Arrival at Zelīten — Description of the Village and District of
that name — Harbour of Zelīten — Remains in its neighbourhood
probably those of the Cisternæ Oppidum of Ptolemy — Tomb of the
Marábūt Sidy Abd el Salám — Respect shewn to it by our party
in passing before it — General appearance of these Structures
— Arab credulity and superstition — Leave Zelīten — Remains
between it and Selīn — Arrive at Selīn, the Orir, apparently,
of Signor Della Cella — Proceed to Zoúia — Ports called by
the Arabs Mersa Gusser and Mersa Zoraig — Arrive at Mesurata,
the Western Boundary of the Greater Syrtis — Description of the
Town and District of Mesurata — Account of them by Leo Africanus
— Visit from the Shekh of Mesurata — Splendid Costume and
Equipage of the Shekh compared with that of our Bedouin Guide,
Shekh Mahommed el Dúbbah — Allusion to the report mentioned
at the end of the Third Chapter — Great demand for Medicine
at Mesurata — Considerate conduct of Mr. Campbell — Speedy
success of his treatment in many difficult cases — Miraculous
cure of a young Arab woman by an itinerant Sherīf and Marábūt
— Detention of the party at Mesurata — Observations on Cape
Mesurata, considered as the Cephalas Promontorium of Strabo —
Remarks of Signor Della Cella on this subject — Alterations
proposed by that gentleman in the punctuation of a passage in
Strabo descriptive of the Promontory — Actual appearance of the
Promontory sufficiently consistent with the account of Strabo —
Well-founded Remarks of Signor Della Cella on the extension of the
Gharian Chain, &c. — Extensive View from the Sand-hills at the
back of Mesurata — Singular contrast presented by the view over
the dreary wastes of the Syrtis compared with that over the plain
of Mesurata — Hot wind, and swarm of locusts accompanying it
— Alarm of the Arabs of Mesurata — Precautions adopted by them
on the occasion — Destructive consequences (mentioned by Shaw)
resulting from the visit of a flight of Locusts which he witnessed
— Remarks of Pliny on the same subject — Arrival of the Camels,
and departure from Mesurata.
On our arrival at Zelīten, we found barley and oil in abundance,
and much cheaper than in the neighbourhood of Tripoly; we availed
ourselves, accordingly, of the favourable state of the market,
to replenish our supply of these articles with the produce of the
district of Cinyps. Herodotus thought it necessary to observe, in
describing the fortunate region here alluded to, that “it _rained_
in this part of Libya[1]”—and we had also, in this instance,
full reason to acknowledge the accuracy of the father of history:
for our stock of provisions was so much damaged by the rain which
had attended our passage through the country, that we found it
necessary to expose it a second time to the sun, before we ventured
to secure it more effectually in the baskets.
The village of Zelīten contains from three to five hundred souls
(as Shekh Benzahir, who presides there, informed us); and we were
indebted to him, besides, for the honour of a visit, and a present
(no less valuable) of some excellent Fezzan dates, which are thought
to be superior to those of the country. The _district_ of Zelīten,
he further informed us, which extends from Wad’ el Kháhan to
Selin, contains no less than fifteen villages and ten thousand
inhabitants. The houses are built with mud and rough stones, the
mud, on most occasions, preponderating, as it generally does in
Arab buildings; the roofs are formed of mats and the branches of
the palm-tree, on which is laid a quantity of earth. The villages
of Igsaiba, Fehtir, Irgīg, and Snūd, all smaller than Zelīten,
but built after the same fashion, may be said to be appendages to
that place. Each of these villages, as well as Zelīten itself, is
surrounded by plantations of date-trees and olives, and presents
a tolerable show of cultivation. The produce is more than the
inhabitants consume, and the overplus, together with straw mats
and earthern jars, manufactured in the place, are disposed of to
Bedouin traders, or carried to other markets for sale. There are two
springs of very good water near Zelīten, which supply a small pond;
and in this place the ladies of the place are accustomed to wash and
cleanse their wool, their clothes, and, occasionally, themselves,
before they fill their jars for home consumption.
The port called Mersa Zelīten is an insignificant cove, that would
scarcely afford shelter to a boat. It is formed by a few rocks
above water; may be about one hundred yards across, and appears
to have no more than five or six feet water in it. Here also are
two springs of good water, which would afford a constant supply,
if the Arabs would take the trouble of excavating a cistern, and
of protecting it from the surf. To the N.E. of the Mersa, at the
distance of from half a mile to three-quarters of a mile off shore,
the sea broke over sunken rocks: the cliffs are of sand-stone,
and about thirty feet in height.
The many ruins which exist in the vicinity of Zelīten, and the
frequent appearance of building-stones, and shafts of marble columns,
protruding through the mud walls of the village, contribute decidedly
to point it out as an ancient site, and it was probably the Cisternæ
or Cinsternæ Oppidum of Ptolemy; which is the first town mentioned
by this geographer after the Τριηρων ακρον—the Cephalas Promontorium of
Strabo—in the tract of country between that point and the Cinyphus.
Among the sand hills which almost surround the village, we found
several imperfect ground plans; and near the beach is the tomb
of a Marábūt, supported by marble columns, which however are of
very trifling dimensions: there also we noticed several fragments
of marble columns, and a considerable quantity of pottery and
glass. Among the sand hills are likewise some remains of Arab baths,
built of stone and cement; and about them are scattered the ruins
of walls and buildings, as though the village had once been there,
but having been deserted was gradually covered with sand.
Our tents at Zelīten were pitched upon the sand hills close to
the tomb of a celebrated Marábūt, called Sidy Abd el Salám,
much respected by all the Mahometan population[2]. The Arabs of our
escort were particularly desirous that we should show some marks
of attention to the remains of this holy personage, by passing
his tomb at a slow and solemn pace, and at a respectful distance;
and though it may be imagined we had no great faith in the sanctity
of this venerated Shekh, and as little in the miracles which were
attributed to him, we complied with their pious request. The tombs
of such Marábūts as have acquired any tolerable celebrity, present
a singular appearance, in the motley collection of votive offerings
and deposits which are displayed both within and without the holy
structures; and bundles of wood and long grass, ploughs, mats, jars,
and shreds of old garments, are seen mingled with rusty firelocks
and pistols, saddles, stirrups, and bridles, and chaplets of beads,
and rubbish of almost every description.
The more useful offerings of vegetables and fruit may be sometimes
observed in the collection[3]; and the appetite of a saint, who has
been dead fifty years, is often revived and miraculously exerted on
these very tempting occasions. A large portion of food very soon
disappears from the board of a living Marábūt, but the heaps
which are consumed by a dead one of any celebrity are perfectly
astonishing to unbelievers.
The credulity of the Arab has, however, no bounds; and it rather,
indeed, appears to increase, in proportion as the marvellous tale
which is related is more inconsistent and extravagant.
Marábūts are allowed the most unlimited freedom of access, from
the palace and presence of the sovereign, to the tent of the meanest
Arab; and their persons are considered as sacred and inviolable,
even after the commission of the most unjustifiable outrages. The
last-mentioned privilege is not confined to the living; for the
tomb of a Marábūt is as inviolable as his person, and affords
a sure sanctuary to the worst of criminals, in defiance of law
and authority[4].
To return to our subject, we may remark, in conclusion, that a very
considerable part of the population of Zelīten are Jews; and we
were informed that the manufactures of the place are chiefly in the
hands of these people: we found them uniformly civil, obliging, and
industrious, and though much persecuted by the Mahometan inhabitants,
they appear to support their ill fortune contentedly.
On the morning of the 18th we left Zelīten, and entered immediately
upon an extensive plain, for the most part overrun with squills
and brushwood. Two roads cross this plain, one to Mesurata, the
other to Benioleed: we took the former, as nearest to the sea;
and at the distance of a few miles beyond Zelīten, we observed
several scattered heaps of ruins on either side of the road; most
of these have been built on artificial mounds, with trenches round
them, and appear to have formed parts of a military position; but
everything was so much mutilated and buried, that much time would
have been necessary to make out their plans, which would scarcely
indeed have recompensed the labour of excavation.
At sunset we arrived at Selin, where the tents were pitched near
an ancient well, forty feet in depth, and containing a good supply
of sweet water. At the distance of about two hundred yards from
the well, we perceived upon a hill the remains of what appeared to
have been a fort; and many fragments of buildings were discernible
here and there in the neighbourhood. This place seems to be the
Orir of Dr. Della Cella, but we could perceive no traces of the
Mosaic pavement which he mentions, nor anything to mark the spot as
the site of an ancient city. The Doctor has fixed upon Orir as the
position of Cinsternæ; and the circumstance of its occurring (in
passing from west to east) immediately before the promontory which
forms the western boundary of the Greater Syrtis, would, in truth,
seem to favour the idea. But Zelīten appeared to us more adapted
for the site of a city, and the remains of that place had more
the character of parts of a town than those which were observable
at Selin. We should conceive that the ruins to the eastward of
Zelīten were those of a connected series of forts, and that no other
buildings had been attached to them than such as are usually found
in the neighbourhood of a military position. Cinsternæ, however,
was a town of so little importance, that whether its site be fixed
at Zelīten or Selin is a matter of very trivial consideration.
On the evening of the succeeding day we reached the little village
of Zoúia, which is somewhat resembling, but very superior to,
Zelīten. After quitting Selin we had divided our party, and
leaving the camels to pursue the direct road, we proceeded along the
sand-hills which flank the beach, and arrived at an inconsiderable
collection of hovels situated immediately on the coast. This place is
called Zoraig, and contains, we were told, about an hundred persons,
who cultivate just sufficient ground to supply themselves and their
families. They were, however, provided with several wells of good
water, which they distributed by means of troughs over the cultivated
ground. We here dismounted to partake of some dates and water, which
were cordially offered to us by an old man of the village; and we
soon learned from him that the Adventure had been there several days,
and that a party of the officers had been on shore. Two little ports,
if such they may be called, are here formed by reefs of rocks lying
off the village, and the natives have dignified them with the titles
of Mersa Gusser and Mersa Zoraig[5].
On the following day we entered Mesurata by a circuitous route shaded
thickly with date-trees, and enclosed between well-furnished gardens.
We had now reached the eastern boundary of the cultivated districts,
where they terminate on the margin of the Syrtis; and as this was
the place where we were to change our camels, we pitched the tents
in a garden near the town, and proceeded to make the necessary
arrangements.
The town of Mesurata is built with tolerable regularity; its
streets cross each other at right angles, and near the centre
stands the market-place, which, like most others in this country,
is half occupied by a pool of green and stinking water. The houses
are only one story high, and are built with rough stones and mud;
the roofs are flat, and formed with slight rafters, covered with mats
and a quantity of sea-weed, over which is laid a thick coat of mud,
smoothed and beat down very carefully. They are fortunate who can
mix a little lime with the mud which forms the outer part of their
roof; for without this addition it is wholly incapable of resisting
the heavy rains which assail it in winter, and a thick muddy stream
never fails to find its way, through the numerous mazes of sea-weed
and matting, to the luckless inhabitants below: the white-washed
walls are in consequence usually marked with long streaks of
this penetrating fluid, and present a singularly-variegated
appearance. The greater part of the town has been built upon a hard
rocky incrustation, about two feet in thickness; the soil beneath
is soft and sandy, and, being easily removed, is excavated by the
Arabs into storehouses for their corn and dry provisions. Some of
these have in the course of time fallen in, and the streets are in
such places not very passable.
The extent of the _district_ of Mesurata, according to the report
of its Shekh, is from Selin to Sooleb, a place in the Syrtis,
two days distant to the southward of the town; it consists of the
villages of Ghâra, Zoúia, Zoroog, Gusser Hámed, Gezir, &c.,
and is said to contain 14,000 inhabitants, including those of the
town of Mesurata; the population of the five villages which we have
just named amounts to about 1250 persons, supposing the estimate of
the Shekh to be correct, from whom this statement is derived. The
gardens, which extend from Zoúia to Marábūt Bushaifa, produce
dates, olives, melons, pomegranates, pumpkins, carrots, onions,
turnips, radishes, and a little tobacco and cotton; among these may
be mentioned the palma christi, which we frequently observed in this
neighbourhood. Many of the gardens are raised from six to eight feet
above the road, and are enclosed by mud walls, or by fences of the
prickly pear and wild aloe. The dates, which are of several kinds,
are in great abundance, and the olives yield a plentiful supply of
oil: these, with barley, which is also very abundant, are carried
to various markets for sale; for the home-consumption of the place
consists chiefly of dates and dúrrah, and the greater part of
the barley is exported. The principal manufactures of Mesurata
are carpets, the colours of which are very brilliant, straw mats,
sacks of goats’ hair, and earthen jars. The market is in general
well supplied with meat, vegetables, the fruits of the country, oil,
manteca, and salt; the latter is procured from some very extensive
marshes a few miles to the southward of the town[6].
Mesurata (or “Mesarata,” as some authors write it) has been
described by Leo Africanus as “a province on the coast of the
Mediterranean, distant about an hundred miles from Tripoly.” He
states it to have contained many “castles and villages, some on
heights, and others in the plain;” and adds that the inhabitants
were excessively rich, on account of their having no tribute to pay,
and the attention which they bestowed upon commerce. They were in
the habit (he continues) of receiving foreign wares, which were
brought to them by the Venetian galleys, and of carrying them to
Numidia, where they were bartered in exchange for slaves, civet,
and musk from Ethiopia; these they carried into Turkey, and made
a profit both in going and returning.
In the lifetime of the late Bashaw, Mesurata was in a very disturbed
state. The inhabitants had refused to receive Sidy Yusef, and it
was only by the assistance of Shekh Haliffe that they were at length
reduced to obedience[7]. The place is not now so flourishing as it
is stated to have been in the time of Leo, and its commerce appears
to be trifling.
Soon after our arrival, the Shekh of Mesurata, Belcázi, came to
pay us his visit of ceremony. He was accompanied by Shekh Mahommed
el Dúbbah, and attended by a train of mounted Arabs, tolerably
well armed with long guns and pistols. The splendid attire of Shekh
Belcázi, displayed to advantage by a large and handsome person,
threw far into the shade the less imposing costume and figure of his
companion. It consisted of three cloth waistcoats, richly embroidered
with gold, and a pair of most capacious crimson silk trowsers,
bound tight round his waist, which was none of the slenderest,
by many an ell of handsome shawl. Over this, notwithstanding the
heat of the day, he had thrown, in ample folds, a large white
barracan, and above this a heavy red cloth burnoos, the hood of
which was pulled over eight or ten yards of muslin rolled round
his head as a turban. The eyelids of the Shekh had been carefully
painted with the sable powder usually employed for that purpose, and
which is considered, even by men, in the regency of Tripoly, to be
absolutely requisite on occasions of ceremony. The tips of his fat
and gentlemanly-looking fingers were at the same time stained with
hénnah; and, as the dye had been recently and copiously applied,
would decidedly have made those of Aurora look pale.
While the Shekh had been thus minutely attentive to his own person,
that of his horse had been by no means neglected; for his bridle was
of crimson silk embroidered with gold, and his scarlet saddle-cloth
displayed a broad edging of gold lace: the saddle itself was of
rich crimson velvet, and the high back and pummel, which appeared
through the saddle-cloth, were also thickly embroidered with gold. A
broad band of gold lace was stretched across his chest, and a large
and thick tassel of crimson silk and gold (which might have served
a Grand Cross of the Bath), together with a numerous collection
of charms, were suspended from the neck of the animal. The large
gilt Mameluke stirrups, kept in constant motion by the rider,
flashed gaily in the beams of the sun, which were glanced off in
many a brilliant sparkle from this glittering assemblage of precious
metal. If Phœbus himself had appeared in all his splendour, mounted
on one of his gayest chariot-horses, he could scarcely have been
more an object of admiration and wonder in the eyes of the humble
and unassuming crowd of Arabs which had assembled to witness the
show, than Shekh Belcázi and his charger were on this occasion.
We dare not guess how the lady of our honest friend the Dúbbah
would have supported this splendid exhibition, in which her husband
was so completely eclipsed; but we thought that the eyes of Shekh
Mahommed himself did occasionally wander to the shining masses
by his side, with something like an expression of jealousy. If
it were so, however, the glance only found its way through the
_corners_ of the Dúbbah’s orbs of vision; for his head kept its
post with becoming solemnity, and was never once turned towards
those objects of his envy, to which all other eyes were so fully
directed. It must at the same time be allowed, that the toilet
of Shekh Mahommed had been much more attended to than usual. He
had made a temporary adjournment from his usual _only_ garment
to a white cotton shirt of very decent exterior, over which he
had carefully arranged a clean-looking white barracan; and he had
drawn from the innermost recesses of his saddle-bags a new white
burnoos of no ordinary texture, which he persuaded himself to
substitute for the old and coarse brown one he had hitherto worn
on the road[8]. His saddle-case was now observed to be of crimson
morocco, a circumstance with which we were not before acquainted;
for it had hitherto, on the journey, been turned inside out, or
more properly speaking, with the outer side in, to prevent it from
being soiled, and from fading in the sun. His saddle-cloth also,
which had hitherto consisted of a dirty piece of white flannel,
was now of bright scarlet cloth; and, besides the embroidered
covers to his silver-embossed pistols, he had carefully suspended
from different parts of his body a great variety of little bags,
of different colours and sizes: these were the repositories of
his powder and ball, and carried tinder, flints and steel, money,
nails, and tobacco, with sundry other little matters too numerous
to mention. By his side also hung a neat little smàat, or goat
skin, with the long black hairs left to ornament and protect the
outside; and which, properly speaking, was meant to hold water,
but which likewise served indifferently for holding milk, oil,
or butter, or any other substance which it might be necessary
to carry in it. We should state that, under all this variety of
ornament, Shekh Mahommed el Dúbbah sat with dignity upon his mare,
a recently-acquired present from the Bashaw, whose spirit had been
prudently roused on this occasion by the stimulus of an extra
feed of corn. The display of Arab horsemanship which concluded
the procession, received additional éclat from this precaution;
and the Dúbbah’s mare, after manœuvring her head to admiration,
first on one side and then on the other, and prancing, and pacing,
and rearing, to the delight of the assembled spectators, no sooner
felt the angle of the spur assail her sides, than she sprang forward
with a bound in advance of the party, and being suddenly pulled
up with a powerful bit, was thrown back upon her haunches within
a foot of our tent-cords. The old Dúbbah looked round to enjoy
the applause which he felt he had deserved, for his horsemanship
and his mare, from the crowd who had witnessed the exhibition;
and the two Shekhs alighted and entered the tent, each apparently
well pleased with himself.
Within they found everything arranged for their reception: the
dusty ground had been previously adorned with a mat, over which
had been spread some small carpets; and we had taken care to have
coffee and sherbet in readiness, which were served up as soon as
they were seated. Shekh Belcázi was introduced to our acquaintance
by the Dúbbah, who took care at the same time to inform us of his
rank and importance; accompanying his harangue with a profusion
of fulsome Arab compliments, which were received by Belcázi as a
matter of course, and appreciated by us as they deserved. As soon
as the usual salutations were over, and the coffee and lemonade
had been disposed of (though not before Belcázi had satisfied his
curiosity with regard to the several uses of every object in the
tent), we began to make arrangements for the number of camels which
would be necessary for our journey across the Syrtis. The Shekh of
Mesurata undertook to provide them, and freely offered his assistance
in any other way in which it might be serviceable to our party.
The camels could not be procured on the moment, but it was settled
that Belcázi should let us know the next morning how soon he
would be able to collect them. The Dúbbah, in his turn, now began
to expatiate upon the attention which _he_ would shew us when we
reached the district of Syrt, over which he presided as Shekh; and
to enumerate the various excellences of the fat sheep and lambs,
of the milk, and the butter, and the water we should find there;
assuring us that he would consider it his greatest pleasure, as well
as duty, to take care that we were well supplied with all these
valuable commodities. He then began to state the great advantage
of his protection, and how impossible it would have been for us
to cross the Syrtis without him. As we suspected that the report
which had been mentioned to us by the Consul was invented by our
worthy friend the Dúbbah, we took this opportunity of relating
it to the Shekh of Mesurata, and of asking his opinion with regard
to its probability. Belcázi shook his head, and very confidently
assured us that he did not believe there was any foundation for it
whatever: it was true, he confessed, that a few years ago such an
interruption might easily have occurred; but since the Arab tribes
had been reduced by the Bashaw, the communication between Mesurata
and Bengazi might be considered as tolerably certain.
Shekh Mahommed, however (whose large and round eyes had been
during this discourse very attentively fixed upon those of the
Shekh of Mesurata), still insisted upon the existence of this
horde of _sbandūt_[9]; and even asserted that he was himself well
acquainted with all their favourite haunts and retreats. Some of
his party, he added, had tracked their horses’ feet from the
well which they had recently visited, and had informed him that
their troop was very numerous. But he knew, he continued, all
the wells which they frequented, and would himself ride before,
to reconnoitre the ground when we arrived in the neighbourhood of
those places. He then assumed an air of amazing importance, and
putting one hand upon the head of a pistol at his side, and stroking
with the other his grey bushy beard, bade us not be alarmed at any
danger which might threaten us while we were under the protection
of the Dúbbah! We were now quite convinced that our valiant
old friend had himself been the author of the report, in order,
as we then thought, to enhance the value of his protection; and we
afterwards discovered the reason why he wished to have an excuse for
riding on occasionally in advance of the party. It was, however,
not our wish to hurt the old Shekh’s feelings by a disclosure
of these suspicions, and it was certainly not our policy to do so;
we therefore acquiesced in his remarks upon his own importance, and
assured him that it was really our firm belief that no _sbandūt_
would be daring enough to enter into his presence. After some little
further conversation with the Shekhs, from whom we obtained all
the information we could, we reminded Belcázi of his promise to
collect the camels, which we told him we wished to have as speedily
as possible, and he soon after rose to take his leave, and retired
with the formidable Dúbbah. On the following morning he sent his
son to say that we should have the camels in three or four days,
and we took the opportunity of making the youth some few presents,
with which he was highly delighted. In the evening we returned
Belcázi’s visit, and were received with a good deal of that easy
politeness, which the better classes of Turks and Arabs know so well
(when they choose it) how to practise. We here perceived that the
fashions of Tripoly had travelled eastward for green tea was served
up with the sherbet instead of coffee, very sweet, and very highly
perfumed. On taking our leave, we were again assured by the Shekh
that he would send us the camels very shortly; but although we had
every reason to be satisfied with Belcázi, so far as professions
and civilities extended, we had already seen enough of the Mahometan
character to know that his promises should not be depended upon.
We had scarcely been a day at Mesurata before the report of our
having a tibeeb (or doctor) in our party soon brought us a multitude
of visiters; and the demand for medicine became so extensive, that
the contents of twenty medicine-chests, such as that which we had
with us, would not have satisfied one-half of the applicants. By far
the greater number of those who presented themselves had nothing
whatever the matter with them; but there were still many cases
of real distress which required and obtained assistance. The most
prevalent diseases were those of the eye, and there were many very
alarming cases of dysentery; but Mr. Campbell’s attention and
medical skill soon began to produce very favourable symptoms, and as
much of the medicine as could possibly be spared was administered to
and distributed amongst those who required it. As is usual, however,
in barbarous countries, there were many simple beings whom it was
impossible to convince that the powers of medicine are limited,
and they were so fully persuaded of Mr. Campbell’s omnipotence,
that he soon found it useless to deny it. To meet this emergency he
found it better to make up some little harmless ingredients for their
use, and to tell them that the rest was in the hands of the prophet,
who had alone (under Allah) the power to cure them completely. With
this declaration, and the medicine together, without which they
would by no means have been satisfied, the petitioners used to
retire well pleased with their physician, and convinced that the
draught or the powders which they had received would infallibly
remove their infirmity, however incurable it might be.
A young woman, in the mean time, who resided near the tents, was
attacked, after eating a quantity of bazeen[10], with a violent
headache and pain in the stomach; and a celebrated Marábūt,
who had lately arrived at Mesurata, was called in to administer
his assistance. The holy man did not refuse to comply with the
summons; and when he made his appearance at the door of her tent,
Mr. Campbell, and such of our party who were near, were led
by curiosity to the same place; and taking up, unperceived, an
advantageous position, were able to understand, with the assistance
of the interpreter, the whole of the conversation which ensued.
The Shereef (for he claimed, or possessed, the distinction) was
no sooner made acquainted with the case than he assumed a most
mysterious air; and began by declaring to his suffering patient that
she was possessed by an _underground spirit_. He then proceeded to
state, as the cause of this misfortune, that before doing something
(which our party could not distinctly make out) she had omitted
to say Bismillah! (in the name of God) a form always used by good
and pious Mahometans to draw down a blessing upon whatever they
are about to do. This omission (he declared) had been the cause
of her dropping some water upon the head of the spirit’s child,
who was passing beneath her (under ground) at the time; and the
justly-enraged gnome had in consequence leaped into her, and was now
in the act of tormenting her for the crime. Our party of listeners
could hardly contain themselves at this most ingenious discovery
of the Shereef; but all the Arabs within the tent believed it most
fully, and the poor girl herself began to cry bitterly and to bewail
her hard fate and most unlucky omission. The Marábūt, however,
now bade her take comfort, and assured her that the case, though
undoubtedly a serious one, was not altogether without a remedy. He
accordingly called up a severe and commanding look, and, in a tone
of authority, ordered the spirit to leave her. As the pain still
continued without intermission, it was evident that this personage
was not inclined to obey; and the holy man then pronounced him a most
obstinate spirit, and told him that he knew of his having entered
the woman long before she had sent for his assistance: he added,
however, that he was determined to conquer him, and would not quit
his patient till morning. At the same time he acknowledged that the
task would be difficult, for he could clearly perceive that the woman
was wicked: he knew it (he said) by the breadth of her shoulders,
and the uncommon blackness of her large rolling eyes, which were even
larger and blacker than those of one of his own wives, whom he knew
to be a very sinful woman. In the morning it happened that the poor
girl was better, and the fame of the Marábūt was widely diffused;
but whether her recovery was owing to the holy man’s exertions,
or to a copious draught of medicine administered by Mr. Campbell,
we will leave to the decision of our readers.
During our stay at Mesurata, where we were detained several days,
in consequence of the non-appearance of the Shekh’s promised
camels, we took the opportunity afforded by the delay, of visiting
the places of most interest in the neighbourhood.
Bushaifa Bay had been stated by Captain Lautier to afford good
anchorage for shipping, and seemed in consequence to call for
some examination; but we must confess that it did not appear,
upon inspection, to deserve the character which that officer gives
it. Of the protection which may be afforded by breakers we cannot
venture to speak, Mesurata not boasting so much as a single boat,
but it is certain that the land does not give the shelter required,
as will be seen by a reference to the chart. On the point of the bay,
where is the best landing-place, there has formerly been a fort,
which is now entirely destroyed.
As we had arrived on the confines of the Gulf of the greater
Syrtis, the position of the promontory, which had been stated by
the ancients to form its western extremity, was a most important
object of inquiry. Between the town of Mesurata and the sea there
is a high range of sand-hills, rising far above the heads of the
tallest date-trees about them: and beyond these is a promontory of
soft sand-stone[11], which may be (at a rough estimation) about an
hundred feet above the level of the sea. This high land is divided
into three distinct heads, or capes, and is described by Captain
Lautier as having the appearance (from the sea) of three[12] hills in
the form of as many islands. The low ground at the back and to the
south-east of these capes is thickly covered with date-trees, but
their summits are now bare of wood and destitute of any vegetation:
the sand-stone in fact is fast crumbling away, and the height of the
promontory is every day diminishing. The appearance of this triple
cape coincided so well, in our estimation, with the description
given by Strabo of the Cephalas Promontorium[13], that we have not
hesitated to pronounce it the same with that headland. It does not
however form the precise point, or western extremity, of the gulf,
which is in fact a low rocky projection, scarcely above the level of
the sea, about four miles distant from the cape: but this point is
too low to be remarked from the sea, and Strabo, when he observed the
cape from his vessel, may well be excused for having overlooked it.
The Τριήρων ἄκρον, or Triærorum Promontorium of Ptolemy is no doubt the
same with the Cephalas of Strabo; and being laid down a little without
the gulf corresponds more exactly with the actual nature of the ground.
Strabo certainly describes his promontory as forming the beginning or
western extremity of the Syrtis; but the circumstance above mentioned
of his having seen it only from the sea, may be easily imagined to have
occasioned this little inaccuracy, if such it may indeed be termed.
We are at a loss to imagine what the promontory can be which Signor
Della Cella has identified with that of Ptolemy (and which he states
to have been _two hours_ distant from Mesurata) unless the Cephalas
itself be intended, or, in other words, the cape which we have
supposed to be the Cephalas[14]. For, with the exception of this,
there is no other high land which will in any respect answer to the
triple cape of Ptolemy; and this is not more than half an hour’s
ride from the town, and is not in the route which the army must
have taken in marching from Mesurata towards the Syrtis, as will be
seen by a reference to the Chart. At the same time, we can neither
persuade ourselves that Strabo would have instanced an accidental
range of sand-hills as a promontory; nor that the word υψηλη,
applied by this geographer to the Cephalas, can be supposed to mean
_distant_, or _deep_, instead of high, as Signor Della Cella has
imagined; notwithstanding the passage cited from Homer, which the
Doctor reads in favour of his argument[15].
When we consider that the cape which forms the Cephalas Promontorium
is, at least, as we have stated, an hundred feet high; and that,
from the soft quality of the stone, which is continually crumbling
away, it may have been in Strabo’s time considerably higher,
we may fairly conclude that the term υψηλη (or _high_) is not
quite so inapplicable to it as Signor Della Cella has asserted.
It is true that compared with high capes this elevation may appear
to be trifling; but it seems quite sufficient when contrasted with
the land about it, and particularly with the low and level surface
of the Syrtis. The highest parts of the Cape, as we have mentioned
above, are not at the present time wooded, whatever they may have
been formerly; but the land at its base, to the south and south-east,
is thickly covered with date-trees and olives: and, without allowing
so much for the changes which time might be supposed to have
produced, as would be readily granted to us by the most tenacious
of naturalists, we may venture to assert that this cape, under its
present appearance, answers sufficiently well to the description
of Strabo, to authorize its being identified with the Cephalas.
The observations, however, which Signor Della Cella has made on
the map of Northern Africa by Arrowsmith, respecting the extension
of the Gharian chain towards the Greater Syrtis, and the omission
of the low range which actually branches off from those mountains,
are certainly very correct[16]. For a minor branch of the Gharian
detaches itself from the chain, and runs down to the sea in the
neighbourhood of Lebida; and another part of the same range extends
itself from Lebida towards the Syrtis Major, gradually declining
as it approaches that place, both of which are omitted in the map
to which the Doctor has alluded[17]. The eastern extremity of the
Gharian chain appears also to be carried too near to the Greater
Syrtis, from no part of which (so far as our experience went)
could any portion of this chain be perceived.
We were unable to discover any remains of antiquity at Mesurata;
but its remarkable position between the fertile regions of the
Cinyphus, and the barren dreary wastes of the Greater Syrtis,
cannot fail to make it an object of more than common interest to
those who witness the singular contrast.
From the high range of sand-hills, which we have mentioned above,
between the town and the sea, an excellent idea may be formed of
this striking peculiarity of situation; and we often toiled up their
steep and yielding sides to enjoy the singularity of the prospect.
At the foot of these masses, to the southward, and to the westward,
are the varied and cultivated lands of Mesurata[18]: there are seen
endless groves of palm-trees and olives, among which are scattered
numerous villages and gardens, rich tracts of corn land, flocks of
sheep and goats, and everywhere a moving and busy population. To
the eastward[19], a tenantless and desolate waste, without a single
object rising from its surface, lies stretched in one long, unbroken,
line, as far as the eye can range. Not a single tree or shrub is
on that side to be seen; not a single house or tent, not a single
human being, or animal of any description.
In fact the effect of the Greater Syrtis, from this place, is that of
a dreary moor—a wide tract of level, waste land—without anything
to distinguish one part of it from another but the windings of a
marsh, which threads its dark surface, and is lost in different
parts of the unbroken horizon[20].
Two days before our departure from Mesurata, a strong scirocco
wind set in, and brought such myriads of locusts, that the air
was literary darkened by them. The inhabitants in consequence
remained out all night, keeping up a continued shouting and firing
of muskets and pistols, to prevent them from settling on the gardens
and cultivated lands. They who were not engaged in this occupation,
employed themselves in collecting the locusts which had been beaten
down, and carrying them off in baskets as articles of provision: so
great was the quantity collected on this occasion, that we observed
many asses, heavily laden with these insects, driven into the town
and the neighbouring villages. The destruction occasioned by a large
swarm of locusts can scarcely be imagined by those who have not
witnessed it; and the account which we subjoin of them, extracted
from Shaw, may not perhaps be unacceptable to our readers[21].
After this interesting description, the Doctor proceeds to
observe—“The locust, I conjecture, was the _noisome beast_,
or the _pernicious destructive animal_, as the original words may
be interpreted, which, with the _sword_, the _famine_, and the
_pestilence_, made the _four sore judgments_ that were threatened
against Jerusalem, Ezek. xiv. 21.”
“The Jews were allowed to eat them; and indeed when sprinkled with
salt, and fried, they are not unlike in taste to our fresh-water
cray-fish.”
“The Acridophagi[22], no doubt, were fond of eating them; in so
much as they received their name from thence.”—He further
adds—“The ακριδες, which St. John the Baptist fed upon in
the wilderness, were properly locusts; and provided they appeared in
the holy land during the spring, as they did in Barbary, it may be
presumed that St. John entered upon his mission, and that _the day of
his shewing himself unto Israel_ (Luke i. 20) was at that season[23].”
Pliny has informed us that the locusts lay their eggs in autumn,
which remain all the winter in the fissures of the earth, and come
forth in the shape of locusts in the following spring; being, at
first, without legs, and obliged to creep upon their wings. He tells
us that they invariably choose tracts of level country in which to
deposit their eggs, as being most full of crevices and fissures,
and hence, if it chance to be a rainy season, the eggs never come
to perfection; but, on the contrary, if the early part of the year
should be dry, vast numbers of these insects may be expected in
the summer ensuing.
Some writers (he adds) are of opinion that locusts breed _twice_
in the year, and that they perish as often; the first supply dying
in the heat of the summer, and the second immediately succeeding
them. The mothers die as soon as they have brought forth their
young, by reason of a small worm which breeds about the throat,
and ultimately chokes them. The same author informs us that _it is
said_ there are locusts in India so much as _three_ feet in length;
and that the people of the country use their legs and thighs for
saws, after they are properly dried! Pliny mentions, at the same
time, their flight across the sea, over which they are carried
by the wind, and where they usually fall, and perish in heaps;
although this is not always of necessity the case, as early writers
(he says) have remarked, because their wings are wet with the dew;
for they have been known to pass over extensive tracts of sea, and
will continue their flight for many days without rest. Locusts, he
adds, are gifted with the power of foreseeing an approaching famine,
and will take the precaution, on such an occasion, of transporting
themselves into distant countries. He mentions also the noise which
they make with their wings, and that they are sometimes mistaken
for flights of strange birds: that they darken the sun in their
flight, as if a heavy cloud had passed before it, and spread terror
and consternation wherever they make their appearance; eating up
everything which comes in their way, and even gnawing the very
doors of the houses. Italy, on this writer’s authority, was so
much infested with locusts from the opposite shores of Africa,
that the people of Rome, alarmed at the idea of their producing a
famine, had been often obliged to consult the books of the Sibyls,
to discover by what means they might avert the wrath of the gods
which they considered to be falling upon them. He tells us that
in the Cyrenaica there existed a law, obliging the inhabitants,
every third year, to wage a regular war with the locusts: on such
occasions they were ordered to seek out their nests, to destroy the
eggs and the young, and afterwards to proceed to extirpate such as
had already come to maturity.
A heavy punishment, at the same time, was inflicted upon those who
neglected this useful precaution, as though they had been guilty of
an unpardonable crime against their sovereign and their country. In
Lemnos, also, there was a measure established to regulate the
quantity which each man should kill; and every person was obliged
to give in his account to the magistrate, and to produce his measure
full of dead locusts[24].
It may easily be conceived, from these relations, what consternation
and dismay is excited among the inhabitants of a cultivated country
by the appearance of a large swarm of locusts. The mischief, however,
occasioned at Mesurata by those which we have mentioned above, was
not by any means so great, we are happy to say, as might have been
reasonably expected: and the Arabs of the place were soon as busily
employed in eating their formidable invaders, as they had at first
been in preserving their crops from experiencing a similar fate.
On the 2nd December, after repeated promises and disappointments,
our camels at length arrived; and having made suitable presents to
Shekh Belcazi and his son, we prepared to continue our journey. We
had few difficulties to encounter in our dealings with the people
of Mesurata; and we must confess that we found in their Shekh,
notwithstanding his occasional evasions, more openness and honesty
than are usually met with in the inhabitants of Mahometan countries.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: Υεται γαρ δηταυτα της Λιβυης.]
[Footnote 2: The saint and his tomb are thus mentioned by Captain Lyon:—
“This place (Zelīten) is particularly blessed in possessing the
remains of a great Marábūt, who is buried in a really handsome
mosque, ornamented with minarets and neat cupolas, and whitewashed
all over. His descendants are much respected, and are called Weled
el Sheikh, sons of the elder; they think themselves authorized to
be the most impudent, begging set of people in the whole regency
of Tripoly.” (P. 335.)]
[Footnote 3: It must be observed, that the opportunity of being
buried in a mosque does not offer itself to many Marábūts—their
tombs in general are small, insulated buildings, surmounted with
a single cupola, having nothing to recommend them, in point of
appearance, beyond the neatness and regularity which usually
distinguish them. They are commonly built on eminences.]
[Footnote 4: A criminal who may not be forced from a Marábūt, may,
however, be starved in his sanctuary; and this is often effected
by surrounding the tomb with troops, thus preventing the escape
of the prisoner, and the possibility of his being supplied with
food. An occurrence, however, took place at Bengazi in the year
1817, which serves to prove that this species of blockade is not
always sure to be effectual. Some Arabs of the Zoàsi tribe, who
had escaped from Bey Hamed after the massacre of their companions
in the castle, took refuge in the tomb of a celebrated Marábūt,
situated in the vicinity of the town. The Bey could not venture to
force the sanctuary which they had reached, but took every means
in his power to prevent their escape, or their communication with
any person without. He had closely blockaded the tomb with his
troops; and flattered himself that they must shortly perish with
hunger, or be reduced to the necessity of surrendering themselves
to the soldiers. In either case the object of the Bey would
have been accomplished, and he confidently waited the result;
while the anxiety of the people and neighbourhood of Bengazi,
who pitied the unfortunate fugitives, was raised to the highest
pitch. Every one was expecting some horrid catastrophe, for the
destruction of the prisoners, by famine or the sword, appeared to
be now inevitable; when the timely interference of the departed
Marábūt was miraculously exerted in their favour. On the third
day after their arrival at the sanctuary, to the astonishment of
the assembled spectators, a stream of water was seen to issue from
the tomb, and the ground all about it was observed to be strewed
with dates and other articles of food for the refugees!!!
It was clear that no other than the Marábūt himself could have
afforded this providential supply—(λεγομεν δε τα λεγουσι αυτοι Λιβυες,
we tell the tale as it was told to us)—for the place had been watched
day and night by the troops, who had been carefully and regularly
relieved; and every Arab of Bengazi and the adjacent country can
still testify the fact as it is stated!
The same story may be found in the work of Dr. Della Cella, who
informs us that the miracle took place during his residence at Bengazi.]
[Footnote 5: Mersa is the Arab term for a port or harbour.]
[Footnote 6: Some account of the government and resources, as well
as of the trade, of Mesurata, may be collected from the work of
Signor Della Cella, pp. 55, 6, 7.]
[Footnote 7: See Tully’s Memoirs, passim.]
[Footnote 8: A coarse brown barracan is on most occasions the only
habit of a Bedouin Arab; but as the rainy season was approaching, Shekh
Mahommed had allowed himself the additional covering of the old burnoos
we have mentioned. Shirts are seldom worn but on gay occasions.]
[Footnote 9: The term applied by the Arabs in the regency of Tripoly
to marauders of every description, and which is evidently corrupted
from the Italian.]
[Footnote 10: Bazeen (the composition and manufacture of which
is well described by Captain Lyon, p. 49) is the common food of
the lower classes of Arabs in the regency of Tripoly, and appears
to have been a very ancient one; for we find it mentioned by Leo
Africanus as being in use among the same people, in his account of
Tripoly.—(5ta parte, page 72.)]
[Footnote 11: Dr. Della Cella has confounded the sand-hills with
the promontory, the latter of which he asserts is composed entirely
of sand; they are however as distinct from each other as sand-stone
may be said to be from sand. The sand-hills are, besides, at some
distance from the sea, and the promontory immediately upon it.]
[Footnote 12: Il Capo Mesurata, a tre circa leghe di distanza,
si mostra sotto l’ apparenza di tre monticelli a foggia di tre
isolotti.—See Lautier’s Memoir, attached to the Viaggio da
Tripoli, &c., by Della Cella.]
[Footnote 13: Ειτ᾽ ακρα υψηλη και υλωδης, αρχη της μεγαλης
Συρτεως, καλουσι δε Κεφαλας· Lib. 17, § 18.]
[Footnote 14: Dopo _due ore_ di cammino giungemmo all’ estremità
del Promontorio che sporge in tre punte divise da seni di mare:
ond’ è che il nome di capo Triero con cui è chiamato da Tolommeo
ne esprime la forma.—Viaggio da Tripoli, &c., p. 60.]
[Footnote 15: The observations connected with the transposition of
the comma recommended by Signor Della Cella, are at the same time,
we must confess, rather singular: for it does not clearly appear
how the removal of a comma from a place which it never occupied, and
the insertion of it in a place where it always existed, can be said
to amend a defective passage. A comma is placed after υλωδης,
in all the copies of Strabo with which we are acquainted, but none
after ακρα although there might be without impropriety; and it
seems more consistent with the Doctor’s translation to suppose
that he meant exactly the contrary of what he has recommended;
that is to say, that his real intention was to remove the comma
from υλωδης, and place it after ακρα. We might then read,
by giving to υψηλη the sense which Signor Della Cella requires
for it,—“Then comes the promontory, which forms the _distant_
and woody extremity of the Greater Syrtis,”—instead of—“Then
(comes) the high and woody promontory, which is the beginning of the
Greater Syrtis.” We must, however, confess that we do not see any
difference in the sense of the passage in question, whether a comma
be placed after ακρα or not, provided that after υλωδης be allowed
to keep its place: but by the change which we propose, the Doctor’s
punctuation will at any rate correspond with his version, which,
as it stands, it does not.
We give the observations and the passage together in Signor Della
Cella’s own words.—“Con questa avvertenza io crederei doversi
intendere un passo di Strabone molto diversamente dal penso che gli
è dato da tutti i traduttori; parlando del Capo Cefalo, questo
geografo così si esprime—ειτ᾽ ακρα υψηλη και υλωδης, ακρη (αρχη of
course is intended) της μεγαλης Συρτεως—che tutti traducono—indi (viene)
il promontorio alto e selvoso, che è il principio della gran Sirte.”
“L’esattezza di questo illustre geografo puo esser salvata
_togliendo_ la virgola dopo ακρα e _transportandola_ dopo
υλωδης, e traducendo—quindi viene il promontorio, che forma
l’ alta e selvosa estremità della gran Sirte—dovendosi riputare
quell’ alto non all’ altezza del capo, che non quadra col vero,
ma alla _distanza_ che divide l’estremità della gran Sirte dal
suo fondo. In questo stesso senso la voce υψηλη trovasi spesso
adoperata da Omero per dinotare _gli sfondi del mare nelle terre_.”
. . . ως οτε κυμα ακτη
Εφ᾽ υψηλη οτε κινηστει Νοτος ελθων, &c.—(V. da Tripoli, p. 54.)
]
[Footnote 16: Sopra questa osservazione converra correggere la
bellissima carta di Arrow-Smith, ove la schiera de’ monti del
Goriano son disposti in maniera de far credere che tra il capo
Mesurata, ove in quella carta si pretendono è la piccola Sirte,
vi sia un’ ampia e non interrotta pianura. Ora, non solo da questi
monti si stacca un ramo che la interrompe, e viene a cadere scosceso
sul mare a Lebda; ma di più, il loro prolungamento fino al Capo
Mesurata è falso.—(p. 53-4.)]
[Footnote 17: In illustration of these remarks, we need only refer
our readers to the chart of the Expedition prefixed, which we may
add has been carefully made; but we must observe, in justice to the
compilers of those excellent maps which are published in the name
of Mr. Arrowsmith, that no blame can be reasonably attached to them,
either for the extension or the omission alluded to. They could only
avail themselves of the best authorities hitherto existing, and ought
not to be made responsible for more than these actually contain.]
[Footnote 18: The rocky land which we have mentioned, and the sea,
form the boundaries of the sand-hills to the northward.]
[Footnote 19: The south-eastward would be more correct, for the
coast there begins to trend to the southward.]
[Footnote 20: A more comfortless scene can scarcely be imagined than
is presented by the opening of this celebrated region, so little
known at any period of history. The opinion which the ancients appear
to have formed of it may be inferred from the description of Lucan,
in his account of Cato’s march across it (Pharsalia, book 9.);
but it will be seen, as we advance into the regions of the Syrtis,
that this description is more poetical than just.]
[Footnote 21: “Those which I saw, ann. 1724 and 1725, were much
bigger than our common grasshoppers, and had brown-spotted wings,
with legs and bodies of a bright yellow. Their first appearance
was towards the latter end of March, the wind having been for
some time from the south. In the middle of April their numbers
were so vastly increased, that in the heat of the day they formed
themselves into large and numerous swarms, flew in the air like
a succession of clouds, and, as the prophet Joel expresses it,
(ii. 10,) they _darkened the sun_. When the wind blew briskly,
so that these swarms were crowded by others, or thrown one upon
another, we had a lively idea of that comparison of the Psalmist
(Psalm cix. 23), of being _tossed up and down as the locust_. In
the month of May, when the ovaries of those insects were ripe
and turgid, each of these swarms began gradually to disappear,
and retired into the Mettijiah, and other adjacent plains, where
they deposited their eggs. These were no sooner hatched, in June,
than each of the broods collected itself into a compact body,
of a furlong or more in square; and marching afterwards directly
forward towards the sea, they let nothing escape them, eating up
everything that was green and juicy; not only the lesser kinds of
vegetables, but the vine likewise, the fig-tree, the pomegranate,
the palm, and the apple-tree—_even all the trees of the field_,
(Joel i. 12,)—in doing which _they kept their ranks like men of
war_, climbing over, as they advanced, every tree or wall that was in
their way; nay, they entered into our very houses and bed-chambers,
like _so many thieves_. The inhabitants, to stop their progress, made
a variety of pits and trenches all over their fields and gardens,
which they filled with water; or else they heaped up therein heath,
stubble, and such like combustible matter, which they severally
set on fire upon the approach of the locusts. But this was all to
no purpose; for the trenches were quickly filled up, and the fires
extinguished by infinite swarms succeeding one another; whilst the
front was regardless of danger, and the rear pressed on so close
that a retreat was altogether impossible. A day or two after one of
these broods was in motion, others were already hatched to march
and glean after them, gnawing off the very bark and the young
branches of such trees as had before escaped with the loss only
of their fruit and foliage. So justly have they been compared by
the prophet Joel (ii. 3,) to a _great army_; who further observes,
that _the land is as the garden of Eden before them, and behind
them a desolate wilderness_.”
“Having lived near a month in this manner, like a μυριοστομον ξιφος[a],
or _sword with ten thousand edges_, to which they have been compared,
upon the ruin and destruction of every vegetable substance that came in
their way, they arrived at their full growth, and threw off their
nympha-state, by casting their outward skin. To prepare themselves for
this change, they clung by their hinder feet to some bush, twig, or
corner of a stone, and immediately, by using an undulating motion, their
heads would first break out, and then the rest of their bodies. The
whole transformation was performed in seven or eight minutes; after
which they lay for a small time in a torpid, and seemingly languishing,
condition; but as soon as the sun and the air had hardened their
wings, by drying up the moisture that remained upon them, after
casting their sloughs, they re-assumed their former voracity, with
an addition both of strength and agility. Yet they continued not
long in this state before they were entirely dispersed, as their
parents were before, after they had laid their eggs; and as the
direction of the marches and the flights of them both was always
to the northward, and not having strength, as they have sometimes
had, to reach the opposite shores of Italy, France, or Spain, it
is probable they perished in the sea; a grave which, according to
these people, they have in common with other winged creatures.”]
[Footnote a: Psidias apud Boch. Hieroz. par. ii. p. 441.]
[Footnote 22: Diodorus has given a very interesting description
of the mode of catching locusts practised by the Acridophagi (or
locust-eaters), as well as of the dreadful consequences produced
by a too frequent use of them as articles of food.]
[Footnote 23: The time when we observed the swarm of locusts
alluded to above, was in the latter end of November; their course,
as Dr. Shaw has remarked, was, however, invariably towards the sea,
in which myriads of them were lost; and we have never seen a single
instance, on other occasions, where they did not take that direction,
however far they might have been inland.]
[Footnote 24: Nat. Hist. lib. xi. c. 29.]
[Illustration: Engraved from a Drawing taken on the spot by H. Beechey.
SOLITARY PALM TREE AT ARAR.
REMARKABLE AS BEING THE ONLY TREE FOUND IN THE LYOTIS.
_Published March 1827, by John Murray, London._]
[Illustration: Engraved from a Drawing taken on the spot by H. Beechey.
FORMIDABLE APPEARANCE OF THE COAST AT ZAFFRAN.
_Published March 1827, by John Murray, London._]