
[Footnote 19: The tower of Euphrantas is however stated to have been
a boundary fort under the Ptolemies; and the fortress of Automala,
at the bottom of the gulf, is mentioned by Diodorus to have been
in existence before the occupation of Cyrene by the first of those
princes.—See Strabo, lib. 17, and Diod., lib. 20.]
[Footnote 20: “With regard to Egypt, Africa, and Spain, (says
Gibbon, in describing the distribution of the Roman forces,) as they
were far removed from any important scene of war, a single legion
maintained the domestic tranquillity of these great provinces.”
“We may compute (says the same writer) that the legion, which was
itself a body of six thousand eight hundred and thirty-one Romans,
might, with its attendant auxiliaries, amount to about twelve
thousand five hundred men.”]
[Footnote 21: Λιβυων δε τοις ες πυργους και φρουρια (ἁ πολλα ην εν τῆ
χωρα) καταφευγουσιν.—Appian Hist. de rebus Punicis, lib. viii. p. 101.
Diodorus also speaks of their castles near the watering-places.—Lib.
iii. p. 128.
Τοις δε δυνασταις αυτων πολεις μεν το συνολον ουχ υπαρχουσι, πυργοι δε
πλησιον των υδατων, εις ους αποτιθενται τα πλεοναζοντα της ωφηλειας.]
[Footnote 22: Leo Africanus in Ramusio, quinta parte.]
[Footnote 23: Arched roofs are also common in the forts of the
Cyrenaica; but the sides both of the upper and lower stories, which
fronted the centre, were probably left open, after the manner
of galleries.]