PART I.

AN ESSAY ON THE SLAVERY AND COMMERCE OF THE HUMAN SPECIES,

PARTICULARLY THE AFRICAN,

TRANSLATED FROM A LATIN DISSERTATION, WHICH WAS HONOURED WITH

THE FIRST PRIZE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE, FOR THE YEAR 1785,

WITH ADDITIONS.

* * * * *

_Neque premendo alium me extulisse velim_.--LIVY.

M.DCC.LXXXVI.

* * * * *

TO THE

RIGHT HONOURABLE

WILLIAM CHARLES COLYEAR,

EARL OF PORTMORE,

VISCOUNT MILSINTOWN.

MY LORD,

The dignity of the subject of this little Treatise, not any persuasion

of its merits as a literary composition, encourages me to offer it to

your Lordship's patronage. The cause of freedom has always been found

sufficient, in every age and country, to attract the notice of the

generous and humane; and it is therefore, in a more peculiar manner,

worthy of the attention and favour of a personage, who holds a

distinguished rank in that illustrious island, the very air of which has

been determined, upon a late investigation of its laws, to be an

antidote against slavery. I feel a satisfaction in the opportunity,

which the publication of this treatise affords me, of acknowledging your

Lordship's civilities, which can only be equalled by the respect, with

which I am,

Your Lordship's,

much obliged,

and obedient servant,

THOMAS CLARKSON.

* * * * *

Books Printed and Sold by J. PHILLIPS,

ESSAY on the TREATMENT and CONVERSION of

AFRICAN SLAVES in the BRITISH Sugar Colonies.

By the Rev. J. RAMSAY, Vicar of Teston in

Kent, who resided many Years in the West-Indies.

In One Volume, Octavo. Price 5s bound,

or 4s in Boards.

An INQUIRY into the Effects of putting a Stop

to the African Slave Trade, and of granting Liberty

to the Slaves in the British Sugar Colonies.

By J. RAMSAY. Price 6d.

A REPLY to the Personal Invectives and Objections

contained in two Answers, published by

certain anonymous Persons, to an Essay on the

Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves, in

the British Colonies. By JAMES RAMSAY. Price 2s.

A LETTER from Capt. J.S. SMITH, to the

Rev. Mr. HILL, on the State of the Negroe Slaves;

to which are added an Introduction, and Remarks

on Free Negroes, &c. by J. RAMSAY. Price 6d.

THOUGHTS on the Slavery of the Negroes.

Price 4d.

The CASE of our Fellow-Creatures, the Oppressed

Africans, respectfully recommended to the serious

Consideration of the Legislature of Great-Britain,

by the People called Quakers. Price 2d.

A SERIOUS ADDRESS to the Rulers of America,

on the Inconsistency of their Conduct respecting

Slavery. Price 3d.

A CAUTION to GREAT BRITAIN and her

Colonies, in a short Representation of the calamitous

State of the enslaved Negroes in the British

Dominions. By ANTHONY BENEZET. Price 6d.

A Description of Guinea, its Situation, Produce,

and the general Disposition of its Inhabitants; with

an Inquiry into the Rise and Progress of the Slave

Trade, &c. By ANTHONY BENEZET. Bound 2s. 6d.

* * * * *

THE PREFACE.

As the subject of the following work has fortunately become of late a

topick of conversation, I cannot begin the preface in a manner more

satisfactory to the feelings of the benevolent reader, than by giving an

account of those humane and worthy persons, who have endeavoured to draw

upon it that share of the publick attention which it has obtained.

Among the well disposed individuals, of different nations and ages, who

have humanely exerted themselves to suppress the abject personal slavery,

introduced in the original cultivation of the _European_ colonies

in the western world, _Bartholomew de las Casas_, the pious bishop

of _Chiapa_, in the fifteenth century, seems to have been the

first. This amiable man, during his residence in _Spanish America_,

was so sensibly affected at the treatment which the miserable Indians

underwent that he returned to _Spain_, to make a publick remonstrance

before the celebrated emperor _Charles_ the fifth, declaring, that

heaven would one day call him to an account for those cruelties, which

he then had it in his power to prevent. The speech which he made on the

occasion, is now extant, and is a most perfect picture of benevolence

and piety.

But his intreaties, by opposition of avarice, were rendered ineffectual:

and I do not find by any books which I have read upon the subject, that

any other person interfered till the last century, when _Morgan

Godwyn_, a _British_ clergyman, distinguished himself in the

cause.

The present age has also produced some zealous and able opposers of the

_colonial_ slavery. For about the middle of the present century, _John

Woolman_ and _Anthony Benezet_, two respectable members of the

religious society called Quakers, devoted much of their time to the

subject. The former travelled through most parts of _North America_

on foot, to hold conversations with the members of his own sect, on the

impiety of retaining those in a state of involuntary servitude, who had

never given them offence. The latter kept a free school at

_Philadelphia_, for the education of black people. He took every

opportunity of pleading in their behalf. He published several treatises

against slavery,[001] and gave an hearty proof of his attachment to the

cause, by leaving the whole of his fortune in support of that school, to

which he had so generously devoted his time and attention when alive.

Till this time it does not appear, that any bodies of men, had

collectively interested themselves in endeavouring to remedy the evil.

But in the year 1754, the religious society, called Quakers, publickly

testified their sentiments upon the subject,[002] declaring, that "to

live in ease and plenty by the toil of those, whom fraud and violence

had put into their power, was neither consistent with Christianity nor

common justice."

Impressed with these sentiments, many of this society immediately

liberated their slaves; and though such a measure appeared to be

attended with considerable loss to the benevolent individuals, who

unconditionally presented them with their freedom, yet they adopted it

with pleasure: nobly considering, that to possess a little, in an

honourable way, was better than to possess much, through the medium of

injustice. Their example was gradually followed by the rest. A general

emancipation of the slaves in the possession of Quakers, at length took

place; and so effectually did they serve the cause which they had

undertaken, that they denied the claim of membership in their religious

community, to all such as should hereafter oppose the suggestions of

justice in this particular, either by retaining slaves in their

possession, or by being in any manner concerned in the slave trade: and

it is a fact, that through the vast tract of North America, there is not

at this day a single slave in the possession of an acknowledged Quaker.

But though this measure appeared, as has been observed before, to be

attended with considerable loss to the benevolent individuals who

adopted it, yet, as virtue seldom fails of obtaining its reward, it

became ultimately beneficial. Most of the slaves, who were thus

unconditionally freed, returned without any solicitation to their former

masters, to serve them, at stated wages; as free men. The work, which

they now did, was found to better done than before. It was found also,

that, a greater quantity was done in the same time. Hence less than the

former number of labourers was sufficient. From these, and a variety of

circumstances, it appeared, that their plantations were considerably

more profitable when worked by free men, than when worked, as before, by

slaves; and that they derived therefore, contrary to their expectations,

a considerable advantage from their benevolence.

Animated by the example of the Quakers, the members of other sects began

to deliberate about adopting the same measure. Some of those of the

church of England, of the Roman Catholicks, and of the Presbyterians and

Independants, freed their slaves; and there happened but one instance,

where the matter was debated, where it was not immediately put in force.

This was in _Pennsylvania_. It was agitated in the synod of the

Presbyterians there, to oblige their members to liberate their slaves.

The question was negatived by a majority of but one person; and this

opposition seemed to arise rather from a dislike to the attempt of

forcing such a measure upon the members of that community, than from any

other consideration. I have the pleasure of being credibly informed,

that the manumission of slaves, or the employment of free men in the

plantations, is now daily gaining ground in North America. Should

slavery be abolished there, (and it is an event, which, from these

circumstances, we may reasonably expect to be produced in time) let it

be remembered, that the Quakers will have had the merit of its

abolition.

Nor have their brethren here been less assiduous in the cause. As there

are happily no slaves in this country, so they have not had the same

opportunity of shewing their benevolence by a general emancipation. They

have not however omitted to shew it as far as they have been able. At

their religious meetings they have regularly inquired if any of their

members are concerned in the iniquitous _African_ trade. They have

appointed a committee for obtaining every kind of information on the

subject, with a view to its suppression, and, about three or four years

ago, petitioned parliament on the occasion for their interference and

support. I am sorry to add, that their benevolent application was

ineffectual, and that the reformation of an evil, productive of

consequences equally impolitick and immoral, and generally acknowledged

to have long disgraced our national character, is yet left to the

unsupported efforts of piety morality and justice, against interest

violence and oppression; and these, I blush to acknowledge, too strongly

countenanced by the legislative authority of a country, the basis of

whose government is _liberty_.

Nothing can be more clearly shewn, than that an inexhaustible mine of

wealth is neglected in _Africa_, for prosecution of this impious

traffick; that, if proper measures were taken, the revenue of this

country might be greatly improved, its naval strength increased, its

colonies in a more flourishing situation, the planters richer, and a

trade, which is now a scene of blood and desolation, converted into one,

which might be prosecuted with _advantage_ and _honour_.

Such have been the exertions of the Quakers in the cause of humanity

and virtue. They are still prosecuting, as far as they are able, their

benevolent design; and I should stop here and praise them for thus

continuing their humane endeavours, but that I conceive it to be

unnecessary. They are acting consistently with the principles of

religion. They will find a reward in their own consciences; and they

will receive more real pleasure from a single reflection on their

conduct, than they can possibly experience from the praises of an host

of writers.

In giving this short account of those humane and worthy persons, who

have endeavoured to restore to their fellow creatures the rights of

nature, of which they had been unjustly deprived, I would feel myself

unjust, were I to omit two zealous opposers of the _colonial_ tyranny,

conspicuous at the present day.

The first is Mr. _Granville Sharp_. This Gentleman has particularly

distinguished himself in the cause of freedom. It is a notorious fact,

that, but a few years since, many of the unfortunate black people, who

had been brought from the colonies into this country, were sold in the

metropolis to merchants and others, when their masters had no farther

occasion for their services; though it was always understood that every

person was free, as soon as he landed on the British shore. In

consequence of this notion, these unfortunate black people, refused to

go to the new masters, to whom they were consigned. They were however

seized, and forcibly conveyed, under cover of the night, to ships then

lying in the _Thames_, to be retransported to the colonies, and to be

delivered again to the planters as merchantable goods. The humane Mr.

_Sharpe_, was the means of putting a stop to this iniquitous traffick.

Whenever he gained information of people in such a situation, he caused

them to be brought on shore. At a considerable expence he undertook

their cause, and was instrumental in obtaining the famous decree in the

case of _Somersett_, that as soon as any person whatever set his foot in

this country, he came under the protection of the _British_ laws, and was

consequently free. Nor did he interfere less honourably in that cruel

and disgraceful case, in the summer of the year 1781, when _an hundred

and thirty two_ negroes, in their passage to the colonies, were thrown

into the sea alive, to defraud the underwriters; but his pious

endeavours were by no means attended with the same success. To enumerate

his many laudable endeavours in the extirpation of tyranny and

oppression, would be to swell the preface into a volume: suffice it to

say, that he has written several books on the subject, and one

particularly, which he distinguishes by the title of "_A Limitation of

Slavery_."

The second is the _Rev. James Ramsay_. This gentleman resided for

many years in the _West-Indies_, in the clerical office. He perused

all the colonial codes of law, with a view to find if there were any

favourable clauses, by which the grievances of slaves could be

redressed; but he was severely disappointed in his pursuits. He

published a treatise, since his return to England, called _An Essay on

the Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves in the British Sugar

Colonies_, which I recommend to the perusal of the humane reader.

This work reflects great praise upon the author, since, in order to be

of service to this singularly oppressed part of the human species, he

compiled it at the expence of forfeiting that friendship, which he had

contracted with many in those parts, during a series of years, and at

the hazard, as I am credibly informed, of suffering much, in his private

property, as well as of subjecting himself to the ill will and

persecution of numerous individuals.

This Essay _on the Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves_,

contains so many important truths on the colonial slavery, and has come

so home to the planters, (being written by a person who has a thorough

knowledge of the subject) as to have occasioned a considerable alarm.

Within the last eight months, two publications have expressly appeared

against it. One of them is intitled "_Cursory Remarks_ on Mr.

Ramsay's Essay;" the other an "_Apology for Negroe Slavery_." On

each of these I am bound, as writing on the subject, to make a few

remarks.

The _cursory remarker_ insinuates, that Mr. Ramsay's account of the

treatment is greatly exaggerated, if not wholly false. To this I shall

make the following reply. I have the honour of knowing several

disinterested gentlemen, who have been acquainted with the West Indian

islands for years. I call them disinterested, because they have neither

had a concern in the _African_ trade, nor in the _colonial_

slavery: and I have heard these unanimously assert, that Mr.

_Ramsay's_ account is so far from being exaggerated, or taken from

the most dreary pictures that he could find, that it is absolutely below

the truth; that he must have omitted many instances of cruelty, which he

had seen himself; and that they only wondered, how he could have written

with so much moderation upon the subject. They allow the _Cursory

Remarks_ to be excellent as a composition, but declare that it is

perfectly devoid of truth.

But the _cursory remarker_ does not depend so much on the

circumstances which he has advanced, (nor can he, since they have no

other existence than in his own, brain) as on the instrument

_detraction_. This he has used with the utmost virulence through

the whole of his publication, artfully supposing, that if he could bring

Mr. _Ramsay's_ reputation into dispute, his work would fall of

course, as of no authenticity. I submit this simple question to the

reader. When a writer, in attempting to silence a publication, attacks

the character of its author, rather than the principles of the work

itself, is it not a proof that the work itself is unquestionable, and

that this writer is at a loss to find an argument against it?

But there is something so very ungenerous in this mode of replication,

as to require farther notice. For if this is the mode to be adopted in

literary disputes, what writer can be safe? Or who is there, that will

not be deterred from taking up his pen in the cause of virtue? There are

circumstances in every person's life, which, if given to the publick in

a malevolent manner, and without explanation, might essentially injure

him in the eyes of the world; though, were they explained, they would be

even reputable. The _cursory remarker_ has adopted this method of

dispute; but Mr. _Ramsay_ has explained himself to the satisfaction

of all parties, and has refuted him in every point. The name of this

_cursory remarker_ is _Tobin_: a name, which I feel myself

obliged to hand down with detestation, as far as I am able; and with an

hint to future writers, that they will do themselves more credit, and

serve more effectually the cause which they undertake, if on such

occasions they attack the work, rather than the character of the writer,

who affords them a subject for their lucubrations.

Nor is this the only circumstance, which induces me to take such

particular notice of the _Cursory Remarks_. I feel it incumbent

upon me to rescue an injured person from the cruel aspersions that have

been thrown upon him, as I have been repeatedly informed by those, who

have the pleasure of his acquaintance, that his character is

irreproachable. I am also interested myself. For if such detraction is

passed over in silence, my own reputation, and not my work, may be

attacked by an anonymous hireling in the cause of slavery.

The _Apology for Negroe Slavery_ is almost too despicable a

composition to merit a reply. I have only therefore to observe, (as is

frequently the case in a bad cause, or where writers do not confine

themselves to truth) that the work refutes itself. This writer, speaking

of the slave-trade, asserts, that people are never kidnapped on the

coast of _Africa_. In speaking of the treatment of slaves, he

asserts again, that it is of the very mildest nature, and that they live

in the most comfortable and happy manner imaginable. To prove each of

his assertions, he proposes the following regulations. That the

_stealing_ of slaves from _Africa_ should be felony. That the

_premeditated murder_ of a slave by any person on board, should

come under the same denomination. That when slaves arrive in the

colonies, lands should be allotted for their provisions, _in

proportion to their number_, or commissioners should see that a

_sufficient_ quantity of _sound wholesome_ provisions is

purchased. That they should not work on _Sundays_ and _other_

holy-days. That extra labour, or _night-work, out of crop_, should

be prohibited. That a _limited number_ of stripes should be

inflicted upon them. That they should have _annually_ a suit of

clothes. That old infirm slaves should be _properly cared for_,

&c.--Now it can hardly be conceived, that if this author had tried to

injure his cause, or contradict himself, he could not have done it in a

more effectual manner, than by this proposal of these salutary

regulations. For to say that slaves are honourably obtained on the

coast; to say that their treatment is of the mildest nature, and yet to

propose the above-mentioned regulations as necessary, is to refute

himself more clearly, than I confess myself to be able to do it: and I

have only to request, that the regulations proposed by this writer, in

the defence of slavery, may be considered as so many proofs of the

assertions contained in my own work.

I shall close my account with an observation, which is of great

importance in the present case. Of all the publications in favour of the

slave-trade, or the subsequent slavery in the colonies, there is not

one, which has not been written, either by a chaplain to the African

factories, or by a merchant, or by a planter, or by a person whose

interest has been connected in the cause which he has taken upon him to

defend. Of this description are Mr. _Tobin_, and the _Apologist

for Negroe Slavery_. While on the other hand those, who have had as

competent a knowledge of the subject, but not the _same interest_

as themselves, have unanimously condemned it; and many of them have

written their sentiments upon it, at the hazard of creating an

innumerable host of enemies, and of being subjected to the most

malignant opposition. Now, which of these are we to believe on the

occasion? Are we to believe those, who are parties concerned, who are

interested in the practice?--But the question does not admit of a

dispute.

Concerning my own work, it seems proper to observe, that when, the

original Latin Dissertation, as the title page expresses, was honoured

by the University of Cambridge with the first of their annual prizes for

the year 1785, I was waited upon by some gentlemen of respectability and

consequence, who requested me to publish it in English. The only

objection which occurred to me was this; that having been prevented, by

an attention to other studies, from obtaining that critical knowledge of

my own language, which was necessary for an English composition, I was

fearful of appearing before the publick eye: but that, as they flattered

me with the hope, that the publication of it might be of use, I would

certainly engage to publish it, if they would allow me to postpone it

for a little time, till I was more in the habit of writing. They

replied, that as the publick attention was now excited to the case of

the unfortunate _Africans_, it would be serving the cause with

double the effect, if it were to be published within a few months. This

argument prevailed. Nothing but this circumstance could have induced me

to offer an English composition to the inspection of an host of

criticks: and I trust therefore that this circumstance will plead much

with the benevolent reader, in favour of those faults, which he may find

in the present work.

Having thus promised to publish it, I was for some time doubtful from

which of the copies to translate. There were two, the original, and an

abridgement. The latter (as these academical compositions are generally

of a certain length) was that which was sent down to Cambridge, and

honoured with the prize. I was determined however, upon consulting with

my friends, to translate from the former. This has been faithfully done

with but few[003] additions. The reader will probably perceive the Latin

idiom in several passages of the work, though I have endeavoured, as far

as I have been able, to avoid it. And I am so sensible of the

disadvantages under which it must yet lie, as a translation, that I wish

I had written upon the subject, without any reference at all to the

original copy.

It will perhaps be asked, from what authority I have collected those

facts, which relate to the colonial slavery. I reply, that I have had

the means of the very best of information on the subject; having the

pleasure of being acquainted with many, both in the naval and military

departments, as well as with several others, who have been long

acquainted with _America_ and the _West-Indian_ islands. The

facts therefore which I have related, are compiled from the

disinterested accounts of these gentlemen, all of whom, I have the

happiness to say, have coincided, in the minutest manner, in their

descriptions. It mud be remarked too, that they were compiled, not from

what these gentlemen heard, while they were resident in those parts, but

from what they actually _saw_. Nor has a single instance been taken

from any book whatever upon the subject, except that which is mentioned

in the 235th page; and this book was published in _France_, in the

year 1777, by _authority_.

I have now the pleasure to say, that the accounts of these disinterested

gentlemen, whom I consulted on the occasion, are confirmed by all the

books which I have ever perused upon slavery, except those which have

been written by _merchants, planters, &c_. They are confirmed by

Sir _Hans Sloane's_ Voyage to Barbadoes; _Griffith Hughes's_

History of the same island, printed 1750; an Account of North America,

by _Thomas Jeffries_, 1761; all _Benezet's_ works, &c. &c. and

particularly by Mr. _Ramsay's_ Essay on the Treatment and

Conversion of the African Slaves in the British Sugar Colonies; a work

which is now firmly established; and, I may add in a very extraordinary

manner, in consequence of the controversy which this gentleman has

sustained with the _Cursory Remarker_, by which several facts which

were mentioned in the original copy of my own work, before the

controversy began, and which had never appeared in any work upon the

subject, have been brought to light. Nor has it received less support

from a letter, published only last week, from Capt. J.S. Smith, of the

Royal Navy, to the Rev. Mr. Hill; on the former of whom too high

encomiums cannot be bestowed, for standing forth in that noble and

disinterested manner, in behalf of an injured character.

I have now only to solicit the reader again, that he will make a

favourable allowance for the present work, not only from those

circumstances which I have mentioned, but from the consideration, that

only two months are allowed by the University for these their annual

compositions. Should he however be unpropitious to my request, I must

console myself with the reflection, (a reflection that will always

afford me pleasure, even amidst the censures of the great,) that by

undertaking the cause of the unfortunate _Africans_, I have

undertaken, as far as my abilities would permit, the cause of injured

innocence.

London, June 1st 1786.

* * * * *

FOOTNOTES

[Footnote 001: A Description of Guinea, with an Inquiry into the Rise

and Progress of the Slave Trade, &c.--A Caution to Great Britain and her

Colonies, in a short Representation of the calamitous State of the

enslaved Negroes in the British Dominions. Besides several smaller

pieces.]

[Footnote 002: They had censured the _African Trade_ in the year

1727, but had taken no publick notice of the _colonial_ slavery

till this time.]

[Footnote 003: The instance of the _Dutch_ colonists at the Cape,

in the first part of the Essay; the description of an African battle, in

the second; and the poetry of a negroe girl in the third, are the only

considerable additions that have been made.]

* * * * *

CONTENTS.

* * * * *

PART I.

The History of Slavery.

CHAP. I. Introduction.--Division of slavery into voluntary and

involuntary.--The latter the subject of the present work.--Chap. II.

The first class of involuntary slaves among the ancients, from

war.--Conjecture concerning their antiquity.--Chap. III. The second

class from piracy.--Short history of piracy.--The dance

carpoea.--Considerations from hence on the former topick.--Three

orders of involuntary slaves among the ancients.--Chap. IV. Their

personal treatment.--Exception in Ægypt.--Exception at

Athens.--Chap. V. The causes of such treatment among the ancients in

general.--Additional causes among the Greeks and Romans.--A

refutation of their principles.--Remarks on the writings of

Æsop.--Chap. VI. The ancient slave-trade.--Its antiquity.--Ægypt

the first market recorded for this species of traffick.--Cyprus the

second.--The agreement of the writings of Moses and Homer on the

subject.--The universal prevalence of the trade.--Chap. VII. The

decline of this commerce and slavery in Europe.--The causes of

their decline.--Chap. VIII. Their revival in Africa.--Short history

of their revival.--Five classes of involuntary slaves among the

moderns.--Cruel instance of the Dutch colonists at the Cape.

* * * * *

PART II.

The African Commerce or Slave-Trade.

CHAP. I. The history of mankind from their first situation to a

state of government.--Chap. II. An account of the first

governments.--Chap. III. Liberty a natural right.--That of

government adventitious.--Government, its nature.--Its end.--Chap.

IV. Mankind cannot be considered as property.--An objection

answered.--Chap. V. Division of the commerce into two parts, as it

relates to those who sell, and those who purchase the human species

into slavery.--The right of the sellers examined with respect to

the two orders of African slaves, "of those who are publickly seized

by virtue of the authority of their prince, and of those, who are

kidnapped by individuals."--Chap. VI. Their right with respect to

convicts.--From the proportion of the punishment to the

offence.--From its object and end.--Chap. VII. Their right with

respect to prisoners of war.--The jus captivitatis, or right of

capture explained.--Its injustice.--Farther explication of the

right of capture, in answer to some supposed objections.--Chap.

VIII. Additional remarks on the two orders that were first

mentioned.--The number which they annually contain.--A description

of an African battle.--Additional remarks on prisoners of war.--On

convicts.--Chap. IX. The right of the purchasers

examined.--Conclusion.

* * * * *

PART III.

The Slavery of the Africans in the European

Colonies.

CHAP. I. Imaginary scene in Africa.--Imaginary conversation with an

African.--His ideas of Christianity.--A Description of a body of

slaves going to the ships.--Their embarkation.--Chap. II. Their

treatment on board.--The number that annually perish in the

voyage.--Horrid instance at sea.--Their debarkation in the

colonies.--Horrid instance on the shore.--Chap. III. The condition

of their posterity in the colonies.--The lex nativitatis

explained.--Its injustice.--Chap. IV. The seasoning in the

colonies.--The number that annually die in the seasoning.--The

employment of the survivors.--The colonial discipline.--Its

tendency to produce cruelty.--Horrid instance of this

effect.--Immoderate labour, and its consequences.--Want of food

and its consequences.--Severity and its consequences.--The forlorn

situation of slaves.--An appeal to the memory of Alfred.--Chap. V.

The contents of the two preceding chapters denied by the

purchasers.--Their first argument refuted.--Their second

refuted.--Their third refuted.--Chap. VI. Three arguments, which

they bring in vindication of their treatment, refuted.--Chap. VII.

The argument, that the Africans are an inferiour link of the chain

of nature, as far as it relates to their genius, refuted.--The

causes of this apparent inferiority.--Short dissertation on African

genius.--Poetry of an African girl.--Chap. VIII. The argument, that

they are an inferiour link of the chain of nature, as far as it

relates to colour, &c. refuted.--Examination of the divine writings

in this particular.--Dissertation on the colour.--Chap. IX. Other

arguments of the purchasers examined.--Their comparisons

unjust.--Their assertions, with respect to the happy situation of

the Africans in the colonies, without foundation.--Their happiness

examined with respect to manumission.--With respect to

holy-days.--Dances, &c.--An estimate made at St. Domingo.--Chap. X.

The right of the purchasers over their slaves refuted upon their own

principles.--Chap. XI. Dreadful arguments against this commerce and

slavery of the human species.--How the Deity seems already to punish

us for this inhuman violation of his laws.--Conclusion.

* * * * *

ERRATA.

For _Dominique_, (Footnote 107) read _Domingue_.

N. B. In page 18 a Latin note has been inserted by mistake, under

the quotation of Diodorus Siculus. The reader will find the original

Greek of the same signification, in the same author, at page 49.

Editio Stephani.

* * * * *

AN ESSAY

ON THE SLAVERY and COMMERCE

OF THE HUMAN SPECIES.

IN THREE PARTS.

* * * * *

PART I.

THE HISTORY OF SLAVERY.

* * * * *

CHAP. I.

When civilized, as well as barbarous nations, have been found, through a

long succession of ages, uniformly to concur in the same customs, there

seems to arise a presumption, that such customs are not only eminently

useful, but are founded also on the principles of justice. Such is the

case with respect to _Slavery_: it has had the concurrence of all

the nations, which history has recorded, and the repeated practice of

ages from the remotest antiquity, in its favour. Here then is an

argument, deduced from the general consent and agreement of mankind, in

favour of the proposed subject: but alas! when we reflect that the

people, thus reduced to a state of servitude, have had the same feelings

with ourselves; when we reflect that they have had the same propensities

to pleasure, and the same aversions from pain; another argument seems

immediately to arise in opposition to the former, deduced from our own

feelings and that divine sympathy, which nature has implanted in our

breasts, for the most useful and generous of purposes. To ascertain the

truth therefore, where two such opposite sources of argument occur;

where the force of custom pleads strongly on the one hand, and the

feelings of humanity on the other; is a matter of much importance, as

the dignity of human nature is concerned, and the rights and liberties

of mankind will be involved in its discussion.

It will be necessary, before this point can be determined, to consult

the History of Slavery, and to lay before the reader, in as concise a

manner as possible, a general view of it from its earliest appearance to

the present day.

The first, whom we shall mention here to have been reduced to a state of

servitude, may be comprehended in that class, which is usually

denominated the _Mercenary_. It consisted of free-born citizens,

who, from the various contingencies of fortune, had become so poor, as

to have recourse for their support to the service of the rich. Of this

kind were those, both among the Egyptians and the Jews, who are recorded

in the sacred writings.[004] The Grecian _Thetes_[005] also were of

this description, as well as those among the Romans, from whom the class

receives its appellation, the [006]_Mercenarii_.

We may observe of the above-mentioned, that their situation was in many

instances similar to that of our own servants. There was an express

contract between the parties; they could, most of them, demand their

discharge, if they were ill used by their respective masters; and they

were treated therefore with more humanity than those, whom we usually

distinguish in our language by the appellation of _Slaves_.

As this class of servants was composed of men, who had been reduced to

such a situation by the contingencies of fortune, and not by their own

misconduct; so there was another among the ancients, composed entirely

of those, who had suffered the loss of liberty from their own

imprudence. To this class may be reduced the Grecian _Prodigals_,

who were detained in the service of their creditors, till the fruits of

their labour were equivalent to their debts; the _delinquents_, who

were sentenced to the oar; and the German _enthusiasts_, as

mentioned by Tacitus, who were so immoderately charmed with gaming, as,

when every thing else was gone, to have staked their liberty and their

very selves. "The loser," says he, "goes into a voluntary servitude, and

though younger and stronger than the person with whom he played,

patiently suffers himself to be bound and sold. Their perseverance in

so bad a custom is stiled honour. The slaves, thus obtained, are

immediately exchanged away in commerce, that the winner may get rid of

the scandal of his victory."

To enumerate other instances, would be unnecessary; it will be

sufficient to observe, that the servants of this class were in a far

more wretched situation, than those of the former; their drudgery was

more intense; their treatment more severe; and there was no retreat at

pleasure, from the frowns and lashes of their despotick masters.

Having premised this, we may now proceed to a general division of

slavery, into _voluntary_ and _involuntary_. The _voluntary_

will comprehend the two classes, which we have already mentioned;

for, in the first instance, there was a _contract_, founded

on _consent_; and, in the second, there was a _choice_ of

engaging or not in those practices, the known consequences of which

were servitude. The _involuntary_; on the other hand, will

comprehend those, who were forced, without any such _condition_ or

_choice_, into a situation, which as it tended to degrade a part of

the human species, and to class it with the brutal, must have been, of

all human situations, the most wretched and insupportable. These are

they, whom we shall consider solely in the present work. We shall

therefore take our leave of the former, as they were mentioned only,

that we might state the question with greater accuracy, and, be the

better enabled to reduce it to its proper limits.

* * * * *

FOOTNOTES

[Footnote 004: Genesis, Ch. 47. Leviticus XXV. v. 39, 40.]

[Footnote 005: The _Thetes_ appear very early in the Grecian

History.--kai tines auto kouroi epont'Ithakes exairetoi; he eoi autou

thentes te Dmoes(?) te; Od. Homer. D. 642. They were afterwards so much

in use that, "Murioi depou apedidonto eautous ose douleuein kata

sungraphen," till Solon suppressed the custom in Athens.]

[Footnote 006: The mention of these is frequent among the classics; they

were called in general _mercenarii_, from the circumstances of

their _hire_, as "quibus, non malè præcipiunt, qui ita jubent uti,

ut _mercenariis_, operam exigendam, justa proebenda. Cicero de

off." But they are sometimes mentioned in the law books by the name of

_liberi_, from the circumstances of their _birth_, to distinguish

them from the _alieni_, or foreigners, as Justinian. D. 7. 8. 4.

--Id. 21. 1. 25. &c. &c. &c.]

* * * * *

CHAP. II.

The first that will be mentioned, of the _involuntary_, were

_prisoners of war_.[007] "It was a law, established from time

immemorial among the nations of antiquity, to oblige those to undergo

the severities of servitude, whom victory had thrown into their hands."

Conformably with this, we find all the Eastern nations unanimous in the

practice. The same custom prevailed among the people of the West; for as

the Helots became the slaves of the Spartans, from the right of conquest

only, so prisoners of war were reduced to the same situation by the rest

of the inhabitants of Greece. By the same principles that actuated

these, were the Romans also influenced. Their History will confirm the

fact: for how many cities are recorded to have been taken; how many

armies to have been vanquished in the field, and the wretched survivors,

in both instances, to have been doomed to servitude? It remains only now

to observe, in shewing this custom to have been universal, that all

those nations which assisted in overturning the Roman Empire, though

many and various, adopted the same measures; for we find it a general

maxim in their polity, that whoever should fall into their hands as a

prisoner of war, should immediately be reduced to the condition of a

slave.

It may here, perhaps, be not unworthy of remark, that the

_involuntary_ were of greater antiquity than the _voluntary_

slaves. The latter are first mentioned in the time of Pharaoh: they

could have arisen only in a state of society; when property, after its

division, had become so unequal, as to multiply the wants of

individuals; and when government, after its establishment, had given

security to the possessor by the punishment of crimes. Whereas the

former seem to be dated with more propriety from the days of Nimrod; who

gave rise probably to that inseparable idea of _victory_ and

_servitude_, which we find among the nations of antiquity, and

which has existed uniformly since, in one country or another, to the

present day.[008]

Add to this, that they might have arisen even in a state of nature, and

have been coequal with the quarrels of mankind.

* * * * *

FOOTNOTES

[Footnote 007: "Nomos en pasin anthropois aidios esin, otan polemounton

polis alo, ton elonton einai kai ta somata ton en te poleis, kai ta

chremata." Xenoph. Kyrou Paid. L. 7. fin.]

[Footnote 008:

"Proud Nimrod first the bloody chace began,

A mighty hunter, and his prey was man."

--POPE.]

* * * * *

CHAP. III.

But it was not victory alone, or any presupposed right, founded in the

damages of war, that afforded a pretence for invading the liberties of

mankind: the honourable light, in which _piracy_ was considered in

the uncivilized ages of the world, contributed not a little to the

_slavery_ of the human species. Piracy had a very early beginning.

"The Grecians,"[009] says Thucydides, "in their primitive state, as well

as the contemporary barbarians, who inhabited the sea coasts and

islands, gave themselves wholly to it; it was, in short, their only

profession and support." The writings of Homer are sufficient of

themselves to establish this account. They shew it to have been a common

practice at so early a period as that of the Trojan war; and abound with

many lively descriptions of it; which, had they been as groundless as

they are beautiful, would have frequently spared the sigh of the reader

of sensibility and reflection.

The piracies, which were thus practised in the early ages, may be

considered as _publick_ or _private_. In the former, whole

crews embarked for the benefit[010] of their respective tribes. They

made descents on the sea coasts, carried off cattle, surprized whole

villages, put many of the inhabitants to the sword, and carried others

into slavery.

In the latter, individuals only were concerned, and the emolument was

their own. These landed from their ships, and, going up into the

country, concealed themselves in the woods and thickets; where they

waited every opportunity of catching the unfortunate shepherd or

husbandman alone. In this situation they sallied out upon him, dragged

him on board, conveyed him to a foreign market, and sold him for a

slave.

To this kind of piracy Ulysses alludes, in opposition to the former,

which he had been just before mentioning, in his question to Eumoeus.

"Did pirates wait, till all thy friends were gone,

To catch thee singly with thy flocks alone;

Say, did they force thee from thy fleecy care,

And from thy fields transport and sell thee here?"[011]

But no picture, perhaps, of this mode of depredation, is equal to that,

with which[012] Xenophon presents us in the simple narrative of a dance.

He informs us that the Grecian army had concluded a peace with the

Paphlagonians, and that they entertained their embassadors in

consequence with a banquet, and the exhibition of various feats of

activity. "When the Thracians," says he, "had performed the parts

allotted them in this entertainment, some Aenianian and Magnetian

soldiers rose up, and, accoutred in their proper arms, exhibited that

dance, which is called _Karpoea_. The figure of it is thus. One of

them, in the character of an husbandman, is seen to till his land, and

is observed, as he drives his plough, to look frequently behind him, as

if apprehensive of danger. Another immediately appears in fight, in

the character of a robber. The husbandman, having seen him previously

advancing, snatches up his arms. A battle ensues before the plough. The

whole of this performance is kept in perfect time with the musick of the

flute. At length the robber, having got the better of the husbandman,

binds him, and drives him off with his team. Sometimes it happens that

the husbandman subdues the robber: in this case the scene is only

reversed, as the latter is then bound and driven, off by the former."

It is scarcely necessary to observe, that this dance was a

representation of the general manners of men, in the more uncivilized

ages of the world; shewing that the husbandman and shepherd lived in

continual alarm, and that there were people in those ages, who derived

their pleasures and fortunes from _kidnapping_ and _enslaving_

their fellow creatures.

We may now take notice of a circumstance in this narration, which will

lead us to a review of our first assertion on this point, "that the

honourable light, in which _piracy_ was considered in the times of

barbarism, contributed not a little to the _slavery_ of the human

species." The robber is represented here as frequently defeated in his

attempts, and as reduced to that deplorable situation, to which he was

endeavouring to bring another. This shews the frequent difficulty and

danger of his undertakings: people would not tamely resign their lives

or liberties, without a struggle. They were sometimes prepared; were

superior often, in many points of view, to these invaders of their

liberty; there were an hundred accidental circumstances frequently in

their favour. These adventures therefore required all the skill,

strength, agility, valour, and every thing, in short, that may be

supposed to constitute heroism, to conduct them with success. Upon this

idea piratical expeditions first came into repute, and their frequency

afterwards, together with the danger and fortitude, that were

inseparably connected with them, brought them into such credit among the

barbarous nations of antiquity, that of all human professions, piracy

was the most honourable.[013]

The notions then, which were thus annexed to piratical expeditions, did

not fail to produce those consequences, which we have mentioned before.

They afforded an opportunity to the views of avarice and ambition, to

conceal themselves under the mask of virtue. They excited a spirit of

enterprize, of all others the most irresistible, as it subsisted on the

strongest principles of action, emolument and honour. Thus could the

vilest of passions be gratified with impunity. People were robbed,

stolen, murdered, under the pretended idea that these were reputable

adventures: every enormity in short was committed, and dressed up in the

habiliments of honour.

But as the notions of men in the less barbarous ages, which followed,

became more corrected and refined, the practice of piracy began

gradually to disappear. It had hitherto been supported on the grand

columns of _emolument_ and _honour_. When the latter therefore

was removed, it received a considerable shock; but, alas! it had still a

pillar for its support! _avarice_, which exists in all states, and

which is ready to turn every invention to its own ends, strained hard

for its preservation. It had been produced in the ages of barbarism; it

had been pointed out in those ages as lucrative, and under this notion

it was continued. People were still stolen; many were intercepted (some,

in their pursuits of pleasure, others, in the discharge of their several

occupations) by their own countrymen; who previously laid in wait for

them, and sold them afterwards for slaves; while others seized by

merchants, who traded on the different coasts, were torn from their

friends and connections, and carried into slavery. The merchants of

Thessaly, if we can credit Aristophanes[014] who never spared the vices

of the times, were particularly infamous for the latter kind of

depredation; the Athenians were notorious for the former; for they had

practised these robberies to such an alarming degree of danger to

individuals, that it was found necessary to enact a law[015], which

punished kidnappers with death.--But this is sufficient for our present

purpose; it will enable us to assert, that there were two classes of

_involuntary_ slaves among the ancients, "of those who were taken

publickly in a state of war, and of those who were privately stolen in

a state of innocence and peace." We may now add, that the children and

descendents of these composed a third.

* * * * *

FOOTNOTES

[Footnote 009: Thucydides. L. 1. sub initio.]

[Footnote 010: Idem.--"the strongest," says he, "engaging in these

adventures, Kerdous tou spheterou auton eneka kai tois asthenesi trophes."]

[Footnote 011: Homer. Odyss. L. 15. 385.]

[Footnote 012: Xenoph. Kyrou Anab. L. 6. sub initio.]

[Footnote 013: ouk echontos po Aischynen toutou tou ergou pherontos de

ti kai Doxes mallon. Thucydides, L. 1. sub initio. kai euklees touto

oi Kilikes enomizon. Sextus Empiricus. ouk adoxon all'endoxon touto.

Schol. &c. &c.]

[Footnote 014: Aristoph. Plut. Act. 2. Scene 5.]

[Footnote 015: Zenoph. Apomnemon, L. 1.]

* * * * *

CHAP. IV.

It will be proper to say something here concerning the situation of the

unfortunate men, who were thus doomed to a life of servitude. To

enumerate their various employments, and to describe the miseries which

they endured in consequence, either from the severity, or the long and

constant application of their labour, would exceed the bounds we have

proposed to the present work. We shall confine ourselves to their

_personal treatment_, as depending on the power of their masters, and

the protection of the law. Their treatment, if considered in this light,

will equally excite our pity and abhorrence. They were beaten, starved,

tortured, murdered at discretion: they were dead in a civil sense; they

had neither name nor tribe; were incapable of a judicial process; were

in short without appeal. Poor unfortunate men! to be deprived of all

possible protection! to suffer the bitterest of injuries without the

possibility of redress! to be condemned unheard! to be murdered with

impunity! to be considered as dead in that state, the very members of

which they were supporting by their labours!

Yet such was their general situation: there were two places however,

where their condition, if considered in this point of view, was more

tolerable. The Ægyptian slave, though perhaps of all others the greatest

drudge, yet if he had time to reach the temple[016] of Hercules, found a

certain retreat from the persecution of his master; and he received

additional comfort from the reflection, that his life, whether he could

reach it or not, could not be taken with impunity. Wise and salutary

law![017] how often must it have curbed the insolence of power, and

stopped those passions in their progress, which had otherwise been

destructive to the slave!

But though the persons of slaves were thus greatly secured in Ægypt, yet

there was no place so favourable to them as Athens. They were allowed a

greater liberty of speech;[018] they had their convivial meetings, their

amours, their hours of relaxation, pleasantry, and mirth; they were

treated, in short, with so much humanity in general, as to occasion that

observation of Demosthenes, in his second Philippick, "that the

condition of a slave, at Athens, was preferable to that of a free

citizen, in many other countries." But if any exception happened (which

was sometimes the case) from the general treatment described; if

persecution took the place of lenity, and made the fangs of servitude

more pointed than before,[019] they had then their temple, like the

Ægyptian, for refuge; where the legislature was so attentive, as to

examine their complaints, and to order them, if they were founded in

justice, to be sold to another master. Nor was this all: they had a

privilege infinitely greater than the whole of these. They were allowed

an opportunity of working for themselves, and if their diligence had

procured them a sum equivalent with their ransom, they could

immediately, on paying it down,[020] demand their freedom for ever. This

law was, of all others, the most important; as the prospect of liberty,

which it afforded, must have been a continual source of the most

pleasing reflections, and have greatly sweetened the draught, even of

the most bitter slavery.

Thus then, to the eternal honour of Ægypt and Athens, they were the only

places that we can find, where slaves were considered with any humanity

at all. The rest of the world seemed to vie with each other, in the

debasement and oppression of these unfortunate people. They used them

with as much severity as they chose; they measured their treatment only

by their own passion and caprice; and, by leaving them on every

occasion, without the possibility of an appeal, they rendered their

situation the most melancholy and intolerable, that can possibly be

conceived.

* * * * *

FOOTNOTES

[Footnote 016: Herodotus. L. 2. 113.]

[Footnote 017: "Apud Ægyptios, si quis servum sponte occiderat, eum

morte damnari æque ac si liberum occidisset, jubebant leges &c."

Diodorus Sic. L. 1.]

[Footnote 018:

"Atq id ne vos miremini, Homines servulos

Potare, amare, atq ad coenam condicere.

Licet hoc Athenis.

Plautus. Sticho."

]

[Footnote 019:

"Be me kratison esin eis to Theseion

Dramein, ekei d'eos an eurombou prasin

menein" Aristoph. Horæ.

Kaka toiade paskousin oude prasin

Aitousin. Eupolis. poleis.]

[Footnote 020: To this privilege Plautus alludes in his _Casina_,

where he introduces a slave, speaking in the following manner.

"Quid tu me verò libertate territas?

Quod si tu nolis, siliusque etiam tuus

Vobis _invitis_, atq amborum _ingratiis_,

_Una libella liber possum fieri_."

]

* * * * *

CHAP. V.

As we have mentioned the barbarous and inhuman treatment that generally

fell to the lot of slaves, it may not be amiss to inquire into the

various circumstances by which it was produced.

The first circumstance, from whence it originated, was the

_commerce_: for if men could be considered as _possessions_;

if, like _cattle_, they could be _bought_ and _sold_, it

will not be difficult to suppose, that they could be held in the same

consideration, or treated in the same manner. The commerce therefore,

which was begun in the primitive ages of the world, by classing them

with the brutal species, and by habituating the mind to consider the

terms of _brute_ and _slave_ as _synonimous_, soon caused

them to be viewed in a low and despicable light, and as greatly

inferiour to the human species. Hence proceeded that treatment, which

might not unreasonably be supposed to arise from so low an estimation.

They were tamed, like beasts, by the stings of hunger and the lash, and

their education was directed to the same end, to make them commodious

instruments of labour for their possessors.

This _treatment_, which thus proceeded in the ages of barbarism,

from the low estimation, in which slaves were unfortunately held from

the circumstances of the commerce, did not fail of producing, in the

same instant, its _own_ effect. It depressed their minds; it numbed

their faculties; and, by preventing those sparks of genius from blazing

forth, which had otherwise been conspicuous; it gave them the appearance

of being endued with inferiour capacities than the rest of mankind. This

effect of the _treatment_ had made so considerable a progress, as

to have been a matter of observation in the days of Homer.

For half _his_ senses Jove conveys away,

_Whom_ once he dooms to see the _servile_ day.[021]

Thus then did the _commerce_, by classing them originally with

_brutes_, and the consequent _treatment_, by cramping their

_abilities_, and hindering them from becoming _conspicuous_,

give to these unfortunate people, at a very early period, the most

unfavourable _appearance_. The rising generations, who received

both the commerce and treatment from their ancestors, and who had always

been accustomed to behold their _effects_, did not consider these

_effects_ as _incidental_: they judged only from what they

saw; they believed the _appearances_ to be _real_; and hence

arose the combined principle, that slaves were an _inferiour_ order

of men, and perfectly void of _understanding_. Upon this

_principle_ it was, that the former treatment began to be fully

confirmed and established; and as this _principle_ was handed down

and disseminated, so it became, in succeeding ages, an _excuse_ for

any severity, that despotism might suggest.

We may observe here, that as all nations had this excuse in common, as

arising from the _circumstances_ above-mentioned, so the Greeks

first, and the Romans afterwards, had an _additional excuse_, as

arising from their own _vanity_.

The former having conquered Troy, and having united themselves under one

common name and interest, began, from that period, to distinguish the

rest of the world by the title of _barbarians_; inferring by such

an appellation, "that they were men who were only noble in their own

country; that they had no right, from their _nature_, to authority

or command; that, on the contrary, so low were their capacities, they

were _destined_ by nature _to obey_, and to live in a state of

perpetual drudgery and subjugation."[022] Conformable with this opinion

was the treatment, which was accordingly prescribed to a

_barbarian_. The philosopher Aristotle himself, in the advice which

he gave to his pupil Alexander, before he went upon his Asiatick

expedition, intreated him to "use the Greeks, as it became a

_general_, but the _barbarians_, as it became a _master_;

consider, says he, the former as _friends_ and _domesticks_;

but the latter, as _brutes_ and _plants_;"[023] inferring that

the Greeks, from the superiority of their capacities, had a

_natural_ right to dominion, and that the rest of the world, from

the inferiority of their own, were to be considered and treated as the

_irrational_ part of the creation.

Now, if we consider that this was the treatment, which they judged to be

absolutely proper for people of this description, and that their slaves

were uniformly those, whom they termed _barbarians_; being

generally such, as were either kidnapped from _Barbary_, or

purchased from the _barbarian_ conquerors in their wars with one

another; we shall immediately see, with what an additional excuse their

own vanity had furnished them for the sallies of caprice and passion.

To refute these cruel sentiments of the ancients, and to shew that their

slaves were by no means an inferiour order of beings than themselves,

may perhaps be considered as an unnecessary task; particularly, as

having shewn, that the causes of this inferiour appearance were

_incidental_, arising, on the one hand, from the combined effects

of the _treatment_ and _commerce_, and, on the other, from

_vanity_ and _pride_, we seem to have refuted them already.

But we trust that some few observations, in vindication of these

unfortunate people, will neither be unacceptable nor improper.

How then shall we begin the refutation? Shall we say with Seneca, who

saw many of the slaves in question, "What is a _knight_, or a

_libertine_, or a _slave_? Are they not names, assumed either

from _injury_ or _ambition_?" Or, shall we say with him on

another occasion, "Let us consider that he, whom we call our slave, is

born in the same manner as ourselves; that he enjoys the same sky, with

all its heavenly luminaries; that he breathes, that he lives, in the

same manner as ourselves, and, in the same manner, that he expires."

These considerations, we confess, would furnish us with a plentiful

source of arguments in the case before us; but we decline their

assistance. How then shall we begin? Shall we enumerate the many

instances of fidelity, patience, or valour, that are recorded of the

_servile_ race? Shall we enumerate the many important services,

that they rendered both to the individuals and the community, under whom

they lived? Here would be a second source, from whence we could collect

sufficient materials to shew, that there was no inferiority in their

nature. But we decline to use them. We shall content ourselves with some

few instances, that relate to the _genius_ only: we shall mention

the names of those of a _servile_ condition, whose writings, having

escaped the wreck of time, and having been handed down even to the

present age, are now to be seen, as so many living monuments, that

neither the Grecian, nor Roman genius, was superiour to their own.

The first, whom we shall mention here, is the famous Æsop. He was a

Phrygian by birth, and lived in the time of Croesus, king of Lydia, to

whom he dedicated his fables. The writings of this great man, in

whatever light we consider them, will be equally entitled to our

admiration. But we are well aware, that the very mention of him as a

writer of fables, may depreciate him in the eyes of some. To such we

shall propose a question, "Whether this species of writing has not been

more beneficial to mankind; or whether it has not produced more

important events, than any other?"

With respect to the first consideration, it is evident that these

fables, as consisting of plain and simple transactions, are particularly

easy to be understood; as conveyed in images, they please and seduce the

mind; and, as containing a _moral_, easily deducible on the side of

virtue; that they afford, at the same time, the most weighty precepts of

philosophy. Here then are the two grand points of composition, "a manner

of expression to be apprehended by the lowest capacities, and, (what is

considered as a victory in the art) an happy conjunction of utility and

pleasure."[024] Hence Quintilian recommends them, as singularly useful,

and as admirably adapted, to the puerile age; as a just gradation

between the language of the nurse and the preceptor, and as furnishing

maxims of prudence and virtue, at a time when the speculative principles

of philosophy are too difficult to be understood. Hence also having been

introduced by most civilized nations into their system of education,

they have produced that general benefit, to which we at first alluded.

Nor have they been of less consequence in maturity; but particularly to

those of inferiour capacities, or little erudition, whom they have

frequently served as a guide to conduct them in life, and as a medium,

through which an explanation might be made, on many and important

occasions.

With respect to the latter consideration, which is easily deducible from

hence, we shall only appeal to the wonderful effect, which the fable,

pronounced by Demosthenes against Philip of Macedon, produced among his

hearers; or to the fable, which was spoken by Menenius Agrippa to the

Roman populace; by which an illiterate multitude were brought back to

their duty as citizens, when no other species of oratory could prevail.

To these truly _ingenious_, and _philosophical_ works of Æsop,

we shall add those of his imitator Phoedrus, which in purity and

elegance of style, are inferiour to none. We shall add also the Lyrick

_Poetry_ of Alcman, which is no _servile_ composition; the

sublime _Morals_ of Epictetus, and the incomparable _comedies_

of Terence.

Thus then does it appear, that the _excuse_ which was uniformly

started in defence of the _treatment_ of slaves, had no foundation

whatever either in truth or justice. The instances that we have

mentioned above, are sufficient to shew, that there was no inferiority,

either in their _nature_, or their understandings: and at the same

time that they refute the principles of the ancients, they afford a

valuable lesson to those, who have been accustomed to form too

precipitate a judgment on the abilities of men: for, alas! how often has

_secret anguish_ depressed the spirits of those, whom they have

frequently censured, from their gloomy and dejected appearance! and how

often, on the other hand, has their judgment resulted from their own

_vanity_ and _pride_!

* * * * *

FOOTNOTES

[Footnote 021: Homer. Odys. P. 322. In the latest edition of Homer, the

word, which we have translated _senses_, is _Aretae_, or

_virtue_, but the old and proper reading is _Noos_, as appears

from Plato de Legibus, ch. 6, where he quotes it on a similar occasion.]

[Footnote 022: Aristotle. Polit. Ch. 2. et inseq.]

[Footnote 023: Ellesin hegemonikos, tois de Barbarois despotikos krasthar

kai ton men os philon kai oikeion epimeleisthai, tois de os

zoois he phytois prospheresthai. Plutarch. de Fortun. Alexand. Orat. 1.]

[Footnote 024: Omne tulit punctum, qui miscuit utile dulci. Horace.]

* * * * *

CHAP. VI.

We proceed now to the consideration of the _commerce_: in

consequence of which, people, endued with the same feelings and

faculties as ourselves, were made subject to the laws and limitations of

_possession_.

This commerce of the human species was of a very early date. It was

founded on the idea that men were _property_; and, as this idea was

coeval with the first order of _involuntary_ slaves, it must have

arisen, (if the date, which we previously affixed to that order, be

right) in the first practices of barter. The Story of Joseph, as

recorded in the sacred writings, whom his brothers sold from an envious

suspicion of his future greatness, is an ample testimony of the truth of

this conjecture. It shews that there were men, even at that early

period, who travelled up and down as merchants, collecting not only

balm, myrrh, spicery, and other wares, but the human species also, for

the purposes of traffick. The instant determination of the brothers, on

the first sight of the merchants, _to sell him_, and the immediate

acquiescence of these, who purchased him for a foreign market, prove

that this commerce had been then established, not only in that part of

the country, where this transaction happened, but in that also, whither

the merchants were then travelling with their camels, namely, Ægypt: and

they shew farther, that, as all customs require time for their

establishment, so it must have existed in the ages, previous to that of

Pharaoh; that is, in those ages, in which we fixed the first date of

_involuntary_ servitude. This commerce then, as appears by the

present instance, existed in the earliest practices of barter, and had

descended to the Ægyptians, through as long a period of time, as was

sufficient to have made it, in the times alluded to, an established

custom. Thus was Ægypt, in those days, the place of the greatest resort;

the grand emporium of trade, to which people were driving their

merchandize, as to a centre; and thus did it afford, among other

opportunities of traffick, the _first market_ that is recorded, for

the sale of the human species.

This market, which was thus supplied by the constant concourse of

merchants, who resorted to it from various parts, could not fail, by

these means, to have been considerable. It received, afterwards, an

additional supply from those piracies, which we mentioned to have

existed in the uncivilized ages of the world, and which, in fact, it

greatly promoted and encouraged; and it became, from these united

circumstances, so famous, as to have been known, within a few centuries

from the time of Pharaoh, both to the Grecian colonies in Asia, and the

Grecian islands. Homer mentions Cyprus and Ægypt as the common markets

for slaves, about the times of the Trojan war. Thus Antinous, offended

with Ulysses, threatens to send him to one of these places, if he does

not instantly depart from his table.[025] The same poet also, in his

hymn to Bacchus[026], mentions them again, but in a more unequivocal

manner, as the common markets for slaves. He takes occasion, in that

hymn, to describe the pirates method of scouring the coast, from the

circumstance of their having kidnapped Bacchus, as a noble youth, for

whom they expected an immense ransom. The captain of the vessel, having

dragged him on board, is represented as addressing himself thus, to the

steersman:

"Haul in the tackle, hoist aloft the sail,

Then take your helm, and watch the doubtful gale!

To mind the captive prey, be our's the care,

While you to _Ægypt_ or to _Cyprus_ steer;

There shall he go, unless his friends he'll tell,

Whose ransom-gifts will pay us full as well."

It may not perhaps be considered as a digression, to mention in few

words, by itself, the wonderful concordance of the writings of Moses and

Homer with the case before us: not that the former, from their divine

authority, want additional support, but because it cannot be unpleasant

to see them confirmed by a person, who, being one of the earliest

writers, and living in a very remote age, was the first that could

afford us any additional proof of the circumstances above-mentioned.

Ægypt is represented, in the first book of the sacred writings, as a

market for slaves, and, in the [027]second, as famous for the severity

of its servitude. [028]The same line, which we have already cited from

Homer, conveys to us the same ideas. It points it out as a market for

the human species, and by the epithet of "_bitter_ Ægypt,"

([029]which epithet is peculiarly annexed to it on this occasion)

alludes in the strongest manner to that severity and rigour, of which

the sacred historian transmitted us the first account.

But, to return. Though Ægypt was the first market recorded for this

species of traffick; and though Ægypt, and Cyprus afterwards, were

particularly distinguished for it, in the times of the Trojan war; yet

they were not the only places, even at that period, where men were

bought and sold. The Odyssey of Homer shews that it was then practised

in many of the islands of the Ægean sea; and the Iliad, that it had

taken place among those Grecians on the continent of Europe, who had

embarked from thence on the Trojan expedition. This appears particularly

at the end of the seventh book. A fleet is described there, as having

just arrived from Lemnos, with a supply of wine for the Grecian camp.

The merchants are described also, as immediately exposing it to sale,

and as receiving in exchange, among other articles of barter, "_a

number of slaves_."

It will now be sufficient to observe, that, as other states arose, and

as circumstances contributed to make them known, this custom is

discovered to have existed among them; that it travelled over all Asia;

that it spread through the Grecian and Roman world; was in use among the

barbarous nations, which overturned the Roman empire; and was practised

therefore, at the same period, throughout all Europe.

* * * * *

FOOTNOTES

[Footnote 025: me tacha pikren Aigypton kai Kypron idnai. Hom.

Odyss. L. 17. 448.]

[Footnote 026: L. 26.]

[Footnote 027: Exodus. Ch. 1.]

[Footnote 028: Vide note 1st. (Here shown as footnote 025).]

[Footnote 029: This strikes us the more forcibly, as it is stiled

_eurreiten_ and _perikallea_, "_beautiful and well watered_,"

in all other passages where it is mentioned, but this.]

* * * * *

CHAP. VII.

This _slavery_ and _commerce_, which had continued for so long

a time, and which was thus practised in Europe at so late a period as

that, which succeeded the grand revolutions in the western world, began,

as the northern nations were settled in their conquests, to decline,

and, on their full establishment, were abolished. A difference of

opinion has arisen respecting the cause of their abolition; some having

asserted, that they were the necessary consequences of the _feudal

system_; while others, superiour both in number and in argument, have

maintained that they were the natural effects of _Christianity_.

The mode of argument, which the former adopt on this occasion, is as

follows. "The multitude of little states, which sprang up from one great

one at this Æra, occasioned infinite bickerings and matter for

contention. There was not a state or seignory, which did not want all

the hands they could muster, either to defend their own right, or to

dispute that of their neighbours. Thus every man was taken into the

service: whom they armed they must trust: and there could be no trust

but in free men. Thus the barrier between the two natures was thrown

down, and _slavery_ was no more heard of, in the _west_."

That this was not the _necessary_ consequence of such a situation,

is apparent. The political state of Greece, in its early history, was

the same as that of Europe, when divided, by the feudal system, into an

infinite number of small and independent kingdoms. There was the same

matter therefore for contention, and the same call for all the hands

that could be mustered: the Grecians, in short, in _heroick_, were

in the same situation in these respects as the _feudal barons_ in

the _Gothick_ times. Had this therefore been a _necessary_

effect, there had been a cessation of servitude in Greece, in those

ages, in which we have already shewn that it existed.

But with respect to _Christianity_, many and great are the

arguments, that it occasioned so desirable an event. It taught, "that

all men were originally equal; that the Deity was no respecter of

persons, and that, as all men were to give an account of their actions

hereafter, it was necessary that they should be free." These doctrines

could not fail of having their proper influence on those, who first

embraced _Christianity_, from a _conviction_ of its truth; and

on those of their descendents afterwards, who, by engaging in the

_crusades_, and hazarding their lives and fortunes there, shewed,

at least, an _attachment_ to that religion. We find them

accordingly actuated by these principles: we have a positive proof, that

the _feudal system_ had no share in the honour of suppressing

slavery, but that _Christianity_ was the only cause; for the

greatest part of the _charters_ which were granted for the freedom

of slaves in those times (many of which are still extant) were granted,

"_pro amore Dei, pro mercede animæ_." They were founded, in short,

on religious considerations, "that they might procure the favour of the

Deity, which they conceived themselves to have forfeited, by the

subjugation of those, whom they found to be the objects of the divine

benevolence and attention equally with themselves."

These considerations, which had thus their first origin in

_Christianity_, began to produce their effects, as the different

nations were converted; and procured that general liberty at last,

which, at the close of the twelfth century, was conspicuous in the west

of Europe. What a glorious and important change! Those, who would have

had otherwise no hopes, but that their miseries would be terminated by

death, were then freed from their servile condition; those, who, by the

laws of war, would have had otherwise an immediate prospect of servitude

from the hands of their imperious conquerors, were then

_exchanged_; a custom, which has happily descended to the present

day. Thus, "a numerous class of men, who formerly had no political

existence, and were employed merely as instruments of labour, became

useful citizens, and contributed towards augmenting the force or riches

of the society, which adopted them as members;" and thus did the greater

part of the Europeans, by their conduct on this occasion, assert not

only liberty for themselves, but for their fellow-creatures also.

* * * * *

CHAP. VIII.

But if men therefore, at a time when under the influence of religion

they exercised their serious thoughts, abolished slavery, how impious

must they appear, who revived it; and what arguments will not present

themselves against their conduct![030] The Portuguese, within two

centuries after its suppression in Europe, in imitation of those

_piracies_, which we have shewn to have existed in the _uncivilized_

ages of the world, made their descents on Africa, and committing

depredations on the coast,[031] _first_ carried the wretched

inhabitants into slavery.

This practice, however trifling and partial it might appear at first,

soon became serious and general. A melancholy instance of the depravity

of human nature; as it shews, that neither the laws nor religion of any

country, however excellent the forms of each, are sufficient to bind the

consciences of some; but that there are always men, of every age,

country, and persuasion, who are ready to sacrifice their dearest

principles at the shrine of gain. Our own ancestors, together with the

Spaniards, French, and most of the maritime powers of Europe, soon

followed the _piratical_ example; and thus did the Europeans, to their

eternal infamy, renew a custom, which their _own_ ancestors had so

lately exploded, from a _conscientiousness_ of its _impiety_.

The unfortunate Africans, terrified at these repeated depredations, fled

in confusion from the coast, and sought, in the interiour parts of the

country, a retreat from the persecution of their invaders. But, alas,

they were miserably disappointed! There are few retreats, that can

escape the penetrating eye of avarice. The Europeans still pursued them;

they entered their rivers; sailed up into the heart of the country;

surprized the unfortunate Africans again; and carried them into slavery.

But this conduct, though successful at first, defeated afterwards its

own ends. It created a more general alarm, and pointed out, at the same

instant, the best method of security from future depredations. The banks

of the rivers were accordingly deserted, as the coasts had been before;

and thus were the _Christian_ invaders left without a prospect of

their prey.

In this situation however, expedients were not wanting. They now formed

to themselves the resolution of settling in the country; of securing

themselves by fortified ports; of changing their system of force into

that of pretended liberality; and of opening, by every species of

bribery and corruption, a communication with the natives. These plans

were put into immediate execution. The Europeans erected their

forts[032]; landed their merchandize; and endeavoured, by a peaceable

deportment, by presents, and by every appearance of munificence, to

seduce the attachment and confidence of the Africans. These schemes had

the desired effect. The gaudy trappings of European art, not only caught

their attention, but excited their curiosity: they dazzled the eyes and

bewitched the senses, not only of those, to whom they were given, but of

those, to whom they were shewn. Thus followed a speedy intercourse with

each other, and a confidence, highly favourable to the views of avarice

or ambition.

It was now time for the Europeans to embrace the opportunity, which this

intercourse had thus afforded them, of carrying their schemes into

execution, and of fixing them on such a permanent foundation, as should

secure them future success. They had already discovered, in the

different interviews obtained, the chiefs of the African tribes. They

paid their court therefore to these, and so compleatly intoxicated their

senses with the luxuries, which they brought from home, as to be able to

seduce them to their designs. A treaty of peace and commerce was

immediately concluded: it was agreed, that the kings, on their part,

should, from this period, sentence _prisoners of war_ and _convicts_

to _European servitude_; and that the Europeans should supply them, in

return, with the luxuries of the north. This agreement immediately took

place; and thus begun that _commerce_, which makes so considerable a

figure at the present day.

But happy had the Africans been, if those only, who had been justly

convicted of crimes, or taken in a just war, had been sentenced to the

severities of servitude! How many of those miseries, which afterwards

attended them, had been never known; and how would their history have

saved those sighs and emotions of pity, which must now ever accompany

its perusal. The Europeans, on the establishment of their western

colonies, required a greater number of slaves than a strict adherence to

the treaty could produce. The princes therefore had only the choice of

relinquishing the commerce, or of consenting to become unjust. They had

long experienced the emoluments of the trade; they had acquired a taste

for the luxuries it afforded; and they now beheld an opportunity of

gratifying it, but in a more extentive manner. _Avarice_ therefore,

which was too powerful for _justice_ on this occasion, immediately

turned the scale: not only those, who were fairly convicted of offences,

were now sentenced to servitude, but even those who were _suspected_.

New crimes were invented, that new punishments might succeed. Thus was

every appearance soon construed into reality; every shadow into a

substance; and often virtue into a crime.

Such also was the case with respect to prisoners of war. Not only those

were now delivered into slavery, who were taken in a state of publick

enmity and injustice, but those also, who, conscious of no injury

whatever, were taken in the _arbitrary_ skirmishes of these _venal_

sovereigns. War was now made, not as formerly, from the motives of

retaliation and defence, but for the sake of obtaining prisoners alone,

and the advantages resulting from their sale. If a ship from Europe came

but into sight, it was now considered as a sufficient motive for a war,

and as a signal only for an instantaneous commencement of hostilities.

But if the African kings could be capable of such injustice, what vices

are there, that their consciences would restrain, or what enormities,

that we might not expect to be committed? When men once consent to be

unjust, they lose, at the same instant with their virtue, a considerable

portion of that sense of shame, which, till then, had been found a

successful protector against the sallies of vice. From that awful

period, almost every expectation is forlorn: the heart is left

unguarded: its great protector is no more: the vices therefore, which so

long encompassed it in vain, obtain an easy victory: in crouds they pour

into the defenceless avenues, and take possession of the soul: there is

nothing now too vile for them to meditate, too impious to perform. Such

was the situation of the despotick sovereigns of Africa. They had once

ventured to pass the bounds of virtue, and they soon proceeded to

enormity. This was particularly conspicuous in that general conduct,

which they uniformly observed, after any unsuccessful conflict.

Influenced only by the venal motives of European traffick, they first

made war upon the neighbouring tribes, contrary to every principle of

justice; and if, by the flight of the enemy, or by other contingencies,

they were disappointed of their prey, they made no hesitation of

immediately turning their arms against their own subjects. The first

villages they came to, were always marked on this occasion, as the first

objects of their avarice. They were immediately surrounded, were

afterwards set on fire, and the wretched inhabitants seized, as they

were escaping from the flames. These, consisting of whole families,

fathers, brothers, husbands, wives, and children, were instantly driven

in chains to the merchants, and consigned to slavery.

To these calamities, which thus arose from the tyranny of the kings, we

may now subjoin those, which arose from the avarice of private persons.

Many were kidnapped by their own countrymen, who, encouraged by the

merchants of Europe, previously lay in wait for them, and sold them

afterwards for slaves; while the seamen of the different ships, by every

possible artifice, enticed others on board, and transported them to the

regions of servitude.

As these practices are in full force at the present day, it appears that

there are four orders of _involuntary_ slaves on the African

continent; of [033]_convicts_; of _prisoners of war_; of

those, who are publickly seized by virtue of the _authority_ of

their prince; and of those, who are privately _kidnapped_ by

individuals.

It remains only to observe on this head, that in the sale and purchase

of these the African commerce or _Slave Trade_ consists; that they

are delivered to the merchants of Europe in exchange for their various

commodities; that these transport them to their colonies in the west,

where their _slavery_ takes place; and that a fifth order arises

there, composed of all such as are born to the native Africans, after

their transportation and slavery have commenced.

Having thus explained as much of the history of modern servitude, as is

sufficient for the prosecution of our design, we should have closed our

account here, but that a work, just published, has furnished us with a

singular anecdote of the colonists of a neighbouring nation, which we

cannot but relate. The learned [034]author, having described the method

which the Dutch colonists at the Cape make use of to take the Hottentots

and enslave them, takes occasion, in many subsequent parts of the work,

to mention the dreadful effects of the practice of slavery; which, as he

justly remarks, "leads to all manner of misdemeanours and wickedness.

Pregnant women," says he, "and children in their tenderest years, were

not at this time, neither indeed are they ever, exempt from the effects

of the hatred and spirit of vengeance constantly harboured by the

colonists, with respect to the [035]Boshies-man nation; _excepting such

indeed as are marked out to be carried away into bondage_.

"Does a colonist at any time get sight of a Boshies-man, he takes fire

immediately, and spirits up his horse and dogs, in order to hunt him

with more ardour and fury than he would a wolf, or any other wild beast?

On an open plain, a few colonists on horseback are always sure to get

the better of the greatest number of Boshies-men that can be brought

together; as the former always keep at the distance of about an hundred,

or an hundred and fifty paces (just as they find it convenient) and

charging their heavy fire-arms with a very large kind of shot, jump off

their horses, and rest their pieces in their usual manner on their

ramrods, in order that they may shoot with the greater certainty; so

that the balls discharged by them will sometimes, as I have been

assured, go through the bodies of six, seven, or eight of the enemy at a

time, especially as these latter know no better than to keep close

together in a body."--

"And not only is the capture of the Hottentots considered by them merely

as a party of pleasure, but in cold blood they destroy the bands which

nature has knit between their husbands, and their wives and children,

&c."

With what horrour do these passages seem to strike us! What indignation

do they seem to raise in our breasts, when we reflect, that a part of

the human species are considered as _game_, and that _parties of

pleasure_ are made for their _destruction_! The lion does not

imbrue his claws in blood, unless called upon by hunger, or provoked by

interruption; whereas the merciless Dutch, more savage than the brutes

themselves, not only murder their fellow-creatures without any

provocation or necessity, but even make a diversion of their sufferings,

and enjoy their pain.

* * * * *

FOOTNOTES

[Footnote 030: The following short history of the African servitude, is

taken from Astley's Collection of Voyages, and from the united

testimonies of Smyth, Adanson, Bosman, Moore, and others, who were

agents to the different factories established there; who resided many

years in the country; and published their respective histories at their

return. These writers, if they are partial at all, may be considered as

favourable rather to their own countrymen, than the unfortunate

Africans.]

[Footnote 031: We would not wish to be understood, that slavery was

unknown in Africa before the _piratical_ expeditions of the

_Portuguese_, as it appears from the _Nubian's Geography_,

that both the slavery and commerce had been established among the

natives with one another. We mean only to assert, that the

_Portuguese_ were the first of the _Europeans_, who made their

_piratical_ expeditions, and shewed the way to that _slavery_,

which now makes so disgraceful a figure in the western colonies of the

_Europeans_. In the term "Europeans," wherever it shall occur in

the remaining part of this first dissertation, we include the

_Portuguese_, and _those nations only_, who followed their

example.]

[Footnote 032: The _Portuguese_ erected their first fort at

_D'Elmina_, in the year 1481, about forty years after Alonzo

Gonzales had pointed the Southern Africans out to his countrymen

as articles of commerce.]

[Footnote 033: In the ancient servitude, we reckoned _convicts_

among the _voluntary_ slaves, because they had it in their power,

by a virtuous conduct, to have avoided so melancholy a situation; in the

_African_, we include them in the _involuntary_, because, as

virtues are frequently construed into crimes, from the venal motives of

the traffick, no person whatever possesses such a _power_ or

_choice_.]

[Footnote 034: Andrew Sparrman, M.D. professor of Physick at Stockholm,

fellow of the Royal Academy of Sciences in Sweden, and inspector of its

cabinet of natural history, whose voyage was translated into English,

and published in 1785.]

[Footnote 035: Boshies-man, or _wild Hottentot_.]

* * * * *

End of the First Part.

* * * * *