By GEORGE L. GOODALE

“_Our Botany, it is true, has been extensively and successfully

investigated, but this field is still rich, and rewards every new

research with some interesting discovery._”

Such are the words with which the sagacious and far-sighted founder of

the American Journal of Science and Arts, in his general introduction to

the first volume, alludes to the study of plants. It is plain that the

editor, embarking on this new enterprise, appreciated the attractions of

this inviting field and sympathetically recognized the good work which

was being done in it. It is not surprising, therefore, to find that he

welcomed to the pages of his initial number contributions to botany.

_Early Botanical Works._—The collections of dried and living North

American plants, which had been carried from time to time to botanists

in Europe, had been eagerly studied, and the results had been published

in accessible treatises. Besides these general treatises, there had been

issued certain works, wholly devoted to the American Flora. Among these

latter may be mentioned Pursh’s “Flora” (1814) and Nuttall’s “Genera”

(1818). There were also a few works which were rather popular in their

character, such as Amos Eaton’s “Manual of Botany for North America”

(1817), and Bigelow’s “Collection of the Plants of Boston and environs”

(1814). These handbooks were convenient, and possessed the charm of not

being exhaustive; consequently a botanist, whether professional or

amateur, was stimulated to feel that he had a good chance of enriching

the list of species and adding to the next edition.

_The Early Years of Botany in the Journal._

At that time, the botanists had no journal in this country devoted to

their science. Here and there they found opportunity for publishing

their discoveries in some medical periodical or in a local newspaper.

Hence American botanists availed themselves of the welcome extended by

Silliman to botanical contributors to place their results on record in a

magazine devoted to science in its wide sense. Specialization and

subdivision of science had not then begun to dissociate allied subjects,

and, consequently, botanists felt that they would be at home in this

journal conducted by a chemist. Botanists responded promptly to this

invitation with interesting contributions.

It is well to remember that the appliances at the command of naturalists

at the date when the Journal began its service, were imperfect and

inadequate. The botanist did not possess a convenient achromatic

microscope, and he was not in possession of the chemical aids now deemed

necessary in even the simplest research. Hence, attention was given

almost wholly to such matters as the forms of plants and the more

obvious phenomena of plant-life. In view of the poverty of instrumental

aids in research, the results attained must be regarded as surprising.

In the very first volume of the Journal, bearing the date of 1818, there

are descriptions of four new genera and of four new species of plants;

certainly a large share to give to systematic botany. Besides these

articles, there are some instructive notes concerning a few plants,

which up to that time had been imperfectly understood. There are four

Floral Calendars which give details in regard to the blossoming and the

fruiting of plants in limited districts, a botanical subject of some

importance but likely to become tedious in the long run. Just here, the

skill of the editor in limiting undesirable contributions is shown by

his tactful remark designed to soothe the feelings of a prolix writer

whose too long list of plants in a floral calendar he had editorially

cut down to reasonable limits. The editor remarks, “such extended

observations are desirable, but it may not always be convenient to

insert very voluminous details of daily floral occurrence.” It is

convenient to consider by themselves some of the botanical contributions

published in the first series of volumes of the Journal during a period

of twenty years, the period before Asa Gray became actively and

constantly associated with the Journal.

In systematic and geographical botany one finds communications from

Douglass and Torrey (=4=, 56, 1822) on the plants of what was then the

Northwest; Lewis C. Beck (=10=, 257, 1826; =11=, 167, 1826; =14=, 112,

1828) contributed valuable papers on the botany of Illinois and

Missouri; there is a literal translation by Dr. Ruschenberger (=19=, 63,

299, 1831; =20=, 248, 1831; =23=, 78, 250, 1833) of a very long list of

the plants of Chili; Wolle and Huebener (=37=, 310, 1839) gave an

annotated catalogue of botanical specimens collected in Pennsylvania;

Tuckerman (=45=, 27, 1843) presented communications in regard to

numerous species which he had examined critically; Darlington (=41=,

365, 1841) published his lecture on grasses; Asa Gray (=40=, 1, 1841)

gave an instructive account of European herbaria visited by him, and he

contributed also a charming account (=42=, 1, 1842) of a botanical

journey to the mountains of North Carolina. The most extensive series of

botanical communication at this time was the Caricography by Professor

Dewey of Williams College, presented in many numbers of the Journal; the

first of these in =7=, pp. 264–278, 1824. There were also descriptions

of certain new genera, and species, and critical studies in synonyms.

Cryptogamic botany is represented in the first series of volumes of the

Journal by L. C. Beck’s (=15=, 287, 1829) study of ferns and mosses, by

Bailey’s (=35=, 113, 1839) histology of the vascular system of ferns, by

Fries’ Systema mycologicum (=12=, 235, 1829), and by De Schweinitz (=9=,

397, 1825) and Halsey, who had in hand a cryptogamic manual. There are

two important papers by Alexander Braun, translated by Dr. George

Engelmann, one on the Equisetaceæ of North America (=46=, 81, 1844) and

the other on the Characeæ (=46=, 92, 1844).

Vegetable paleontology had begun to attract attention in many places in

this country, and therefore the translated contributions by Brongniart

on fossil plants were given space in the Journal. Plant-physiology

received a good share of attention either in short notices or in longer

articles. Such titles appear as, the respiration of plants, the

circulation of sap, the excrementitious matter thrown off by plants, the

effects of certain gases and poisons on plants, and the relations of

plants to different colored light. One of the most important of the

notes is that in which is described the discovery by Robert Brown (=19=,

393, 1831) of the constant movement of minute particles suspended in a

liquid, first detected by him in the fovilla of pollen grains, and now

known as the Brownian (or Brunonian) movement. The heading under which

this note appears is of interest, “The motion of living particles in all

kinds of matter.”

One side of botany touches agriculture and economics. That side was

represented even in the first volume of the Journal by a study of “the

comparative quantity of nutritious matter which may be obtained from an

acre of land when cultivated with potatoes or wheat.” Succeeding volumes

in this series likewise present phases which are of special interest

regarded from the point of view of economics; for example, those which

treat of rotation of crops and of enriching the soil. Probably the

economic paper which may be regarded as the most important, in fact

epoch-making, is the full account of the invention by Appert of a method

for preserving food indefinitely (=13=, 163, 1828). We all know that

Appert’s process has revolutionized the preservation of foods, and in

its modern modification underlies the vast industry of canned fruits,

vegetables and so on. There are suggestions, also, as to the utilization

of new foods, or of old foods in a new way, which resemble the

suggestions made in these days of food conservation. For example, it is

shown that flour can be made from leguminous seeds by steaming and

subsequent drying, and pulverizing. There are excellent hints as to the

best ways of preparing and using potatoes, and also for preserving them

underground, where they will remain good for a year or two. It is shown

that potato flour can be made into excellent bread. Another method of

making bread, namely from wood, is described, but it does not seem quite

so practicable. There are interesting notes on the sugar-beet as a

source of sugar, and here appears one of the earliest accounts of the

Assam tea-plant, which was destined to revolutionize the tea industry

throughout the world. Cordage and textile fibers of bark and of wood

should be utilized in the manufacture of paper. In fact one comes upon

many such surprises in economic botany as the earlier volumes of the

Journal are carefully examined.

Early numbers of the Journal present with sufficient fullness accounts

of the remarkable discovery by Daguerre and others of a process for

taking pictures by light, on a silver plate or upon paper (=37=, 374,

1839; =38=, 97, 1840, etc.). Before many years passed, the Journal had

occasion to show that these novel photographic delineations could be

made useful in the investigation of problems in botany. In the pages of

the Journal it would be easily possible to trace the development of this

art in its relations to natural history. Silliman possessed great

sagacity in selecting for his enterprise all the novelties which

promised to be of service in the advancement of science. In 1825 (=9=,

263) the Journal republished from the Edinburgh Journal of Science an

essay by Dr. (afterwards Sir) William Jackson Hooker, on American

Botany. In this essay the author states that “the various scientific

Journals” which “are published in America, contain many memoirs upon the

indigenous plants. Among the first of these in point of value, and we

think also the first with regard to time, we must name Silliman’s

Journal of Science.” The author enumerates some of the contributors to

the Journal and the titles of their papers.

It has been a useful practice of the Journal, almost from the first, to

transfer to its pages memoirs which would otherwise be likely to escape

the notice of the majority of American botanists. The book notices and

the longer book reviews covered so wide a field that they placed the

readers of the Journal in touch with nearly all of the current botanical

literature both here and abroad. These critical notices did much towards

the symmetrical development of botany in the United States. And as we

shall now see, the Journal notices and reviews in the hands of Asa Gray

continued to be one of the most important factors in the advancement of

American botany.

_Asa Gray and the Journal._

In 1834 there appears in the Journal (=25=, 346) a “Sketch of the

Mineralogy of a portion of Jefferson and St. Lawrence Counties, New

York, by J. B. Crawe of Watertown and A. Gray of Utica, New York.” This

appears to be the first mention in the Journal of the name of Dr. Asa

Gray, who, shortly after that date, became thoroughly identified with

its botanical interests. In the early part of his career both before and

immediately after graduating in medicine, Gray gave much attention to

the different branches of natural history in its wide sense. He not only

studied but taught “chemistry, geology, mineralogy, and botany,” the

latter branch being the one to which he devoted most of his attention.

Among his early guides in the pursuit of botany may be mentioned Dr.

Hadley, “who had learned some botany from Dr. Ives of New Haven,” and

Dr. Lewis C. Beck of Albany, author of Botany of the United States North

of Virginia. At that period he made the acquaintance of Dr. John Torrey

of New York, with whom he later became associated in most important

descriptive work. During the years between his graduation in medicine

and 1842, the year when he came to Harvard College, his activities were

diverse and intense; so that his preparation for his distinguished

career was very broad and thorough. His first visit to Europe, in 1838,

brought him into personal relations with a large number of the botanists

of Great Britain and the Continent. This extensive acquaintance, added

to his broad training, enabled him even from the outset to exert a

profound influence upon the progress of his favorite science. He made

the Journal tributary to this development. His name first appears as

associate editor in 1853, but there are articles in the Journal from his

pen which bear an earlier date. The first of these early botanical

papers is the following: “A Translation of a memoir entitled ‘Beiträge

zur Lehre von der Befruchtung der Pflanzen,’ (contributions to the

doctrine of the impregnation of plants, by A. J. C. Corda:) with

prefatory remarks on the progress of discovery relative to vegetable

fecundation; by Asa Gray, M. D.” (=31=, 308, 1837). Dr. Gray says that

he made the translation from the German for his own private use, but

thinking that it might be interesting to the Lyceum, he brought it

before the Society, with “a cursory account of the progress of discovery

respecting the fecundation of flowering plants, for the purpose of

rendering the memoir more generally intelligible to those who are not

particularly conversant with the present state of botanical science.”

The translation occupies six pages of the Journal, while the prefatory

remarks fill nine pages. The prefatory remarks constitute an exhaustive

essay on the subject, embodied in attractive and perfectly clear

language. The translator shows complete familiarity with the matter in

hand and gives an adequate account of all the work done on the subject

up to the date of M. Corda’s paper. A second important paper by him near

this period is his review of “A Natural System of Botany: or a

systematic view of the Organization, Natural Affinities, and

Geographical Distribution of the whole Vegetable Kingdom; together with

the use of the more important species in Medicine, the Arts, and rural

and domestic economy, by John Lindley. Second edition, with numerous

additions and corrections, and a complete list of genera and their

synonyms. London: 1836” (=32=, 292, 1837). A very brief notice of this

work in the first part of the volume for 1837 closes with the words, “A

more extended notice of the work may be expected in the ensuing number

of the Journal.” The extended notice proved to be a critical study of

the work, signed by the initials A. G. which later became so familiar to

readers of the Journal. Citation of a few of its sentences will indicate

the strong and quiet manner in which Dr. Gray, even at the outset, wrote

his notices of books. In speaking of the second edition of Professor

Lindley’s work, he says:

[Illustration: Sincerely yours Asa Gray]

“It is not necessary to state that a treatise of this kind was greatly

needed, or to allude to the peculiar qualifications of the learned and

industrious author for the accomplishment of the task, or the high

estimation in which the work is held in Europe. But we may properly

offer our testimony respecting the great and favorable influence which

it has exerted upon the progress of botanical science in the United

States. Great as the merits of the work undoubtedly are, we must

nevertheless be excused from adopting the terms of extravagant and

sometimes equivocal eulogy employed by a popular author, who gravely

informs his readers that no book, since printed Bibles were first sold

in Paris by Dr. Faustus, ever excited so much surprise and wonder as

did Dr. Torrey’s edition of Lindley’s Introduction to the Natural

System of Botany. Now we can hardly believe that either the author or

the American editor of the work referred to was ever in danger, as was

honest Dr. Faustus, of being burned for witchcraft, neither do we find

anything in its pages calculated to produce such astonishing effects,

except, perhaps, upon the minds of those botanists, if such they may

be called, who had never dreamed of any important changes in the

science since the appearance of good Dr. Turton’s translation of the

Species Plantarum, and who speak of Jussieu as a writer who has

greatly improved the natural orders of Linnæus.”

In the Journal for 1840 there is a large group of unsigned book reviews

under the heading, “Brief notices of recent Botanical works, especially

those most interesting to the student of North American Botany.” The

first of these short reviews deals with the second section of Part VII

of De Candolle’s “Prodromus.” In 1847 the consideration of the

“Prodromus” is resumed by the same author and the initials of A. G. are

appended. This indicates that Dr. Gray was probably the writer of some

of the unsigned book reviews which had appeared in the Journal between

1837 and 1840. Doubtless Silliman availed himself of the assistance of

his associates, Eli Ives and others, in New Haven, in the examination of

current botanical literature, and it is extremely probable that he early

secured help from young Dr. Gray, who had shown himself to be a keen

critic as well as a pleasing writer. The notices of botanical works from

1840 bear marks of having been from the same hand. They cover an

extremely wide range of subjects. While they are good-tempered they are

critical, and they had much to do with the development of botany, in

this country, along safe lines.

_Gray as Editor._—Gray’s name as associate editor of the Journal appears

in 1853. He had been a welcome contributor, as we have seen, for many

years. His influence upon the progress of botany in the United States

was largely due to his connection with the Journal. His reviews extended

over a very wide range, and supplemented to a remarkable degree his

other educational work. It must be permitted to allude here to his

sagacity as a writer of educational treatises. In his first elementary

text-book, published in 1836, he expressed wholly original views in

regard to certain phases of structure and function in plants, which

became generally adopted at a later date. His Manual of Botany was

constructed, and subsequent editions were kept, on a plan which made no

appeal to those who wanted to work on lines of least resistance; in fact

he had no patience with those who desired merely to ascertain the name

of a plant. In the Journal he emphasizes the desirability of learning

all the affinities of the plant under consideration. At a later period,

when entirely new chapters had been opened in the life of plants, he

sought by his contributions in the Journal to interest students in this

wider outlook.

Professor C. S. Sargent has selected with good judgment some of the more

important scientific papers by Professor Gray and has republished them

in a convenient form.[184] Many of these papers were contributed to the

Journal in the form of reviews. These reviews touch nearly every branch

of the science of botany. As Sargent justly says, “Many of the reviews

are filled with original and suggestive observations, and taken

together, furnish the best account of the development of botanical

literature during the last fifty years that has yet been written.” In

these longer reviews in the Journal, Gray was wont to take a book under

review as affording an opportunity to illustrate some important subject,

and many of the reviews are crowded with his expositions. For example,

in his examination of vonMohl’s “Vegetable Cell” (=15=, 451, 1853) he

takes up the whole subject of microscopic structure, so far as it was

then understood, and he points out the probable errors of some of Mohl’s

contemporaries, showing what and how great were Mohl’s own contributions

to histology. Such a review is a landmark in the science. The physiology

of the cell and the nutrition of the plant were favorite topics with

Professor Gray, and he brought much of his knowledge in regard to them

into such a review as that of Boussingault (=25=, 120, 1858) on the

“Influence of nitrates on the production of vegetable matter.”

As a systematic botanist, Gray was naturally much interested in the

vexed question of nomenclature of plants. One of his most important

communications to the Journal is his review, in the volume for 1883

(=26=, 417), of DeCandolle’s work on the subject. He deals with this

strictly technical matter much as he did in a contribution to the

Journal which he made in 1868 (=46=, 63). In both of these papers he

states with clearness the general features of the code of nomenclature.

He says explicitly that the code does not make, but rather declares, the

common law of botanists. The treatment of the subject at his hands would

rightly impress a general reader as showing a strong desire to have

common sense applied to doubtful cases, instead of insisting on

inflexible rules. For this reason, his rule of practice was not always

acceptable to those who were anxious to secure conformity to arbitrary

rules at whatever cost. As he said in a paper published in the Journal

in 1847 (=3=, 302), “The difficulty of a reform increases with its

necessity. It is much easier to state the evils than to relieve them;

and the well-meant endeavors that have recently been made to this end,

are, some of them, likely, if adopted, to make confusion worse

confounded.” This feeling led him to be very conservative in the matter

of reform in nomenclature.

This subject of botanical nomenclature illustrates a method frequently

employed by Professor Gray to elucidate a difficult matter. He would

find in the treatise under review a text, or texts, on which he would

build a treatise of his own, and in this way he made clear his own views

relative to most of the important phases of botany. When he faced

controverted matters, his attitude still remained judicial. While he was

tolerant of opinions which clashed with his own, he was always severe

upon charlatanism and impatient of inaccuracy. The pages of the Journal

contain many severe criticisms at his hands, but an unprejudiced person

would say that the severity is merited.

Sometimes, however, instead of reviewing a book or an address, he would

follow the custom inaugurated early in the history of the Journal, of

making copious extracts, and thus give to its readers an opportunity of

examining materials which otherwise might not fall in their way.

Gray’s contributions to the Journal comprise more than one thousand

titles, without counting the memorial notices and the shorter obituary

notes. In these notices he sums up in a few well-chosen words the

contributions made to botany by his contemporaries. Even in the few

instances in which he felt obliged to note with disapproval some of the

work, he expressed himself with personal friendliness. The necrology, as

it appeared from month to month, was a labor of love. All of the longer

memorial notices are what it is the fashion now-a-days to call

appreciations, and these are so happily phrased that it would seem as if

the writer in many a case asked himself, “Would my friend, about whom I

am now writing, make any change in this sketch?”

_Gray on Darwinism._—In October, 1859, Darwin’s epoch-making work, “The

Origin of Species,” was published. An early copy was sent to the editor

of the Journal, Professor James D. Dana. This arrived in New Haven on

December 21, but it was preceded by a personal letter which is of so

much interest that it is here transcribed in full. It should be added

that Dana was at this time in Europe where he was spending a year in the

search for health after a serious nervous breakdown. In his absence the

book was noticed by Gray as stated below. The letter is, as follows:

Down, Bromley, Kent.

Nov. 11th, 1859.

My dear Sir,

I have sent you a copy of my Book (as yet only an abstract) on the

Origin of Species. I know too well that the conclusion, at which I

have arrived, will horrify you, but you will, I believe and hope, give

me credit for at least an honest search after the truth. I hope that

you will read my Book, straight through; otherwise from the great

condensation it will be unintelligible. Do not, I pray, think me so

presumptuous as to hope to convert you; but if you can spare time to

read it with care, and will then do what is far more important, keep

the subject under my point of view for some little time occasionally

before your mind, I have hopes that you will agree that more can be

said in favour of the mutability of species, than is at first

apparent. It took me many long years before I wholly gave up the

common view of the separate creation of each species. Believe me, with

sincere respect and with cordial thanks for the many acts of

scientific kindness which I have received from you,

My dear Sir,

Yours very sincerely,

CHARLES DARWIN.

In March, 1860 (=29=, 153), Gray published in the Journal an elaborate

and cautious review of Darwin’s work. He alluded to the absence of the

chief editor of the Journal in the following words:

“The duty of reviewing this volume in the American Journal of Science

would naturally devolve upon the principal editor whose wide

observation and profound knowledge of various departments of natural

history, as well as of geology, particularly qualify him for the task.

But he has been obliged to lay aside his pen to seek in distant lands

the entire repose from scientific labor so essential to the

restoration of his health, a consummation devoutly to be wished and

confidently to be expected. Interested as Mr. Dana would be in this

volume, he could not be expected to accept its doctrine. Views so

idealistic as those upon which his ‘Thoughts upon Species’ are

grounded, will not harmonize readily with a doctrine so thoroughly

naturalistic as that of Mr. Darwin.... Between the doctrines of this

volume and those of the great naturalist whose name adorns the title

page of this Journal [Mr. Agassiz] the widest divergence appears.”

Gray then proceeds to contrast the two views of Darwin and Agassiz, “for

this contrast brings out most prominently and sets in strongest light

and shade the main features of the theory of the origination of species

by means of Natural Selection.” He then states both sides with great

fairness, and proceeds:

“Who shall decide between such extreme views so ably maintained on

either hand, and say how much truth there may be in each. The present

reviewer has not the presumption to undertake such a task. Having no

prepossession in favor of naturalistic theories, but struck with the

eminent ability of Mr. Darwin’s work, and charmed with its fairness,

our humbler duty will be performed if, laying aside prejudice as much

as we can, we shall succeed in giving a fair account of its method and

argument, offering by the way a few suggestions such as might occur to

any naturalist of an inquiring mind. An editorial character for this

article must in justice be disclaimed. The plural pronoun is employed

not to give editorial weight, but to avoid even the appearance of

egotism and also the circumlocution which attends a rigorous adherence

to the impersonal style.”

In this review he moves slowly and thoughtfully, but not timidly, over

the new paths. There is no clear indication in the review that he has

yet made up his mind as to the validity of Darwin’s hypothesis. But, in

a second article appearing in the Journal for September of the same year

(=30=, 226), under the title “Discussion between two readers of Darwin’s

treatise on the origin of species upon its natural theology” Gray

plainly begins to incline to take a very favorable view of the Darwinian

theory, and makes use of the following ingenious illustration to show

that it is not inconsistent with theistic design. A few paragraphs here

quoted show the felicity of his style in a controverted matter:

“Recall a woman of a past generation and show her a web of cloth; ask

her how it was made, and she will say that the wool or cotton was

carded, spun, and woven by hand. When you tell her it was not made by

manual labor, that probably no hands have touched the materials

throughout the process, it is possible that she might at first regard

your statement as tantamount to the assertion that the cloth was made

without design. If she did, she would not credit your statement. If

you patiently explained to her the theory of carding-machines,

spinning-jennies, and power-looms, would her reception of your

explanation weaken her conviction that the cloth was the result of

design? It is certain that she would believe in design as firmly as

before, and that this belief would be attended by a higher conception

and reverent admiration of a wisdom, skill, and power greatly beyond

anything she had previously conceived possible.”

By this review Gray disarmed hostility to such an extent that some

persons who had been antagonistic to Darwinism accepted it with only

slight reservation. It may be fairly claimed that the Journal bore a

leading part in influencing the views of naturalists in America in

regard to the Darwinian theory.

Dr. Gray soon put the Darwinian hypothesis to a severe test. In the

Journal for 1840 he had called attention to the remarkable similarity

which exists between the flora of Japan and a part of the temperate

portion of North America. The first notice of this subject by him occurs

in a short review of Dr. Zuccarini’s “Flora Japonica,” a work based on

material furnished by Dr. Siebold, who had long lived in Japan. In this

review (=39=, 175, 1840), he enumerates certain plants common to the two

regions, and says, “It is interesting to remark how many of our

characteristic genera are reproduced in Japan, not to speak of striking

analogous forms.” In a subsequent paper (=28=, 187, 1859), he recurs to

this subject, and, after alluding to geological data furnished by J. D.

Dana, he says:

“I cannot resist the conclusion that the extant vegetable kingdom has

a long and eventful history, and that the explanation of apparent

anomalies in the geographical distribution of species may be found in

the various and prolonged climatic or other vicissitudes to which they

have been subject in earlier times; that the occurrence of certain

species, formerly supposed to be peculiar to North America, in a

remote or antipodal region, affords in itself no presumption that they

were originated there, and that interchange of plants between eastern

North America and eastern Asia is explicable upon the most natural and

generally received hypothesis (or at least offers no greater

difficulty than does the arctic flora, the general homogeneousness of

which round the world has always been thought compatible with local

origin of the species) and is perhaps not more extensive than might be

expected under the circumstances. That the interchange has mainly

taken place in high northern latitudes, and that the isothermal lines

have in earlier times turned northward on our eastern and southward on

our northwest coast, as they do now, are points which go far towards

explaining why eastern North America, rather than Oregon and

California, has been mainly concerned in this interchange, and why the

temperate interchange, even with Europe, has principally taken place

through Asia.”

[Illustration: From “Life and Letters of Charles Darwin” by Francis

Darwin.]

This paper was communicated in 1859, on the eve of the publication of

Darwin’s “Origin of Species.” At a later date he applied the Darwinian

theory to the possible solution of the problem, and came to the

conclusion that the two floras had a common origin in the Arctic zone,

during the Tertiary period, or the Cretaceous which preceded it, and the

descendants had made their way down different lines toward the south,

the species varying under different climatic conditions, and thus

exhibiting similarity but not absolute identity of form. Before the

American Association for the Advancement of Science, in his Presidential

address, in 1872, he used the following language:

“According to these views, as regards plants at least, the adaptation

to successive times and changed conditions has been maintained, not by

absolute renewals, but by gradual modifications. I, for one, cannot

doubt that the present existing species are the lineal successors of

those that garnished the earth in the old time before them, and that

they were as well adapted to their surroundings then, as those which

flourish and bloom around us are to their conditions now. Order and

exquisite adaptation did not wait for man’s coming, nor were they ever

stereotyped. Organic Nature—by which I mean the system and totality of

living things, and their adaptation to each other and to the

world—with all its apparent and indeed real stability, should be

likened, not to the ocean, which varies only by tidal oscillations

from a fixed level to which it is always returning, but rather to a

river, so vast that we can neither discern its shores nor reach its

sources, whose onward flow is not less actual because too slow to be

observed by the ephemeræ which hover over its surface, or are borne

upon its bosom.”

Gray’s active interest in the Journal continued until the very end of

his life. There were many critical notices from his pen in 1887. His

last contribution to its pages was the botanical necrology, which

appeared posthumously in volume =35=, of the third series (1888). His

connection with the Journal covered, therefore, a period of more than a

half a century of its life.[185]

The changes that were wrought in botany by the application of Darwinism

were far reaching. Attempts were promptly made to reconstruct the system

of botanical classification on the basis of descent. The more successful

of these endeavors met with welcome, and now form the groundwork of

arrangement of families, genera, and species, in the Herbaria in this

country, in the manuals of descriptive botany, and in the text-books of

higher grade. This overturn did not take place until after Gray’s death,

although he foresaw that the revolution was impending.

One of the most obvious changes was that which gave a high degree of

prominence in American school treatises to the study of the lower

instead of the higher or flowering plants, these latter being treated

merely as members in a long series, and with scant consideration. But of

late years, there has been a renewed popular interest in the phænogamia,

leading to a more thorough investigation of local floras, and also to

the examination of the relations of plants to their surroundings. The

results of a large part of this technical work are published in strictly

botanical periodicals and now-a-days seldom find a place in the pages of

a general journal of science.

_Cryptogamic Botany in the Journal since 1846._

In glancing rapidly at the First Series it has been seen that a fair

share of attention was early paid by the Journal to the flowerless

plants. So far as the means and methods of the time permitted, the

ferns, mosses, lichens, and the larger algæ and fungi of America were

studied assiduously and important results were published, chiefly on the

side of systematic botany.

The Second Series comprises the years between 1846 and 1871. In this

series one finds that the range of cryptogamic botany is much widened.

Besides interesting book notices relative to these plants, there are a

good many papers on the larger fungi, on the algæ, and mosses. Here are

contributions by Curtis, by Ravenel, by Bailey, and by Sullivant. The

lichens are treated of in detail by Tuckerman, and there are some

excellent translations by Dr. Engelmann of papers by Alexander Braun.

Some of the destructive fungi are considered, as might well be the case

in the period of the potato famine. It is in these years that one first

finds the name of Daniel Cady Eaton, who later had so much to do with

developing an interest in the subject of ferns in this country. He was a

frequent contributor of critical notices.

Cryptogamic Botany, as it is now understood, is a comparatively modern

branch of science. The appliances and the methods for investigating the

more obscure groups, and especially for revealing the successive stages

of their development, were unsatisfactory until the latter half of the

last century. Gray recognized this condition of affairs, and appreciated

the importance of the new methods and the better appliances. Therefore

he viewed with satisfaction the pursuit of these studies abroad by one

of his students and assistants, William G. Farlow. Dr. Farlow carried to

his studies under DeBary and others unusual powers of observation and

great industry. He speedily became an accomplished investigator in

cryptogamic botany and enriched the science by notable discoveries, one

of which to-day bears his name in botanical literature. On his return to

the United States, Farlow entered at once upon a successful career as an

inspiring teacher and a fruitful investigator. He became a frequent

contributor to the Journal, keeping its readers in touch with the more

important additions to cryptogamic botany. He had wisely chosen to deal

with the whole field, and consequently he has been able to preserve a

better perspective than is kept by the extreme specialist. The greater

number of cryptogamic botanists in this country have been under

Professor Farlow’s instruction.

_Systematic and Geographical Botany of Late Years._

The usefulness of the Journal in descriptive systematic botany of

phanerogams is shown not only by its acceptance of the leading features

of DeCandolle’s Phytography, where very exact methods are inculcated,

but by the very numerous contributions by Sereno Watson and others at

the Harvard University Herbarium, as well as from private systematists.

It is in the pages of the Journal that one finds the record of much of

the critical work of Tuckerman and of Engelmann, in interesting

Phanerogamia. Of late years the Journal has had the privilege, of

publishing a good deal of the careful work of Theo Holm, in the

difficult groups of Cyperaceæ, and also his admirable studies in the

morphology and the anatomy of certain interesting plants of higher

orders.

Attention was called, in passing, to Gray’s deep interest in

geographical botany. In this important branch, besides his

contributions, one finds, among many others, such papers as LeConte’s

“Flora of the Coast Islands of California in Relation to Recent Changes

of Physical Geography” (=34=, 457, 1887), and Sargent’s “Forests of

Central Nevada” (=17=, 417, 1879). Examination reveals a surprising

number of communications which bear indirectly upon this subject.

_Paleontological Botany._

When the Journal began its career, the subject of fossil plants was very

obscure. Brongniart’s papers, especially the Journal translations,

enabled the students in America to undertake the investigation of such

fossils and the results were to a considerable extent published in the

Journal. Since the subject belongs as much to geology as to botany, it

finds its appropriate home in the pages of the Journal. The recent

papers on this topic show how great has been the advance in methods and

results since the early days of the Journal’s century. Under the care of

George E. Wieland, the communications and the bibliographical notices of

paleontological treatises show the progress which he and others are

making in this attractive field.

_Economic Botany, Plant Physiology, etc._

At the outset, the Journal, as we have seen, devoted much attention to

certain phases of economic botany, and, even down to the present, it has

maintained its hold upon the subject. The correspondence of Jerome

Nicklès from 1853 to 1867 brought before its readers a vast number of

valuable items which would not in any other way have been known to them.

And the Journal dealt wisely with the scientific side of agriculture,

under the hands of S. W. Johnson and J. H. Gilbert, and others, placing

it on its proper basis. This work was supplemented by Norton’s

remarkable work in the chemistry of certain plants, the oat, for

example, and certain plant-products. In fact it might be possible to

construct from the pages of the Journal a fair synopsis of the important

principles of agronomy.

Physiology has been represented not only by the studies which had been

inaugurated and stimulated by the Darwinian theory, such as the

cross-fertilization and the close-fertilization of plants,

plant-movements, and the like, but there have been a good many special

communications, such as Dandeno on toxicity, Plowman on electrical

relations, and ionization, and W. P. Wilson on respiration.

There are many broad philosophical questions which have found an

appropriate home in the Journal, such as “The Plant-individual in its

relation to the species” (Alexander Braun, =19=, 297, 1855; =20=, 181,

1855), and “The analogy between the mode of reproduction in plants and

the alternation of generations observed in some radiata” (J. D. Dana,

=10=, 341, 1850). Akin to these are many of the reflections which one

finds scattered throughout the pages of the Journal, frequently in minor

book notices. As might be expected, some attention has been paid to the

very special branch of botany which is strictly called medical. For

example, early in its history, the Journal published a long treatise by

Dr. William Tully (=2=, 45, 1820), on the ergot of rye. This is

considered from a structural as well as from a medical point of view and

is decidedly ahead of the time in which it was written. There are a few

references to vegetable poisons, and there is a fascinating account of

the effect of the common white ash on the activities of the rattlesnake.

In short it may be said that the editor did much towards making the

Journal readable as well as strictly scientific.

The list of reviewers who have been permitted to use the pages of the

Journal for notices of botanical and allied books in recent years is

pretty long. One finds the initials of Wesley R. Coe, George P. Clinton,

Arthur L. Dean, Alexander W. Evans, William G. Farlow, George L.

Goodale, Arthur H. Graves, Herbert E. Gregory, Lafayette B. Mendel, Leo

F. Rettger, Benjamin L. Robinson, George R. Wieland, and others.

At the present time, in the biological sciences, as in every department

of thought, there is great specialization, and each specialty demands

its own private organ of publication. Naturally this has led to a

falling off in the botanical communications to the Journal, but it

cannot be forgotten that the history of North American Botany has been

largely recorded in its pages.

_Notes._

Footnote 184:

Scientific Papers of Asa Gray. Selected by Charles Sprague Sargent.

Two volumes, Boston, 1889 (see notice in vol. 38, 419, 1889).

Footnote 185:

A notice of Gray’s life and works is given by his life-long friend, J.

D. Dana, in the Journal in 1888 (=35=, 181–203).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

A century of science in America · 第 44 / 45 题