TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes have been
placed at the end of the book.
Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book.
GOVERNOR
WILLIAM BRADFORD’S
LETTER BOOK
REPRINTED FROM
THE MAYFLOWER DESCENDANT
PUBLISHED BY THE
MASSACHUSETTS SOCIETY OF MAYFLOWER
DESCENDANTS
BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS
1906
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INTRODUCTORY NOTE.
Governor Bradford’s Letter Book is so little known it has been
decided to reprint it in this magazine and make it accessible to all.
Unfortunately the fragment of the original manuscript rescued by Mr.
Clarke cannot now be found, and the text printed in the “Collections
of the Massachusetts Historical Society,” Volume III (1794), pages
27 to 76 inclusive, has been followed. From the first volume of the
“Proceedings” of the same society we also reprint in full the account
of the receipt of the manuscript, and notes regarding it.
[Proceedings, Vol. I, pp. 51, 52]
At a meeting of the Historical Society, on Tuesday, the thirtieth
day of July, 1793, at Winthrop’s or Governor’s Island....
The following donations were received:—
For the Library:— Fragment of a MS. Letter-book of Governor
Bradford, of Plymouth, from 1624 to 1630, found in a grocer’s shop
in Halifax, Nova Scotia. From James Clarke, Esq., of Halifax.
This fragment of Governor Bradford’s Letter-book was printed in
Vol. III. of the Collections, making fifty pages. It appears
from a note at the beginning of the printed text that the MS.
of the part preserved began with “page 339, the preceding pages
wanting,” and covered the years 1624-1630. This shows that what
was recovered was but a small part of what was lost; while it is
probable that the collection originally contained also letters of a
later date than 1630. Governor Bradford’s History closed with the
year 1646, and the letters which he had preserved to illustrate
that part of the narrative, from 1630 to its conclusion, may have
been included in his Letter-book, as well as those used in the
earlier portion. The fragment recovered may have been one volume
of a series continuously paged. The fortunate recovery of Governor
Bradford’s History, some sixty years after Mr. James Clarke rescued
this fragment from a grocer’s shop in Halifax, happily supplies
to a certain extent the place of the Letter-book; for, while the
author did not copy into his History all these letters, we may well
suppose him, judging from the use he made of those preserved, to
have used the most valuable part of them.
The finding of this manuscript in Halifax naturally suggests the
thought that it left Boston at the time of the “evacuation,” in
March, 1776; and, it being well known that the British soldiers
during the occupation of Boston had free access to the Historical
Library of books and manuscripts of the Rev. Thomas Prince, kept
in a room in the tower of the Old South Meeting-house, that it
was taken from that collection. This is not improbable. There may
be no positive evidence that Prince’s Library then contained this
Letter-book, yet we know that it was once in Prince’s possession.
For, besides the manuscripts of Bradford, which he mentions, in the
preface to his Chronological History, as having had an “opportunity
to search,”—namely, “Bradford’s History of Plymouth People and
Colony,” in folio, and “A Register of Governor Bradford’s, in
his own hand, recording some of the first deaths, marriages, and
punishments at Plymouth, with three other miscellaneous volumes
of his,” in octavo,—he several times refers, in his notes on the
margin of Bradford’s manuscript History, to “Governor Bradford’s
Collection of Letters.” See pp. 47, 61, 64, and 71 of the printed
volume.[1]
The following is the letter of Mr. Clarke which accompanied the
manuscript:
“Halifax, May 28, 1793.
“Sir,—The enclosed ancient manuscript I found some years ago in a
grocer’s shop in this town, of whom I obtained it with a view of
saving what remained from destruction. I lament extremely that a
page has been torn out; and it gives me pleasure that I now have
an opportunity of placing it in your hands,—a freedom I am induced
to take from your advertisement of the first of November, 1792,
and from a persuasion that it may contribute in some measure to
the important objects of your Society, and I could wish I might
otherwise be serviceable.
“I am, respectfully, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
“James Clarke.
“The Rev. Jeremy Belknap.”
Where the writer speaks of a _page_ being torn out, he probably
means that one _leaf_ had been torn out of the volume. Bradford may
have written on one side only of the leaf in copying his letters,
as he generally did in writing his History, so that one leaf would
represent one page of writing.—Eds.
GOVERNOR BRADFORD’S LETTER BOOK.
[Page 339—the preceding pages wanting.]
_To our beloved and right well esteemed friend Mr. William Bradford
Governour these, but inscribed thus_:
_To our beloved friends Mr. William Bradford, Mr. Isaac Allerton,
Mr. Edward Winslow, and the rest whom they think fit to acquaint
therewith._
Two things (beloved friends) we have endeavoured to effect, touching
Plymouth plantation, first, that the planters there might live
comfortably and contentedly. 2d that some returns might be made
hither for the satisfying and encouragement of the adventurers, but
to neither of these two can we yet attain. Nay, if it be as some of
them report which returned in the Catherine, it is almost impossible
to hope for it, since, by their sayings, the slothfulness of one part
of you, and the weakness of the other part, is such, that nothing can
go well forward. And although we do not wholly credit these reports,
yet surely, either the country is not good where you are, for
habitation; or else there is something amiss amongst you; and we much
fear the willing are too weak and the strong too idle. And because we
will not stand upon the number of the objections made by them against
you; we have sent them here enclosed, that you may see them and
answer them. (_These are those which are inserted and answered before
in this book; namely, before Liford’s letters, where those letters
should also have been placed, but they came not then to hand and I
thought better to put them in, than to omit them._)
As for such as will needs be upon their particulars now that they
are gotten over, you must be sure to make such covenants with them,
as that first or last the company be satisfied for all their charge.
Neither must you proceed to these agreements and consultations
with many at once, otherwise how easy might _they_ make a lead in
rebellion, which have so long done it in cheating and idleness.
Touching Mr. Weston, his disturbing of you about that £100 taken
up for Mr. Brewer, except we conclude with Solomon that oppression
maketh a wise man mad, we cannot but wonder at it, seeing under his
own hand, it is apparently and particularly expressed, summed up and
sold with the rest of his adventures, so as no sober man can possibly
question it. 2dly, had it not been sold, Mr. Brewer might well have
had it, to pay himself part of a debt which Mr. Weston oweth him for
commodities sold to him, which he saith amounteth to above £100, as
he can prove by good testimony. 3dly, if it had not been apparently
sold, Mr. Beuchamp who is of the company also, unto whom he oweth a
great deal more, had long ago attached it (as he did other’s 16ths)
and so he could not have demanded it, either of you or us.
And if he will not believe our testimony here about, who shall
believe his, either in this, or any other matters. It is a dangerous
_case_, when a man groweth naught in prosperity, and worse in
adversity, and what can the end of all this be, but more and more
misery. And for conclusion with him, you may shew him what we have
wrote about him, and if that satisfy him not, but that he shall still
follow his mad and malicious practices against you, warn him out of
your precincts, and let it be upon his peril to set foot thereon; it
being indeed no reason that a whole plantation should be disturbed or
indamaged by the frantic humours of any one man whatsoever.
Now further for yourselves; as the power of government is fallen upon
you, both by lot and desert (as we are persuaded) so your troubles
and cares have been so much the more hitherto; and we would not have
you think of easing yourselves till you have either made things
better, or ended your warfare; for it is best that the world afford
us these crosses lest we should forget the meditation of heaven.
And we pray you all even look to yourselves, and your ways; that
there be not amongst you some cause or occasion of these evil men’s
insultings and bravery upon you, as they do, that we charge you
with nothing, but are ready to make your just defence at all times
against opposites; yet let it not offend you, that we wish you to
look to yourselves, as first that you walk close with God, being
fervent and frequent in prayer, instruction and doctrine, both openly
and privately. 2dly, that you instruct and bring up your young ones
in the knowledge and fear of God, restraining them from idleness
and profanation of the Sabbath. 3dly, that you freely and readily
entertain any honest men, into your church, estate and society,
though with great infirmities and difference of judgment; taking heed
of too great straitness and singularity even in that particular.
4thly, that there be fervent love and close cleaving together
among you that are fearers of God, without secret whispering or
undermining one of another, and without contempt or neglect of such
as are weak and helpless, if honest, amongst you. This do, and in
all things be humble, cheerful and thankful; that if you cannot grow
rich in this world, yet you may be rich in grace; and if you can send
us no other treasure, yet let all that visit you, bring from you
the fame of honesty, religion and godliness, which we trust, shall
comfort us more than all else you can send us in this world.
At a word, though we be detected of folly, ignorance, want of
judgment, yet let no man charge us with dishonesty, looseness or
unconscionableness; but though we lose our labours or adventures, or
charges, yea our lives; yet let us not lose one jot of our innocence,
integrity, holiness, fear and comfort with God.
And, thus ceasing for this time to trouble you further; praying God
to bless and prosper you, and sanctify all your crosses and losses,
that they may turn to your great profit and comfort in the end, with
hearty salutations to you all, we lovingly take leave of you, from
London, April 7, 1624.
Your assured lovers and friends,
_James Sherley_,
_Thomas Brewer_,
_William Collier_,
_Joseph Pocok_,
_Thomas Fletcher_,
_John Ling_,
_William Thomas_,
_Robert Reayne_.
* * * * *
[Now follows the first letters we received after the breach; for Mr.
Thornell and the rest never replied nor writ more unto us, being
partly ashamed of what they done and written.]
_To our beloved friends Mr. William Bradford, Mr. Isaac Allerton,
Mr. William Brewster, and the rest of the general society of
Plymouth in New England, salutations._
Though the thing we feared be come upon us and the evils we strove
against, have overtaken us; yet cannot we forget you, nor our
friendship and fellowship, which, together we have had some years;
wherein though our expressions have been small, yet our hearty
affections towards you (unknown by face) have been no less than to
our nearest friends, yea even to our own selves. And though your and
our friend, Mr. Winslow, can tell you the estate of things here, and
what hath befallen us; yet lest we should seem to neglect you, to
whom by a wonderful providence of God, we are so nearly united; we
have thought good once more to write unto you, and the arguments of
our letter must consist of these three points, first to shew you what
is here befallen, 2dly, the reason and cause of that which is fallen,
3rdly, our purposes and desires towards you hereafter.
The former course for the generality here is wholly dissolved from
that course which was held. And whereas you and we, were formerly
sharers, and partners in all voyages and dealings, this way is now so
no more, but you and we are left to bethink ourselves, what course
to take in the future, that your lives and our monies be not lost.
And this, as ourselves first saw, so have we begun to practice, as we
thought best for your and our safety for hereafter; and it standeth
you no less in hand seriously to consider what is best to do, that
you may both continue good conscience with God and procure your best
safety in this world.
The reasons and causes of this alteration, have been these first and
mainly, the many crosses, and losses and abuses by sea and seamen,
which have caused us to run into so much charge, and debts and
engagements, as our estates and means were not able to go on without
impoverishing ourselves, and much hindering if not spoiling our
trades and callings here; except our estates had been greater or our
associates had cloven better to us. 2dly, As here hath been a faction
and siding amongst us now more than two years; so now there is an
utter breach and sequestration amongst us, and in two parts of us, a
full dissertion, and forsaking of you, without any intent or purpose
of medling more with you.
And though we are persuaded the main cause of their this doing is
want of money (for need whereof men use to make many excuses) yet
other things are by many pretended, and not without some colour
urged, which are these: 1st, A distaste of you there, for that you
are (as they affirm) Brownists, condemning all other churches,
and persons but yourselves and those in your way, and you are
contentious, cruel and hard hearted, among your neighbours and
towards such as in all points both civil and religious, jump not with
you. And that you are negligent, careless, wasteful, unthrifty, and
suffer all general goods, and affairs to go at six and sevens and
spend your time in idleness and talking and confering, and care not
what be wasted worn and torn out, whilst all things come so easily,
and so cheap unto you. 2dly, A distaste and personal contempt of us
for taking your parts and striving to defend you, and make the best
of all matters touching you, insomuch as it is hard to say whether
you or we are least loved of them.
Now what use either you or we may make of these things, it remaineth
to be considered; and the more, for that we know the hand of God to
be present in all these things, and he no doubt would admonish us
of something which is not yet so looked to and taken to heart as it
should. And although it be now too late for us, or you, to prevent
and stay these things, yet is it not too late to exercise patience,
wisdom and conscience, in bearing them, and in carrying ourselves in
and under them for time to come. And as we ourselves stand ready to
embrace all occasions that may tend to the furtherance of so hopeful
a work; rather admiring at what is, than grudging for what is not, so
it must rest still in you to make all good again. And if in nothing
else you can be approved, yet let your honesty and conscience be
still approved, and lose not one jot of your innocence amidst your
many crosses and afflictions.
And surely if you upon this alteration behave yourselves wisely and
go on fairly, as men whose hopes is not in this life; you shall
need no other weapon to wound your adversaries; for when your
righteousness is revealed as the light, they shall cover their faces
with shame, that causelessly have sought your overthrow.
And although (we hope) you need not our council in these things,
having learned of God how to behave yourselves, in all estates in
this world, yet a word for your advice and direction, to spur those
forward, which we hope run already.
And first, seeing our generality here is dissolved, let yours be
the more firm; and do not you like carnal people (which run into
inconveniences and evils by examples) but rather be warned by your
harms, to cleave faster together hereafter; take heed of long and
sharp disputes and oppositions, give no passage to the waters, no not
a tittle; let not hatred or heart-burning be harboured in the breast
of any of you one moment, but forgive and forget all former failings
and abuses, and renew your love and friendship together daily. There
is often more sound friendship and sweeter fellowship in afflictions
and crosses than in prosperity and favours; and there is reason for
it, because envy flieth away when there is nothing but necessities to
be looked on; but it is always a bold _guest_ where prosperity shews
itself.
And although we here which are hedged about with so many favours and
helps in worldly things and comforts; forget friendship and love and
fall out often times for trifles; yet you must not do so, but must
in these things turn a new leaf and be of another spirit. We here
can fall out with a friend and lose him today, and find another
tomorrow; but you cannot do so, you have no such choice, you must
make much of them you have, and count him a very good friend, which
is not a professed enemy. We have a trade and custom of tale bearing,
whispering and changing of old friends for new, and these things with
us are incurable. But you which do as it were begin a new world and
lay the foundation of sound piety and humanity for others to follow,
must suffer no such weeds in your garden, but nip them in the head,
and cast them out forever; and must follow peace and study quietness,
having fervent love amongst yourselves as a perfect and entire bond
to uphold you when all else fails you. And although we have written
much to you heretofore to provoke to union and love as the only way
to make you stand, and without which all would come to nothing; so
now you are much more to be provoked thereunto, since you are left,
rather to be spectators to the eye than objects to the hand, and
stand most need one of another, at home when foreign help is so much
decayed and weakened.
And if any amongst you, for all that, have still a withdrawing
heart, and will be all to himself, and nothing to his neighbour, let
him think of these things. 1st, The providence of God in bringing
you there together. 2d, His marvellous preserving you from so many
dangers, the particulars whereof you know and must never forget. 3d,
The hopes that yet are of effecting somewhat for yourselves and more
for your posterity if hand join in hand. 4th, The woful estate of
him which is alone, especially in a wilderness. 5th, The succour and
comfort which the generality can daily afford, having built houses,
planted corn, framed boats, erected salt works, obtained cattle,
swine, and pulling,[2] together with the diverse varieties of trades
and faculties employed by sea and land, the gains of every one
stretching itself unto all whilst they are in the general: but such
as withdraw themselves tempting God and despising their neighbours,
must look for no share or part in any of these things; but as they
will be a commonwealth alone, so alone they must work, and alone they
must eat, and alone they must be sick and die, or else languishing
under the frustration of their vain hopes, alone return to England,
and there to help all cry out of the country and the people; counting
the one fruitless and the other merciless; when indeed their own
folly, pride, and idleness is the cause of all which never weigh
either the providence of God, the conscience of their duty, nor care
for their neighbours, or themselves, further than to grate upon
their friends; as if other men owed them all things, and they owed no
man any thing. 6th, The conscience of making restitution, and paying
those debts and charges which hath befallen to bring you there, and
send those things to you, which you have had, must hold you together;
and for him that withdraws himself from the general; we look upon
him, as upon a man, who, having served his turn, and fulfiled his
desire, cares not what becomes of others, neither maketh conscience
of any debt, or duty at all, but thinketh to slide away under secret
colours, to abuse and deceive his friends; and against whom we need
say little, seeing the Lord will never cease to curse his course.
And albeit, the company here as a company hath lost you; you know
when Saul left David, yea, and pursued him, yet David did not abuse
his allegiance and loyalty to him, no more should you; the evil of
us here, cannot justify any evil in you, but you must still do your
duty, though we neglect ours. 2dly, Indeed we are persuaded, it is
in the most of the adventurers rather want of power, than will, that
maketh them break off; they having gone as far as they can in the
business, and are as sorry that they cannot go forward as you are
offended that they do not go forward, yea, and the pretences of those
which have the most colours, we are persuaded, proceed more from
weakness of the purse, than fear of any thing else; and the want of
money is such a grievous sickness now-a-days, as that it makes men
rave and cry out, they cannot tell for what. 3dly, And in a word we
think it but reason, that all such things as these, are appertaining
to the general, be kept and preserved together, and rather increased
daily, than any way dispersed or embezzled away, for any private
ends or intents whatsoever. 4thly, That after your necessities are
served, you gather together such commodities as the country yields,
and send them over to pay debts and clear engagements here, which are
not less than £1400. All which debts, besides adventures, have been
made about general commodities and implements, and for which divers
of us, stand more or less engaged. And we dare say of you, that you
will do the best you can to free us, and unburden us, that for your
sakes, and help, are so much hazarded in our estates, and names.
5thly, If there be any that will withdraw himself from the general,
as he must not have, nor use any of the general’s goods, so it is but
reason that he give sufficient security for payment of so much of the
debts as his part cometh to; which how much it will come to, upon a
person, or family is quickly counted; and since we require but men’s
faithful endeavours, and cannot obtain them, let none think much if
we require other security than fair words and promises, of such men
as make no more conscience of their words and ways.
If any amongst you shall object against us, either our long delays
in our supplies heretofore, or our too much jollity in spending
sometimes at our meetings more than perhaps needed; that will prove
but trifling, for we could also find fault with the idleness and
sloth of many amongst you, which have made all the rest go forward
slowly, as also we could find fault with your liberality, and
largeness also, when it might have been otherwise; but all such
matters must still be left to the discretion and conscience of either
side, knowing that where many have a hand in such business, there
will not want some, that are too timerous and slack; as also that in
matters of note, something must be done for form and credit. And for
ourselves we think there hath hardly in our days; been a business,
of this note, and fame, carried by Londoners, with twice the expense
in by matters that this hath been; and therefore let each man rather
seek to mend himself, than hastily to cast in objections against
others.
In a word, since it thus still falleth out, that all things between
us, are as you see, let us all endeavour to keep a fair and honest
course, and see what time will bring forth, and how God in his
providence will work for us. We still are persuaded, you are the
people, that must make a plantation, and erect a city in those remote
places, when all others fail, and return; and your experience of
God’s providence and preservation of you is such, that we hope your
hearts will not now fail you, though your friends should forsake you
(which we ourselves shall not do whilst we live, so long as your
honesty so well appeareth) yet surely help would arise from some
other place, whilst you wait on God with uprightness, though we
should leave you also.
To conclude, as you are especially now to renew your love one to
another; so we advise you, as your friends to these particulars.
First let all sharpness, reprehensions, and corrections, of opposite
persons, be still used sparingly, and take no advantage against any,
for any by respects; but rather wait for their mending amongst you,
than to mend them yourselves by thrusting them away, of whom there is
any hope of good to be had. 2d, Make your corporation, as formal as
you can, under the name of the Society of Plymouth in New England,
allowing some peculiar privileges, to all the members thereof,
according to the tenure of the patents. 3d, Let your practises and
course in religion in the church, be made complete, and full; let all
that fear God amongst you, join themselves thereunto without delay;
and let all the ordinances of God be used completely in the church
without longer waiting, upon uncertainties, or keeping the gap open
for opposites. 4thly, Let the worship and service of God be strictly
kept on the Sabbath, and both together, and asunder let the day be
sanctified; and let your care be seen on the working days every where
and upon all occasions to set forward the service of God. And lastly,
be you all entreated to walk so circumspectly and carry yourselves so
uprightly in all your ways, as that no man may make just exceptions
against you; and more especially that the favour and countenance of
God may be so towards you, as that you may find abundant joy and
peace even amidst tribulations, that you may say with David, _though
my father, and my mother should forsake me; yet the Lord will take me
up_.
We have sent you some cattle, cloth, hose, shoes, leather, &c. but
in another nature than formerly, as it stood us in hand to do; we
have committed them to the custody and charge of, as our factors,
Mr. Allerton and Mr. Winslow, at whose discretion they are to be
sold and commodities, taken for them as is fitting. And it standeth
you in need the more carefully to look to, and make much of all your
commodities, by how much the more they are chargeable to you, and
though we hope you shall not want things necessary, so we think the
harder they are got, the more carefully they will be husbanded. Good
friends, as you buy them, keep a decorum in distributing them, and
let none have varieties, and things for delight, when others want for
their mere necessities, and have an eye rather on your ill deservings
at God’s hand, than upon the failings of your friends towards you;
and wait on him with patience, and good conscience; rather admiring
his mercies, (than repining at his crosses,) with the assurance
of faith, that what is wanting here shall be made up in glory a
thousand fold. Go on good friends, comfortably pluck up your hearts
cheerfully, and quit yourselves like men, in all your difficulties,
that notwithstanding all displeasure and threats of men, yet the work
may go on which you are about, and not be neglected, which is so much
for the glory of God, and the furtherance of our Countrymen, as that
a man may with more comfort spend his life in it; than live the life
of Methuselah in wasting the plenty of a tilled land, or eating the
fruit of a grown tree.
Thus having not time to write further unto you, leaving other things
to the relation of our friends; with all hearty salutations to you
all, and hearty prayers, for you all, we lovingly take our leave this
18th of December, 1624.
Your assured friends to our power,
James Sherley, (sick)
William Collier,
Thomas Fletcher,
Robert Holland.
[This letter was wrote with Mr. Cushman’s hand; and it is likely was
penned by him at the other’s request.]
_Mr._ CUSHMAN _to Gov._ BRADFORD.
_December 22, 1624._
Sir,
My hearty love remembered unto you, and unto your wife, with trust
of your healths, and contentment amidst so many difficulties. I am
now to write unto you, from my friend, and from myself, my friend
and your friend. Mr. Sherley, who lieth even at the point of death,
intreated me, even with tears, to write to excuse him, and signify
how it was with him; he remembers his hearty, and as he thinks his
last, salutations to you, and all the rest, who love our common
cause. And if God does again raise him up, he will be more for you
(I am persuaded) than ever he was. His unfeigned love towards us,
hath been such, as I cannot indeed express; and though he be a man
not swayed with passion, or led by uninformed affections, yet hath
he cloven to us still amidst all persuasions of opposites; and could
not be moved to have an evil thought of us, for all their clamours.
His patience and contentment in being oppressed hath been much; he
hath sometimes lent £800 at one time, for other men to adventure
in this business, all to draw them on; and hath indeed by his free
heartedness been the only glue of the company. And if God should take
him now away, I scarce think much more would be done, save as to
enquire at the dividend what is to be had.
He saith he hath received the tokens you sent, and thanks you for
them: he hath sent you a cheese, &c. Also he hath sent an heifer to
the plantation, to begin a stock for the poor. There is also a bull
and three or four jades, to be sold unto you, with many other things,
for apparel and other uses; which are committed to Mr. Alerton and
Mr. Winslow, who as factors are to sell them to you; and it was
fitter for many reasons, to make them factors than yourself, as I
hope you will easily conceive.
And I hope though the first project cease, yet it shall be never the
worse for you, neither will any man be discouraged, but wait on God,
using the good means you can. I have no time to write many things
unto you; I doubt not but upon the hearing of this alteration some
discontent may arise, but the Lord I hope will teach you the way
which you shall choose. For myself as I have laboured by all means,
to hold things here together, so I have patiently suffered this
alteration; and do yet hope it shall be good for you all, if you be
not too rash, and hasty; which if any be, let them take heed they
reap not the fruit of their own vanities.
But for you, good Sir, I hope you will do nothing rashly, neither
will you be swayed, by misreports, beside your ordinary course, but
will persuade who may be, to patience, and peace; and to the bearing
of labours, and crosses in love together.
I hope the failings of your friends here, will make you the more
friendly one to another, that so all our hopes may not be dashed.
Labour to settle things, both in your civil, and religious courses,
as firm, and as full as you can. Lastly, I must intreat you still,
to have a care of my son, as of your own; and I shall rest bound
unto you, I pray you let him sometime practice writing. I hope the
next ships to come to you; in the mean space and ever, the Lord be
all your direction, and turn all our crosses and troubles to his own
glory, and our comforts, and give you to walk so wisely, and holily,
as none may justly say, but they have always found you honestly
minded, though never so poor. Salute all our friends, and supply, I
pray you, what, if failing in my letters. From London, _December 22,
A.D. 1624_.
* * * * *
Thus were his last letters. And now we lost the help of a wise and
faithful friend, he wrote of the sickness, and probability of the
death of another; but knew not that his own was so near, what cause
have we therefore ever to be ready! He purposed to be with us the
next ships, but the Lord did otherwise dispose; and had appointed him
a greater journey, to a better place. He was now taken from these
troubles into which (by this division) we were so deeply plunged.
And here I must leave him to rest with the Lord. And will proceed to
other letters which will further shew our proceedings and how things
went on.
_Gov._ BRADFORD _to Mr._ CUSHMAN.
Loving and kind friend, I most heartily thank you; and would be
right glad to see you here, with many other of our old and dear
friends, that we might strengthen, and comfort one another, after our
many troubles, travels, and hardships. I long greatly for friends
of Leyden, but I fear, I shall now scarce ever see them, save in
heaven; but the will of the Lord be done. We have rid ourselves of
the company of many of those, who have been so troublesome unto us;
though I fear we are not yet rid of the troubles themselves. I hear
Culdom[3] comes himself into England; the which if he do, beware
of him, for he is very malicious, and much threatens you; thinking
he hath some advantage by some words you have spoken. Touching his
factious doings here, and our proceedings with him, I refer you for
it, and many other things to the relations of Captain Standish, whom
we have thought most meet for sundry reasons, to send at this time.
I pray you be as helpful to him as you can; especially in making our
provisions, for therein he hath the least skill.
We have sent by this first ship, a good parcel of commodities, to
wit: As much beaver and other furs, as will amount to upwards of
£277, sterling, at the rates they were sold the last year. In part
of payment of those goods, they and you sent to be sold to us. But
except we may have things, both more serviceable, and at better
rates, we shall never be able to rub through; therefore if we could
have some ready money disbursed to buy things at the best hand, it
would be greatly in our way. Special care is to be had of procuring
us good trucking stuff, for without it we can do nothing; the reason
why heretofore we have got so little is, because we never had any
that was good till Mr. Winslow brought some over.
Our people will never agree, any way again to unite with the Company;
who have cast them off with such reproach and contempt; and also
returned their bills, and all debts upon their heads. But as for
those our loving friends, who have, and still do stick to us, and are
deeply engaged for us, and are most careful of our goods, for our
parts we will ever be ready to do any thing, that shall be thought
equal and mete.
But I think it will be best, to press, a clearance with the company;
either by coming to a dividend, or some other indifferent course or
composition; for the longer we hang and continue in this confused
and lingering condition, the worse it will be, for it takes away all
heart and courage, from men, to do any thing. For notwithstanding
any persuasion to the contrary, many protest they will never build
houses, fence grounds, or plant fruits for those, who not only
forsake them, but use them as enemies, lading them with reproach
and contumely. Nay they will rather ruin that, which is done, than
they should possess it. Whereas if they knew what they should trust
to, the place would quickly grow and flourish with plenty, for they
never felt the sweetness of the country till this year; and not only
we but all planters in the land begin to do it. Let us be as little
engaged about fishing, or any other projects, as you can, to draw us
away from our own employments for they will be the most beneficial
unto us. I suppose to spend our own salt and to employ as many of our
own boats as we can, will be best for us. If we had but kept two a
trading this year, it would have been twice as good as our fishing;
though I hope the ships will return with good voyages.
Your son and all of us, are in good health, (blessed be God) he
received the things you sent him. I hope God will make him a good
man. My wife remembers her love unto you, and thanks you for her
spice. Billington still rails against you, and threatens to arrest
you, I know not wherefore; he is a knave, and so will live and die.
Mr. John Pearce wrote he would make a parliamentary matter, about
our grand patent, I pray you wish our friends to look to it, for
I mistrust him, I perceive there passeth intelligence between Mr.
Weston, and him, by means of Mr. Hix. He is come again hither, and is
not yet quiet about that £100. The Lord hath so graciously disposed,
that when our opposites thought, that many would have followed their
faction, they so distasted their palpable dishonest dealings, that
they stuck more firmly unto us, and joined themselves to the Church.
But time cuts me off, for other things; I refer you to my other more
general, and larger letters, and so with my renewed salutations, and
best love remembered unto you. I commend you and all our affairs,
to the guidance of the Most High, and so rest, your assured loving
friend,
WILLIAM BRADFORD.
_New-Plymouth, June 9, 1625._
[_Mr. Cushman died before this letter arrived._]
* * * * *
Next follows a letter to the Council of New England, wherein their
help was supplicated.
_To the right Honourable his Majesty’s Council for New England
these be, &c._
_June 28, A.D. 1625._
Right Honourable,
The assurance we have of your noble dispositions to releave the
oppressions of the innocent, doth cause us to fly unto you, as to
a sanctuary, in this our just cause. It hath pleased the divine
Providence to bring us into this place where we inhabit under your
government, wherein we now have resided almost these five years,
having put some life, into this then dreaded, design, made way for
others and to all that are here, have been and still are their
bulwark and defence.
Many necessities we have undergone, incident to the raw, and immature
beginnings of such great exertions, and yet are subject to many more.
We are many people, consisting of all sorts, as well women children,
as men; and are now left, and forsaken of our adventurers, who will
neither supply us with necessaries for our subsistence, nor suffer
others that would be willing; neither can we be at liberty to deal
with others, or provide for ourselves, but they keep us tied to them,
and yet they will be loose from us; they have not only cast us off,
but entered into particular course of trading, and have by violence,
and force, taken at their pleasure, our possession at Cape Ann.
Traducing us with unjust, and dishonest clammours abroad, disturbing
our peace at home; and some of them threatening, that if ever we
grow to any good estate they will then nip us in the head. Which
discouragements do cause us to slack our diligence, and care to build
and plant, and cheerfully perform our other employments, not knowing
for whom we work whether friends or enemies.
Our humble suit therefore to your good lordships and honours is, that
seeing they have so unjustly forsaken us, that you would vouchsafe
to convene them before you, and take such order, as we may be free
from them; and they come to a division with us, that we and ours
may be delivered from their evil intents against us. So shall we
comfortably go forward, with the work we have in hand, as first to
God’s glory, and the honour of our king; so to the good satisfaction
of your honours, and for our present, common, and after good of our
posterity. The prosecution of this, we have committed to our agent
Captain Myles Standish, who attends your Honourable pleasures.
The great God of heaven and earth, who hath put into your hearts, to
travail in this honourable action, strengthen your hearts and hands
hereunto; and gave his blessing answerable to your worthy endeavours.
In all humbleness we commit ourselves to your honourable direction
and protection. And rest with the knowledge, consent and humble
request of the whole plantation ever at commandment.
WILLIAM BRADFORD, _Gov._
* * * * *
But by reason of the great plague which raged this year in London,
of which so many thousands died weekly, Captain Standish could
do nothing either with the Council of New England, or any other
hereabout, for there was no Courts kept or scarce any commerce held,
the city being in a sort desolate, by the fervent pestilence, and
flight of so many. So as he was forced to return; having by the help
of some friends (with much ado, and great both trouble and peril to
himself) procured a convenient supply; which he brought with him to
save our greatest necessities.
_A Letter of Mr. Fletcher’s, showing his great loss of the little
James; she and the beaver in her, which was sent for the goods we
bought the other year, being for the most part his; and was taken
by the Turks to his utter undoing._
_To his loving friends Mr._ BRADFORD, _Mr._ ALLERTON, _and Mr._
WINSLOW, _salutations, &c._
_London, November 25, 1625._
My last unto you, was of the death of Mr. Robinson and what else then
needful, since which I have received divers letters from you, and
perceive at large what things you want, and do desire, and with what
grievances you have been oppressed. And had the Lord so disposed, as
to have sent us the pinace home, no doubt myself would have seen you
well supplied; and some of your grievances should have been removed,
but so it is, that all power therein to do you good, is wholly (by
God’s providence) taken from me. And so I much fear, that this year
you will hardly be able to do yourselves, or your friends much good,
but patience, &c.
And for other affairs either touching myself, and my necessities I am
put unto, besides disgrace and reproach from many; as also touching
the rest of our adventurers, who fall from me like the water brooks,
as Job complains. I say for all these things, and many more here
passed, I refer you to your Agent, and my loving friend, Captain
Standish, who can certify you all things at large; as also of the
feigned and perfidious dealings of Mr. John Peirce towards me, and
others, who now hath manifest himself, at least to some, not to mind
that good for you, or us, as was fit, and oft pretended. But all
these things, they come from God for diverse reasons as first, to
humble us, and subdue our corruption; 2d, to win us from the world.
3d, to add unto our joy to come. 4th, to shew forth the great power,
goodness and mercy of our God, in preserving us in, and delivering us
out of the same. Wherefore let us be patient, and thankful without
murmuring, Amen, Amen. And so with my hearty well wishes for you all,
and your general good; for which I shall often approach to the throne
of grace, and expect the like from you, and so I leave you with this
salutation, fare you well, my brethren all, fare you well; and God
of grace and peace, bless you, and your posterities to the coming of
Jesus Christ. Amen.
Your loving friend, in what I can.
THOMAS FLETCHER.
* * * * *
I will next insert some letters from our friends at Leyden, written
this year; and first, a letter of Mr. White’s to myself, in which the
heavy tidings of our beloved and able pastor’s death and the manner
of it, is declared.
_To his loving friend, Mr._ WILLIAM BRADFORD, _Governour of
Plymouth, in New England, these be, &c._
Loving and kind friends, &c. I know not whether ever this will come
to your hands, or miscarry, as other of my letters have done; yet in
regard of the Lord’s dealing with us here, I have had a great desire
to write unto you; knowing your desire to bear a part with us, both
in our joys and sorrows, as we do with you.
These therefore are to give you to understand, that it hath pleased
the Lord to take out of this veil of tears, your, and our loving and
faithful pastor, and my dear brother, Mr. John Robinson, who was sick
some, eight days, beginning first to be sick on a Saturday morning,
yet the next day, being the Lord’s day he taught us twice, and the
week after grew every day weaker, than other, yet felt no pain but
weakness, all the time of his sickness; the physick he took wrought
kindly, in man’s judgment, yet he grew every day weaker than other,
feeling little or no pain, yet sensible, till the very last. Who fell
sick the twenty second of February, and departed this life the first
of March. He had a continual inward ague, which brought the —— but I
thank the Lord, was free of the plague, so that all his friends could
come freely to him. And if either prayers, tears, or means would
have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But he having faithfully
finished his course, and performed his work, which the Lord had
appointed him here to perform; he now rests with the Lord, in eternal
happiness. We wanting him and all church Governours, not having one
at present that is a governing officer amongst us. Now for ourselves
here left (I mean the whole Church) we still, by the mercy of God,
continue and hold close together in peace and quietness, and so I
hope we shall do though we be very weak; wishing (if such were the
will of God) that you and we were again together in one, either there
or here, but seeing it is the will of the Lord, thus to dispose of
things, we must labour with patience to rest contented till it please
the Lord otherwise to dispose of things.
For news at present here, is not much worth the writing, only as in
England we have lost our old King who departed this life about a
month ago, so here we have lost Grave Morrice, the old Prince here,
who both departed this life, since my brother Robinson; and as in
England we have a new King, Charles, of whom there is great hope of
good; the King is making ready about one hundred sail of ships, the
end is not yet certain, but they will be ready to go to sea very
shortly; the King himself goes to see them once in fourteen days. So
here likewise we have made Prince Hendrick General, in his brother’s
place, who is now with the Grave of Mansfield with a great army,
close by the enemy, to free Breda, if it be possible, which the enemy
hath besieged now some nine or ten months; but how it will fall out
at last, is yet uncertain, the Lord give good success if it be his
will. And thus fearing lest this will not come to your hands, hoping
as soon as I hear of a convenient messenger, to write more at large,
and to send you a letter which my brother Robinson sent to London;
to have gone to some of you, but coming too late, was brought back
again. And so for this time I cease further to trouble you, and rest,
Your assured loving friend,
ROGER WHITE.
_Leyden, April 28, Anno 1625._
_A letter of Thomas Blossom’s to myself and Mr. Brewster, touching
the same thing, as followeth._
BELOVED SIR,