the cause or law to which we are conducted be one already known and
recognised as a more general one, whose nature is well understood, and
of which the phenomenon in question is but one more case in addition
to those already known, or whether it be one less general, less known,
or altogether new. In the latter case, our verification will suffice,
if it merely shows that all the cases considered are plainly cases in
point. But in the former, the process of verification is of a much
more severe and definite kind. We must trace the action of our cause
with distinctness and precision, as modified by all the circumstances
of each case; we must estimate its effects, and show that nothing
unexplained remains behind; at least, in so far as the presence of
unknown modifying causes is not concerned.
(174.) Now, this is precisely the sort of process in which _residual
phenomena_ (such as spoken of in art. 158.) may be expected to occur.
If our induction be really a valid and a comprehensive one, _whatever_
remains unexplained in the comparison of its conclusion with particular
cases, under all their circumstances, _is_ such a phenomenon, and comes
in its turn to be a subject of inductive reasoning to discover its
cause or laws. It is thus that we may be said to witness facts with
the eyes of reason; and it is thus that we are continually attaining a
knowledge of new phenomena and new laws which lie beneath the surface
of things, and give rise to the creation of fresh branches of science
more and more remote from common observation.
(175.) Physical astronomy affords numerous and splendid instances of
this. The law, for example, which asserts that the planets are retained
in their orbits about the sun, and satellites about their primaries,
by an attractive force, decreasing as the square of the distances
increases, comes to be verified in each particular case by deducing
from it the exact motions which, under the circumstances, ought to take
place, and comparing them with fact. This comparison, while it verifies
in general the existence of the law of gravitation as supposed, and
its adequacy to explain all the principal motions of every body in the
system, yet leaves some small deviations in those of the planets, and
some very considerable ones in that of the moon and other satellites,
still unaccounted for; residual phenomena, which still remain to be
traced up to causes. By further examining these, their causes have at
length been ascertained, and found to consist in the mutual actions of
the planets on each other, and the disturbing influence of the sun on
the motions of the satellites.
(176.) But a law of nature has not that degree of generality which
fits it for a stepping-stone to greater inductions, unless it be
_universal_ in its application. We cannot rely on its enabling us to
extend our views beyond the circle of instances from which it was
obtained, unless we have already had experience of its power to do so;
unless it actually _has_ enabled us before trial to say what will take
place in cases analogous to those originally contemplated; unless, in
short, we have studiously placed ourselves in the situation of its
antagonists, and even perversely endeavoured to find exceptions to
it without success. It is in the precise proportion that a law once
obtained endures this extreme severity of trial, that its value and
importance are to be estimated; and our next step in the verification
of an induction must therefore consist in _extending_ its application
to cases not originally contemplated; in studiously varying the
circumstances under which our causes act, with a view to ascertain
whether their effect is general; and in pushing the application of our
laws to extreme cases.
(177.) For example, a fair induction from a great number of facts led
Galileo to conclude that the accelerating power of gravity is the same
on all sorts of bodies, and on great and small masses indifferently;
and this he exemplified by letting bodies of very different natures
and weights fall at the same instant from a high tower, when it was
observed that they struck the ground at the same moment, abating a
certain trifling difference, due, as he justly believed it to be, to
the greater proportional resistance of the air to light than to heavy
bodies. The experiment could not, at that time, be fairly tried with
extremely light substances, such as cork, feathers, cotton, &c. because
of the great resistance experienced by these in their fall; no means
being then known of removing this cause of disturbance. It was not,
therefore, till after the invention of the air-pump that this law could
be put to the severe test of an extreme case. A guinea and a downy
feather were let drop at once from the upper part of a tall exhausted
glass, and struck the bottom at the same moment. Let any one make the
trial _in the air_, and he will perceive the force of an _extreme case_.
(178.) In the verification of a law whose expression is _quantitative_,
not only must its generality be established by the trial of it in as
various circumstances as possible, but every such trial must be one of
precise measurement. And in such cases the means taken for subjecting
it to trial ought to be so devised as to repeat and multiply a great
number of times any deviation (if any exist); so that, let it be ever
so small, it shall at last become sensible.
(179.) For instance, let the law to be verified be, that _the gravity
of every material body is in the direct proportion of its mass_, which
is only another mode of expressing Galileo’s law above mentioned.
The time of falling from any moderate height cannot be measured with
precision enough for our purpose: but if it can be repeated a very
great multitude of times _without any loss or gain_ in the intervals,
and the whole amount of the times of fall so repeated measured by
a clock; and if at the same time the resistance of the air can be
rendered _exactly alike_ for all the bodies tried, we have here
Galileo’s trial in a much more refined state; and it is evident that
almost unlimited exactness may be obtained. Now, all this Newton
accomplished by the simple and elegant contrivance of enclosing in a
hollow pendulum the same weights of a great number of substances the
most different that could be found in all respects, as gold, glass,
wood, water, wheat, &c.[44], and ascertaining the time required for
the pendulum so charged to make a great number of oscillations; in
each of which it is clear the weights had to fall, and be raised again
successively, without loss of time, through the same _identical_
spaces. Thus any difference, however inconsiderable, that might
exist in the time of one such fall and rise would be multiplied and
accumulated till they became sensible. And none having been discovered
by so delicate a process in any case, the law was considered verified
both in respect of generality and exactness. This, however, is nothing
to the verifications afforded by astronomical phenomena, where the
deviations, if any, accumulate for thousands of years instead of a few
hours.
(180.) The surest and best characteristic of a well-founded and
extensive induction, however, is when verifications of it spring up,
as it were, spontaneously, into notice, from quarters where they might
be least expected, or even among instances of that very kind which
were at first considered hostile to them. Evidence of this kind is
irresistible, and compels assent with a weight which scarcely any other
possesses. To give an example: M. Mitscherlich had announced a law to
this effect--_that_ the chemical elements of which all bodies consist
are susceptible of being classified in distinct groups, which he termed
_isomorphous_ groups; and _that_ these groups are so related, that
when similar combinations are formed of individuals belonging to two,
three, or more of them, such combinations will crystallize in the same
geometrical forms. To this curious and important law there appeared
a remarkable exception. According to professor Mitscherlich, the
arsenic and phosphoric acids _are_ similar combinations coming under
the meaning of his law, and their combinations with soda and water,
forming the salts known to chemists under the names of arseniate and
phosphate of soda, ought, if the law were general, to crystallize in
identical shapes. The fact, however, was understood to be otherwise.
But lately, Mr. Clarke, a British chemist, having examined the two
salts attentively, ascertained the fact that their compositions
deviate essentially from that similarity which M. Mitscherlich’s law
requires; and that, therefore, the exception in question disappears.
This was something: but, pursuing the subject further, the same
ingenious enquirer happily succeeded in producing a _new_ phosphate of
soda, differing from that generally known in containing a different
proportion of water, and agreeing in composition exactly with the
arseniate. The crystals of this new salt, when examined, were found by
him to be precisely identical in form with those of the arseniate: thus
verifying, in a most striking and totally unexpected manner, the law in
question, or, as it is called, the law of isomorphism.
(181.) Unexpected and peculiarly striking confirmations of inductive
laws frequently occur in the form of residual phenomena, in the course
of investigations of a widely different nature from those which gave
rise to the inductions themselves. A very elegant example may be cited
in the unexpected confirmation of the law of the developement of heat
in elastic fluids by compression, which is afforded by the phenomena
of sound. The enquiry into the cause of sound had led to conclusions
respecting its mode of propagation, from which its velocity in the air
could be precisely calculated. The calculations were performed; but,
when compared with fact, though the agreement was quite sufficient
to show the general correctness of the cause and mode of propagation
assigned, _yet_ the _whole_ velocity could not be shown to arise from
this theory. There was still a _residual_ velocity to be accounted
for, which placed dynamical philosophers for a long time in a great
dilemma. At length Laplace struck on the happy idea, that this might
arise from the _heat_ developed in the act of that condensation which
necessarily takes place at every vibration by which sound is conveyed.
The matter was subjected to exact calculation, and the result was
at once the complete explanation of the residual phenomenon, and a
striking confirmation of the general law of the developement of heat by
compression, under circumstances beyond artificial imitation.
(182.) In extending our inductions to cases not originally
contemplated, there is one step which always strikes the mind with
peculiar force, and with such a sensation of novelty and surprise,
as often gives it a weight beyond its due philosophic value. It is
the transition from the little to the great, and _vice versâ_, but
especially the former. It is so beautiful to see, for instance, an
experiment performed in a watch-glass, or before a blowpipe, succeed,
in a great manufactory, on many tons of matter, or, in the bosom of
a volcano, upon millions of cubic fathoms of lava, that we almost
forget that these great masses are made up of watch-glassfuls, and
blowpipe-beads. We see the enormous intervals between the stars and
planets of the heavens, which afford room for innumerable processes
to be carried on, for light and heat to circulate, and for curious
and complicated motions to go forward among them: we look more
attentively, and we see sidereal systems, probably not less vast and
complicated than our own, crowded apparently into a small space (from
the effect of their distance from us), and forming groups resembling
bodies of a substantial appearance, having form and outline: yet we
recoil with incredulous surprise when we are asked _why_ we cannot
conceive the atoms of a grain of sand to be as remote from each other
(proportionally to their sizes) as the stars of the firmament; and
why there may not be going on, in that little microcosm, processes
as complicated and wonderful as those of the great world around us.
Yet the student who makes any progress in natural philosophy will
encounter numberless cases in which this transfer of ideas from the one
extreme of magnitude to the other will be called for: he will find,
for instance, the phenomena of the propagation of winds referred to
the same laws which regulate the propagation of motions through the
smallest masses of air; those of lightning assimilated to the mere
communication of an electric spark, and those of earthquakes to the
tremors of a stretched wire: in short, he must lay his account to
finding the distinction of great and little altogether annihilated in
nature: and it is well for man that such is the case, and that the same
laws, which he can discover and verify in his own circumscribed sphere
of power, should prove available to him when he comes to apply them on
the greatest scale; since it is thus only that he is enabled to become
an exciting cause in operations of any considerable magnitude, and to
vindicate his importance in creation.
(183.) But the business of induction does not end here: its final
result must be followed out into all its consequences, and applied to
all those cases which seem even remotely to bear upon the subject of
enquiry. Every new addition to our stock of causes becomes a means
of fresh attack with new vantage ground upon all those unexplained
parts of former phenomena which have resisted previous efforts. It
can hardly be pressed forcibly enough on the attention of the student
of nature, that there is scarcely any natural phenomenon which can be
fully and completely explained in all its circumstances, without a
union of several, perhaps of all, the sciences. The great phenomena of
astronomy, indeed, may be considered exceptions; but this is merely
because their scale is so vast that one only of the most widely
extending forces of nature takes the lead, and all those agents whose
sphere of action is limited to narrower bounds, and which determine
the production of phenomena nearer at hand, are thrown into the back
ground, and become merged and lost in comparative insignificance. But
in the more intimate phenomena which surround us it is far otherwise.
Into what a complication of different branches of science are we not
led by the consideration of such a phenomenon as rain, for instance,
or flame, or a thousand others, which are constantly going on before
our eyes? Hence, it is hardly possible to arrive at the knowledge of
a law of any degree of generality in any branch of science, but it
immediately furnishes us with a means of extending our knowledge of
innumerable others, the most remote from the point we set out from; so
that, when once embarked in any physical research, it is impossible for
any one to predict where it may ultimately lead him.
(184.) This remark rather belongs to the inverse or _deductive_
process, by which we pursue laws into their remote consequences.
But it is very important to observe, that the successful process of
scientific enquiry demands continually the alternate use of both
the _inductive_ and _deductive_ method. The path by which we rise to
knowledge must be made smooth and beaten in its lower steps, and often
ascended and descended, before we can scale our way to any eminence,
much less climb to the summit. The achievement is too great for a
single effort; stations must be established, and communications kept
open with all below. To quit metaphor; there is nothing so instructive,
or so likely to lead to the acquisition of general views, as this
pursuit of the consequences of a law once arrived at into every subject
where it may seem likely to have an influence. The discovery of a
new law of nature, a new ultimate fact, or one that even temporarily
puts on that appearance, is like the discovery of a new element in
chemistry. Thus, selenium was hardly discovered by Berzelius in the
vitriol works of Fahlun, when it presently made its appearance in the
sublimates of Stromboli, and the rare and curious products of the
Hungarian mines. And thus it is with every new law, or general fact. It
is hardly announced before its traces are found every where, and every
one is astonished at its having so long remained concealed. And hence
it happens that unexpected lights are shed at length over parts of
science that had been abandoned in despair, and given over to hopeless
obscurity.
(185.) The verification of _quantitative_ laws has been already spoken
of (178.); but their importance in physical science is so very great,
inasmuch as they alone afford a handle to strict mathematical deductive
application, that something ought to be said of the nature of the
inductions by which they are to be arrived at. In their simplest or
least general stages (of which alone we speak at present) they usually
express some numerical relation between two quantities dependent on
each other, either as collateral effects of a common cause, or as the
amount of its effect under given numerical circumstances or _data_.
For example, the law of refraction before noticed (§ 22.) expresses,
by a very simple relation, the amount of angular deviation of a ray
of light from its course, when the _angle_ at which it is inclined to
the refracting surface is known, viz. that the _sine_ of the angle
which the incident ray makes with a perpendicular to the surface is
always to that of the angle made by the refracted ray with the same
perpendicular, in a constant proportion, so long as the refracting
substance is the same. To arrive inductively at laws of this kind,
where one quantity _depends_ on or _varies with_ another, all that is
required is a series of careful and exact measures in every different
state of the _datum_ and _quæsitum_. Here, however, the mathematical
form of the law being of the highest importance, the greatest attention
must be given to the _extreme cases_ as well as to all those points
where the one quantity changes rapidly with a small change of the
other.[45] The results must be set down in a table in which the _datum_
gradually increases in magnitude from the lowest to the highest limit
of which it is susceptible. It will depend then entirely on our
habit of treating mathematical subjects, how far we may be able to
include such a table in the distinct statement of a mathematical law.
The discovery of such laws is often remarkably facilitated by the
contemplation of a class of phenomena to be noticed further on, under
the head of Collective Instances, (see § 194.) in which the nature of
the mathematical expression in which the law sought is comprehended, is
pointed out by the figure of some curve brought under inspection by a
proper mode of experimenting.
(186.) After all, unless our induction embraces a series of cases which
absolutely include the whole scale of variation of which the quantities
in question admit, the mathematical expression so obtained cannot be
depended upon as the true one, and if the scale actually embraced be
small, the extension of laws so derived to extreme cases will in all
probability be exceedingly fallacious. For example, air is an elastic
fluid, and as such, if enclosed in a confined space and squeezed, its
bulk diminishes: now, from a great number of trials made in cases where
the air has been compressed into a half, a third, &c. even as far
as a fiftieth of its bulk, or less, it has been concluded that “the
density of air is proportional to the compressing force,” or the bulk
it occupies _inversely_ as that force; and when the air is rarefied
by taking off part of its natural pressure, the same is found to be
the case, within very extensive limits. Yet it is impossible that this
should be, strictly or mathematically speaking, the true law; for, if
it were so, there could be no limit to the condensation of air, while
yet we have the strongest analogies to show that long before it had
reached any very enormous pitch the air would be reduced into a liquid,
and even, perhaps, if pressed yet more violently, into a solid form.
(187.) Laws thus derived, by the direct process of including in
mathematical formulæ the results of a greater or less number of
measurements, are called “empirical laws.” A good example of such a
law is that given by Dr. Young (Phil. Trans. 1826,) for the decrement
of life, or the law of mortality. Empirical laws in this state are
evidently _unverified inductions_, and are to be received and reasoned
on with the utmost reserve. No confidence can ever be placed in them
beyond the limits of the data from which they are derived; and even
within those limits they require a special and severe scrutiny to
examine _how nearly_ they do represent the observed facts; that is to
say, whether, in the comparison of their results with the observed
quantities, the differences are such as may fairly be attributed to
error of observation. When so carefully examined, they become, however,
most valuable; and frequently, when afterwards verified theoretically
by a deductive process (as will be explained in our next chapter),
turn out to be rigorous laws of nature, and afford the noblest and
most convincing supports of which theories themselves are susceptible.
The finest instances of this kind are the great laws of the planetary
motions deduced by Kepler, entirely from a comparison of observations
with each other, with no assistance from theory. These laws, viz. that
the planets move in ellipses round the sun; that each describes about
the sun’s centre equal areas in equal times; and that in the orbits of
different planets the squares of the periodical times are proportional
to the cubes of the distances; were the results of inconceivable
labour of calculation and comparison: but they amply repaid the
labour bestowed on them, by affording afterwards the most conclusive
and unanswerable proofs of the Newtonian system. On the other hand,
when empirical laws are unduly relied on beyond the limits of the
observations from which they were deduced, there is no more fertile
source of fatal mistakes. The formulæ which have been empirically
deduced for the elasticity of steam (till very recently), and those
for the resistance of fluids, and other similar subjects, have almost
invariably failed to support the theoretical structures which have been
erected on them.
(188.) It is a remarkable and happy fact, that the shortest and most
direct of all inductions should be that which has led at once, or by
very few steps, to the highest of all natural laws,--we mean those of
motion and force. Nothing can be more simple, precise, and general,
than the enunciation of these laws; and, as we have once before
observed, their application to particular facts in the descending or
deductive method is limited by nothing but the limited extent of our
mathematics. It would seem, then, that dynamical science were taken
thenceforward out of the pale of induction, and transformed into a
matter of absolute _à priori_ reasoning, as much as geometry; and so
it would be, were our mathematics perfect, and all the _data_ known.
Unhappily, the first is so far from being the case, that in many
of the most interesting branches of dynamical enquiry they leave
us completely at a loss. In what relates to the motions of fluids,
for instance, this is severely felt. We can include our problems,
it is true, in algebraical equations, and we can demonstrate that
they _contain_ the solutions; but the equations themselves are so
intractable, and present such insuperable difficulties, that they often
leave us quite as much in the dark as before. But even were these
difficulties overcome, recourse to experience must still be had, to
establish the _data_ on which particular applications are to depend;
and although mathematical analysis affords very powerful means of
_representing_ in general terms the data of any proposed case, and
_afterwards_, by comparison of its results with fact, determining
_what_ those data must be to explain the observed phenomena, still,
in any mode of considering the matter, an appeal to experience in
every particular instance of application is unavoidable, even when
the general principles are regarded as sufficiently established
without it. Now, in all such cases of difficulty we must recur to our
inductive processes, and regard the branches of dynamical science where
this takes place as purely experimental. By this we gain an immense
advantage, viz. that in all those points of them where the abstract
dynamical principles _do_ afford distinct conclusions, we obtain
verifications for our inductions of the highest and finest possible
kind. When we work our way up inductively to one of these results, we
cannot help feeling the strongest assurance of the validity of the
induction.
(189.) The necessity of this appeal to experiment in every thing
relating to the motions of fluids on the large scale has long been
felt. Newton himself, who laid the first foundations of hydrodynamical
science (so this branch of dynamics is called), distinctly perceived
it, and set the example of laborious and exact experiments on their
resistance to motion, and other particulars. Venturi, Bernoulli, and
many others, have applied the method of experiment to the motions
of fluids in pipes and canals; and recently the brothers Weber have
published an elaborate and excellent experimental enquiry into the
phenomena of waves. One of the greatest and most successful attempts,
however, to bring an important, and till then very obscure, branch
of dynamical enquiry back to the dominion of experiment, has been
made by Chladni and Savart in the case of sound and vibratory motion
in general; and it is greatly to be wished that the example may be
followed in many others hardly less abstruse and impracticable when
theoretically treated. In such cases the inductive and deductive
methods of enquiry may be said to go hand in hand, the one verifying
the conclusions deduced by the other; and the combination of experiment
and theory, which may thus be brought to bear in such cases, forms
an engine of discovery infinitely more powerful than either taken
separately. This state of any department of science is perhaps of
all others the most interesting, and that which promises the most to
research.
(190.) It can hardly be expected that we should terminate this division
of our subject without some mention of the “prerogatives of instances”
of Bacon, by which he understands characteristic phenomena, selected
from the great miscellaneous mass of facts which occur in nature,
and which, by their number, indistinctness, and complication, tend
rather to confuse than to direct the mind in its search for causes
and general heads of induction. Phenomena so selected on account of
some peculiarly forcible way in which they strike the reason, and
impress us with a kind of sense of causation, or a particular aptitude
for generalization, he considers, and justly, as holding a kind of
prerogative dignity, and claiming our first and especial attention in
physical enquiries.
(191.) We have already observed that, in forming inductions, it will
most commonly happen that we are led to our conclusions by the especial
force of some two or three strongly impressive facts, rather than by
affording the whole mass of cases a regular consideration; and hence
the need of cautious verification. Indeed, so strong is this propensity
of the human mind, that there is hardly a more common thing than to
find persons ready to assign a cause for every thing they see, and, in
so doing, to join things the most incongruous, by analogies the most
fanciful. This being the case, it is evidently of great importance
that these first ready impulses of the mind should be made on the
contemplation of the cases most likely to lead to good inductions.
The misfortune, however, is, in natural philosophy, that the choice
does not rest with us. We must take the instances as nature presents
them. Even if we are furnished with a list of them in tabular order,
we must understand and compare them with each other, before we can
tell which _are_ the instances thus deservedly entitled to the highest
consideration. And, after all, after much labour in vain, and groping
in the dark, accident or casual observation will present a case which
strikes us at once with a full insight into a subject, before we can
even have time to determine to what class its _prerogative_ belongs.
For example, the laws of crystallography were obscure, and its causes
still more so, till Haüy fortunately dropped a beautiful crystal of
calcareous spar on a stone pavement, and broke it. In piecing together
the fragments, he observed their facets not to correspond with those of
the crystal in its entire state, but to belong to another form; and,
following out the hint offered by a “_glaring instance_” thus casually
obtruded on his notice, he discovered the beautiful laws of the
cleavage, and the primitive forms of minerals.
(192.) It has always appeared to us, we must confess, that the help
which the classification of instances, under their different titles of
prerogative, affords to inductions, however just such classification
may be in itself, is yet more apparent than real. The force of the
instance must be felt in the mind, before it can be referred to
its place in the system; and, before it can be either referred or
appretiated, it must be known; and when it _is_ appretiated, we are
ready enough to interweave it in our web of induction, without greatly
troubling ourselves with enquiring whence it derives the weight we
acknowledge it to have in our decisions. However, since much importance
is usually attached to this part of Bacon’s work, we shall here give a
few examples to illustrate the nature of some of his principal cases.
One, of what he calls “glaring instances,” has just been mentioned.
In these, the _nature_ or cause enquired into, (which in this case
is the cause of the assumption of a peculiar external form, or the
internal _structure_ of a crystal,) “stands naked and alone, and this
in an eminent manner, or in the highest degree of its power.” No doubt,
such instances as these are highly instructive; but the difficulty in
physics is to find such, not to perceive their force when found.
(193.) The contrary of glaring are “clandestine instances,” where
“the nature sought is exhibited in its weakest and most imperfect
state.” Of this, Bacon himself has given an admirable example in the
cohesion of fluids, as a _clandestine instance_ of the “_nature_ or
quality of consistence, or solidity.” Yet here, again, the same acute
discrimination which enabled Bacon to perceive the analogy which
connects fluids with solids, through the common property of cohesive
attraction, would, at the same time, have enabled him to draw from it,
if properly supported, every consequence necessary to forming just
notions of the cohesive force; nor does its reference to the class of
clandestine instances at all assist in bringing forward and maturing
the final results. When, however, the final result is obtained,--when
our induction is complete, and we would verify it,--this class of
instances is of great use, being, in fact, frequently no other than
that of _extreme cases_, such as we have already spoken of (in §
177.); which, by placing our conclusions, as it were, in violent
circumstances, try their temper, and bring their vigour to the test.
(194.) Bacon’s “collective instances” (_instantiæ unionis_), are no
other than general facts, or laws of some degree of generality, and
are themselves the results of induction. But there is a species of
collective instance which Bacon does not seem to have contemplated, of
a peculiarly instructive character; and that is, where particular cases
are offered to our observation in such numbers at once as to make the
induction of their law a matter of ocular inspection. For example, the
parabolic form assumed by a jet of water spouted from a round hole,
is a _collective instance_ of the velocities and directions of the
motions of all the particles which compose it _seen at once_, and which
thus leads us, without trouble, to recognize the law of the motion of
a projectile. Again, the beautiful figures exhibited by sand strewed
on regular plates of glass or metal set in vibration, are _collective
instances_ of an infinite number of points which remain at rest while
the remainder of the plate vibrates; and in consequence afford us,
as it were, a sight of the law which regulates their arrangement
and sequence throughout the whole surface. The beautifully coloured
lemniscates seen around the optic axes of crystals exposed to polarized
light afford a superb example of the same kind, pointing at once to
the general mathematical expression of the law which regulates their
production.[46] Of such collective instances as these, it is easy to
see the importance, and its reason. They lead us to a general law by an
induction which offers itself spontaneously, and thus furnish advanced
points in our enquiries; and when we start from these, already “a
thousand steps are lost.”
(195.) A fine example of a collective instance is that of the system
of Jupiter or Saturn with its satellites. We have here, in miniature,
and seen at one view, a system similar to that of the planets about
the sun; of which, from the circumstance of our being involved in it,
and unfavourably situated for seeing it otherwise than in detail, we
are incapacitated from forming a general idea but by slow progressive
efforts of reason. Accordingly, the contemplation of the _circumjovial
planets_ (as they were called) most materially assisted in securing the
admission of the Copernican system.
(196.) Of “Crucial instances” we have also already spoken, as affording
the readiest and securest means of eliminating extraneous causes, and
deciding between rival hypotheses. Owing to the disposition of the
mind to form hypotheses, and to prejudge cases, it constantly happens
that, among all the possible suppositions which may occur, two or three
principal ones occupy us, to the exclusion of the rest; or it may
be that, if we have been less precipitate, out of a great multitude
rejected for obvious inapplicability to some one or other case, two or
three of better claims remain for decision; and this such instances
enable us to do. One of the instances cited by Bacon in illustration of
his crucial class is very remarkable, being neither more nor less than
the proposal of a direct experiment to determine whether the tendency
of heavy bodies downwards is a result of some peculiar mechanism in
themselves, or of the attraction of the earth “by the corporeal mass
thereof, as by a collection of bodies of the same nature.” If it be so,
he says, “it will follow that the nearer all bodies approach to the
earth, the stronger and with the greater force and velocity they will
tend to it; but the farther they are, the weaker and slower:” and his
experiment consists in comparing the effect of a spring and a weight
in keeping up the motions of two “clocks,” regulated together, and
removed alternately to the tops of high buildings and into the deepest
mines. By _clocks_ he could not have meant pendulum clocks, which were
not then known, (the first made in England was in 1662,) _fly_-clocks,
so that the comparison, though too coarse, was not contrary to sound
mechanical principles. In short, its principle was the comparison of
the effect of a spring with that of a weight, in producing certain
motions in certain times, on heights and in mines. Now, this is the
very same thing that has really been done in the recent experiments
of professors Airy and Whewell in Dolcoath mine: a pendulum (a weight
moved by gravity) has been compared with a chronometer balance, moved
and regulated by a spring. In his 37th aphorism, Bacon also speaks of
gravity as an incorporeal power, acting at a distance, and _requiring
time for its transmission_; a consideration which occurred at a later
period to Laplace, in one of his most delicate investigations.
(197.) A well chosen and strongly marked crucial instance is,
sometimes, of the highest importance; when two theories, which run
parallel to each other (as is sometimes the case) in their explanation
of great classes of phenomena, at length come to be placed at issue
upon a single fact. A beautiful instance of this will be cited in the
next section. We may add to the examples above given of such instances,
that of the application of chemical tests, which are almost universally
crucial experiments.
(198.) Bacon’s “travelling instances” are those in which the _nature_
or quality under investigation “travels,” or varies in degree; and thus
(according to § 152.) afford an indication of a cause by a gradation
of intensity in the effect. One of his instances is very happy, being
that of “paper, which is white when dry, but proves less so when wet,
and comes nearer to the state of transparency upon the exclusion of the
air, and admission of water.” In reading this, and many other instances
in the Novum Organum, one would almost suppose (had it been written)
that its author had taken them from Newton’s Optics.
(199.) The travelling instances, as well as what Bacon terms “frontier
instances,” are cases in which we are enabled to trace that general
law which seems to pervade all nature--the law, as it is termed, of
continuity, and which is expressed in the well known sentence, “Natura
non agit per saltum.” The pursuit of this law into cases where its
application is not at first sight obvious, has proved a fertile source
of physical discovery, and led us to the knowledge of an analogy and
intimate connection of phenomena between which at first we should never
have expected to find any.
(200.) For example, the transparency of gold leaf, which permits a
bluish-green light to pass through it, is a frontier instance between
the transparency of pellucid bodies and the opacity of metals, and it
prevents a breach of the law of continuity between transparent and
opake bodies, by exhibiting a body of the class generally regarded
the most opake in nature, as still possessed of some slight degree
of transparency. It thus proves that the quality of opacity is not a
_contrary_ or _antagonist_ quality to that of transparency, but only
its extreme lowest degree.
CHAP. VII.
OF THE HIGHER DEGREES OF INDUCTIVE GENERALIZATION, AND OF THE
FORMATION AND VERIFICATION OF THEORIES.
(201.) As particular inductions and laws of the first degree of
generality are obtained from the consideration of individual facts,
so Theories result from a consideration of these laws, and of the
proximate causes brought into view in the previous process, regarded
all together as constituting a new set of phenomena, the creatures
of reason rather than of sense, and each representing under general
language innumerable particular facts. In raising these higher
inductions, therefore, more scope is given to the exercise of pure
reason than in slowly groping out our first results. The mind is more
disencumbered of matter, and moves as it were in its own element. What
is now before it, it perceives more intimately, and less through the
medium of sense, or at least not in the same manner as when actually at
work on the immediate objects of sense. But it must not be therefore
supposed that, in the formation of theories, we are abandoned to
the unrestrained exercise of imagination, or at liberty to lay down
arbitrary principles, or assume the existence of mere fanciful causes.
The liberty of speculation which we possess in the domains of theory is
not like the wild licence of the slave broke loose from his fetters,
but rather like that of the freeman who has learned the lessons of
self-restraint in the school of just subordination. The ultimate
objects we pursue in the highest theories are the same as those of the
lowest inductions; and the means by which we can most securely attain
them bear a close analogy to those which we have found successful in
such inferior cases.
(202.) The immediate object we propose to ourselves in physical
theories is the analysis of phenomena, and the knowledge of the hidden
processes of nature in their production, so far as they can be traced
by us. An important part of this knowledge consists in a discovery
of the actual structure or mechanism of the universe and its parts,
through which, and by which, those processes are executed; and of the
agents which are concerned in their performance. Now, the mechanism of
nature is for the most part either on too large or too small a scale
to be immediately cognizable by our senses; and her agents in like
manner elude direct observation, and become known to us only by their
effects. It is in vain therefore that we desire to become witnesses to
the processes carried on with such means, and to be admitted into the
secret recesses and laboratories where they are effected. Microscopes
have been constructed which magnify more than a thousand times in
_linear_ dimension, so that the smallest visible grain of sand may
be enlarged to the appearance of one a thousand million times more
bulky; yet the only impression we receive by viewing it through such
a magnifier is, that it reminds us of some vast fragment of a rock,
while the intimate structure on which depend its colour, its hardness,
and its chemical properties, remains still concealed: we do not seem
to have made even an approach to a closer analysis of it by any such
scrutiny.
(203.) On the other hand, the mechanism of the great system of which
our planet forms a part escapes immediate observation by the immensity
of its scale, nay, even by the slowness of its evolutions. The motion
of the minute hand of a watch can hardly be perceived without the
closest attention, and that of the hour hand not at all. But what are
these, in respect of the impression of slowness they produce in our
minds, compared with a revolving movement which takes a whole year, or
twelve, thirty, or eighty years to complete, as is the case with the
planets in their revolutions round the sun. Yet no sooner do we come
to reflect on the linear dimensions of these orbs, (which however we
do not _see_, nor can we measure them but by a long, circuitous, and
difficult process,) than we are lost in astonishment at the swiftness
of the very motions which before seemed so slow.[47] The motion of the
sails of a windmill offers (on a small scale) an illustrative case. At
a distance the rotation seems slow and steady--but when we stand close
to one of the sails in its sweep, we are surprised at the swiftness
with which it rushes by us.
(204.) Again, the agents employed by nature to act on material
structures are invisible, and only to be traced by the effects they
produce. Heat dilates matter with an irresistible force; but what heat
is, remains yet a problem. A current of electricity passing along a
wire moves a magnetized needle at a distance; but except from this
effect we perceive no difference between the condition of the wire
when it conveys and when it does not convey the stream: and we apply
the terms current, or stream, to the electricity only because in some
of its relations it reminds us of something we have observed in a
stream of air or water. In like manner we see that the moon circulates
about the earth; and because we believe it to be a solid mass, and
have never seen one solid substance revolve round another within our
reach to handle and examine unless retained by a force or united by a
tie, we conclude that there _is_ a force, and a mode of connection,
between the moon and the earth; though, what that mode can be, we have
no conception, nor can imagine _how_ such a force can be exerted at a
distance, and with empty space, or at most an invisible fluid, between.
(See § 148.)
(205.) Yet are we not to despair, since we see regular and beautiful
results brought about in human works by means which nobody would, at
first sight, think could have any thing to do with them. A sheet of
blank paper is placed upon a frame, and shoved forwards, and after
winding its way successively over and under half a dozen rollers, and
performing many other strange evolutions, comes out printed on both
sides. And, after all, the acting cause in this process is nothing
more than a few gallons of water boiled in an iron vessel, at a
distance from the scene of operations. But _why_ the water so boiled
should be capable of producing the active energy which sets the whole
apparatus in motion is, and will probably long remain, a secret to us.
(206.) This, however, does not at all prevent our having a very perfect
comprehension of the whole subsequent process. We might frequent
printing-houses, and form a theory of printing, and having worked our
way up to the point where the mechanical action commenced (the boiler
of the steam-engine), and verified it by taking to pieces, and putting
together again, the train of wheels and the presses, and by sound
theoretical examination of all the transfers of motion from one part to
another; we should, at length, pronounce our theory good, and declare
that we understood printing thoroughly. Nay, we might even go away and
apply the principles of mechanism we had learned in this enquiry to
other widely different purposes; construct other machines, and put them
in motion by the same moving power, and all without arriving at any
correct idea as to the ultimate source of the force employed. But, if
we were inclined to theorize farther, we might do so; and it is easy
to imagine how two theorists might form very different _hypotheses_ as
to the origin of the power which alternately raised and depressed the
piston-rod of the engine. One, for example, might maintain that the
boiler (whose contents we will suppose that neither theorist has been
permitted to examine) was the den of some powerful unknown animal, and
he would not be without plausible analogies in the warmth, the supply
of fuel and water, the breathing noises, the smoke, and above all, the
mechanical power exerted. He would say (not without a show of reason),
that where there is a positive and wonderful effect, and many strong
analogies, such as materials consumed, and all the usual signs of life
maintained, we are not to deny the existence of animal life because
we know no animal that consumes such food. Nay, he might observe with
truth, that the fuel actually consists of the chemical ingredients
which constitute the chief food of all animals, &c.; while, on the
other hand, his brother theorist, who caught a glimpse of the fire,
and detected the peculiar sounds of ebullition, might acquire a better
notion of the case, and form a theory more in consonance with fact.
(207.) Now, nothing is more common in physics than to find two, or even
many, _theories_ maintained as to the origin of a natural phenomenon.
For instance, in the case of heat itself, one considers it as a really
existing material fluid, of such exceeding subtlety as to penetrate
all bodies, and even to be capable of combining with them chemically;
while another regards it as nothing but a rapid vibratory or rotatory
motion in the ultimate particles of the bodies heated; and produces
a singularly ingenious train of mechanical reasoning to show, that
there is nothing contradictory to sound dynamical principles in such
a doctrine. Thus, again, with light: one considers it as consisting
in actual particles darted forth from luminous bodies, and acted
upon in their progress by forces of extreme intensity residing in the
substances on which they strike; another, in the vibratory motion of
the particles of luminous bodies, communicated to a peculiar subtle and
highly elastic ethereal medium, filling all space, and conveyed through
it into our eyes, as sounds are to our ears, by the undulations of the
air.
(208.) Now, are we to be deterred from framing hypotheses and
constructing theories, because we meet with such dilemmas, and
find ourselves frequently beyond our depth? Undoubtedly not. _Est
quodam prodire tenus si non datur ultra._ Hypotheses, with respect
to theories, are what presumed proximate causes are with respect to
particular inductions: they afford us motives for searching into
analogies; grounds of citation to bring before us all the cases which
seem to bear upon them, for examination. A well imagined hypothesis,
if it have been suggested by a fair inductive consideration of general
laws, can hardly fail at least of enabling us to generalize a step
farther, and group together several such laws under a more universal
expression. But this is taking a very limited view of the value and
importance of hypotheses: it may happen (and it has happened in the
case of the undulatory doctrine of light) that such a weight of analogy
and probability may become accumulated on the side of an hypothesis,
that we are compelled to admit one of two things; either that it is
an actual statement of what really passes in nature, or that the
reality, whatever it be, must run so close a parallel with it, as to
admit of some mode of expression common to both, at least in so far
as the phenomena actually known are concerned. Now, this is a very
great step, not only for its own sake, as leading us to a high point in
philosophical speculation, but for its applications; because whatever
conclusions we deduce from an hypothesis so supported must have at
least a strong presumption in their favour: and we may be thus led to
the trial of many curious experiments, and to the imagining of many
useful and important contrivances, which we should never otherwise have
thought of, and which, at all events, if verified in practice, are real
additions to our stock of knowledge and to the arts of life.
(209.) In framing a theory which shall render a rational account of
any natural phenomenon, we have _first_ to consider the agents on
which it depends, or the causes to which we regard it as ultimately
referable. These agents are not to be arbitrarily assumed; they
must be such as we have good inductive grounds to believe do exist
in nature, and do perform a part in phenomena analogous to those we
would render an account of; or such, whose presence in the actual
case can be demonstrated by unequivocal signs. They must be _veræ
causæ_, in short, which we can not only show to exist and to act,
but the laws of whose action we can derive independently, by direct
induction, from experiments purposely instituted; or at least make
such suppositions respecting them as shall not be contrary to our
experience, and which will remain to be verified by the coincidence of
the conclusions we shall deduce from them, with facts. For example,
in the theory of gravitation we suppose an agent,--_viz._ force, or
mechanical power,--to act on _any_ material body which is placed in
the presence of _any_ other, and to urge the two mutually towards each
other. This is a _vera causa_; for heavy bodies (that is, all bodies,
but some more, some less,) tend to, or endeavour to reach, the earth,
and require the exertion of force to counteract this endeavour, or
to keep them up. Now, that which opposes and neutralizes force _is_
force. And again, a plumb-line, which, when allowed to hang freely,
always hangs perpendicularly; is found to hang observably aside from
the perpendicular when in the neighbourhood of a considerable mountain;
thereby proving that a force is exerted upon it, which draws it towards
the mountain. Moreover, since it is a fact that the moon does circulate
about the earth, it must be drawn towards the earth by a force; for if
there were no force acting upon it, it would go on in a straight line
without turning aside to circulate in an orbit, and would, therefore,
soon go away and be lost in space. This force, then, which we call the
_force_ of gravity, is a real cause.
(210.) We have next to consider the laws which regulate the action of
these our primary agents; and these we can only arrive at in three
ways: 1st, By inductive reasoning; that is, by examining all the
cases in which we know them to be exercised, inferring, as well as
circumstances will permit, its amount or intensity in each particular
case, and then piecing together, as it were, these _disjecta membra_,
generalizing from them, and so arriving at the laws desired; 2dly,
By forming at once a bold hypothesis, particularizing the law,
and trying the truth of it by following out its consequences and
comparing them with facts; or, 3dly, By a process partaking of both
these, and combining the advantages of both without their defects,
viz. by assuming indeed the laws we would discover, but so generally
expressed, that they shall include an unlimited variety of particular
laws;--following out the consequences of this assumption, by the
application of such general principles as the case admits;--comparing
them in succession with all the particular cases within our knowledge;
and, lastly, _on this comparison_, so modifying and restricting the
general enunciation of our laws as to _make the results agree_.
(211.) All these three processes for the discovery of those general
elementary laws on which the higher theories are grounded are
applicable with different advantage in different circumstances.
We might exemplify their successive application to the case of
gravitation: but as this would rather lead into a disquisition too
particular for the objects of this discourse, and carry us too much
into the domain of technical mathematics, we shall content ourselves
with remarking, that the method last mentioned is that which
mathematicians (especially such as have a considerable command of
those general modes of representing and reasoning on quantity, which
constitute the higher analysis,) find the most universally applicable,
and the most efficacious; and that it is applicable with especial
advantage in cases where subordinate inductions of the kind described
in the last section have already led to laws of a certain generality
admitting of mathematical expression. Such a case, for instance,
is the elliptic motion of a planet, which is a general proposition
including the statement of an infinite number of particular _places_,
in which the laws of its motion allow it to be some time or other
found, and for which, of course, the law of force must be so assumed as
to account.
(212.) With regard to the first process of the three above enumerated,
it is in fact an induction of the kind described in § 185.; and all
the remarks we there made on that kind of induction apply to it in
this stage. The direct assumption of a particular hypothesis has been
occasionally practised very successfully. As examples, we may mention
Coulomb’s and Poisson’s theories of electricity and magnetism, in
both which, phenomena of a very complicated and interesting nature
are referred to the actions of attractive and repulsive forces,
following a law similar in its expression to the law of gravitation.
But the difficulty and labour, which, in the greater theories, always
attends the pursuit of a fundamental law into its remote consequences,
effectually precludes this method from being commonly resorted to as
a means of discovery, unless we have some good reason, from analogy
or otherwise, for believing that the attempt will prove successful,
or have been first led by partial inductions to particular laws which
naturally point it out for trial.
(213.) In this case the law assumes all the characters of a general
phenomenon resulting from an induction of particulars, but not yet
verified by comparison with _all_ the particulars, nor extended to all
that it is capable of including. (See § 171.) It is the verification
of such inductions which constitutes theory in its largest sense, and
which embraces an estimation of the influence of all such circumstances
as may modify the effect of the cause whose laws of action we have
arrived at and would verify. To return to our example: particular
inductions drawn from the motions of the several planets about the
sun, and of the satellites round their primaries, &c. having led us
to the general conception of an attractive force exerted by every
particle of matter in the universe on every other according to the law
to which we attach the name of gravitation; when we would verify this
induction, we must set out with assuming this law, considering the
whole system as subjected to its influence and implicitly obeying it,
and nothing interfering with its action; we then, for the first time,
perceive a train of modifying circumstances which had not occurred to
us when reasoning upwards from particulars to obtain the fundamental
law; we perceive that _all the planets_ must attract _each other_,
must therefore draw each other out of the orbits which they would
have if acted on only by the sun; and as this was never contemplated
in the inductive process, its validity becomes a question, which can
only be determined by ascertaining precisely how great a deviation
this new class of mutual actions will produce. To do this is no easy
task, or rather, it is the most difficult task which the genius of
man has ever yet accomplished: still, it _has_ been accomplished by
the mere application of the general laws of dynamics; and the result
(undoubtedly a most beautiful and satisfactory one) is, that all
those observed deviations in the motions of our system which stood
out as exceptions (§ 154.), or were noticed as residual phenomena and
reserved for further enquiry (§ 158.), in that imperfect view of the
subject which we got in the subordinate process by which we rose to
our general conclusion, prove to be the immediate consequences of the
above-mentioned mutual actions. As such, they are neither exceptions
nor residual facts, but fulfilments of general rules, and essential
features in the statement of the case, _without_ which our induction
would be invalid, and the law of gravitation positively untrue.
(214.) In the theory of gravitation, the law is all in all, applying
itself at once to the materials, and directly producing the result.
But in many other cases we have to consider not merely the laws
which regulate the actions of our ultimate causes, but a system of
mechanism, or a structure of parts, through the intervention of which
their effects become sensible to us. Thus, in the delicate and curious
electro-dynamic theory of Ampere, the mutual attraction or repulsion
of two magnets is referred to a more universal phenomenon, the mutual
action of electric currents, according to a certain fundamental law.
But, in order to bring the case of a magnet within the range of this
law, he is obliged to make a supposition of a peculiar structure or
mechanism, which constitutes a body a magnet, viz. that around each
particle of the body there shall be constantly circulating, in a
certain stated direction, a small current of electric fluid.
(215.) This, we may say, is too complex; it is artificial, and cannot
be granted: yet, if the admission of this or any other structure
tenfold more artificial and complicated will enable any one to present
in a general point of view a great number of particular facts,--to make
them a part of one system, and enable us to reason from the known to
the unknown, and actually to _predict facts before trial_,--we would
ask, why should it _not_ be granted? When we examine those instances
of nature’s workmanship which we can take to pieces and understand,
we find them in the highest degree artificial in our own sense of the
word. Take, for example, the structure of an eye, or of the skeleton of
an animal,--what complexity and what artifice! In the one, a _pellucid
muscle_; a lens formed with elliptical surfaces; a circular aperture
capable of enlargement or contraction without loss of form. In the
other, a framework of the most curious carpentry; in which occurs
not a single straight line, nor any known geometrical curve, yet all
evidently systematic, and constructed by rules which defy our research.
Or examine a crystallized mineral, which we can in some measure
dissect, and thus obtain direct evidence of an internal structure.
Neither artifice nor complication are here wanting; and though it
is easy to assert that these appearances are, after all, produced
by something which would be very simple, if we did but know it, it
is plain that the same might be _said_ of a steam-engine executing
the most complicated movements, previous to any investigation of its
nature, or any knowledge of the source of its power.
(216.) In estimating, however, the value of a theory, we are not to
look, _in the first instance_, to the question, whether it establishes
satisfactorily, or not, a particular process or mechanism; for of
this, after all, we can never obtain more than that indirect evidence
which consists in its leading to the same results. What, in the actual
state of science, is far more important for us to know, is whether our
theory truly represent _all_ the facts, and include _all_ the laws, to
which observation and induction lead. A theory which did this would,
no doubt, go a great way to establish any hypothesis of mechanism or
structure, which might form an essential part of it: but this is very
far from being the case, except in a few limited instances; and, till
it is so, to lay any great stress on hypotheses of the kind, except in
as much as they serve as a scaffold for the erection of general laws,
is to “quite mistake the scaffold for the pile.” Regarded in this
light, hypotheses have often an eminent use: and a facility in framing
them, if attended with an equal facility in laying them aside when
they have served their turn, is one of the most valuable qualities a
philosopher can possess; while, on the other hand, a bigoted adherence
to them, or indeed to peculiar views of any kind, in opposition to the
tenor of facts as they arise, is the bane of all philosophy.
(217.) There is no doubt, however, that the safest course, when it
can be followed, is to rise by inductions carried on among laws, as
among facts, from law to law, perceiving, as we go on, how laws which
we have looked upon as unconnected become particular cases, either
one of the other, or all of one still more general, and, at length,
blend altogether in the point of view from which we learn to regard
them. An example will illustrate what we mean. It is a general law,
that all hot bodies throw out or _radiate_ heat in all directions, (by
which we mean, not that heat is an actual substance darted out from hot
bodies, but only that the laws of the transmission of heat to distant
objects are similar to those which would regulate the distribution
of particles thrown forth in all directions,) and that other colder
bodies placed in their neighbourhood become hot, _as if_ they received
the heat so radiated. Again, all solid bodies which become heated in
one part _conduct_, or diffuse, the heat from that part through their
whole substance. Here we have two modes of communicating heat,--by
radiation, and by conduction; and both these have their peculiar,
and, to all appearance, very different laws. Now, let us bring a hot
and a cold body (of the same substance) gradually nearer and nearer
together,--as they approach, the heat will be communicated from the hot
to the cold one by the _laws of radiation_; and from the nearer to the
farther part of the colder one, as it gradually grows warm, by _those
of conduction_. Let their distance be diminished till they just lightly
touch. How does the heat _now_ pass from one to the other? Doubtless,
by radiation; for it may be proved, that in such a contact there is yet
an interval. Let them then be _forced_ together, and it will seem clear
that it must now be by _conduction_. Yet their _interval_ must diminish
gradually, as the force by which they are pressed together increases,
till they actually cohere, and form one. The law of continuity, then,
of which we have before spoken (§ 199.), forbids us to suppose that
the intimate nature of the process of communication is changed in this
transition from light to violent contact, and from that to actual
union. If so, we might ask, at what point does the change happen?
Especially since it is also demonstrable, that the particles of the
most solid body are not, really, in contact. _Therefore_, the laws of
conduction and radiation have a mutual dependence, and the former are
only extreme cases of the latter. If, then, we would rightly understand
what passes, or what is the process of nature in the slow communication
of heat through the substance of a solid, we must ground our enquiries
upon what takes place at a distance, and then urge the laws to which we
have arrived, up to their extreme case.
(218.) When two theories run parallel to each other, and each explains
a great many facts in common with the other, any experiment which
affords a crucial instance to decide between them, or by which one or
other must fall, is of great importance. In thus verifying theories,
since they are grounded on general laws, we may appeal, not merely
to particular cases, but to whole classes of facts; and we therefore
have a great range among the individuals of these for the selection
of some particular effect which ought to take place oppositely in the
event of one of the two suppositions at issue being right and the other
wrong. A curious example is given by M. Fresnel, as decisive, in his
mind, of the question between the two great opinions on the nature
of light, which, since the time of Newton and Huyghens, have divided
philosophers. (See § 207.) When two very clean glasses are laid one
on the other, if they be not perfectly flat, but one or both in an
almost imperceptible degree convex or prominent, beautiful and vivid
colours will be seen between them; and if these be viewed through a
red glass, their appearance will be that of alternate dark and bright
stripes. These stripes are formed _between_ the two surfaces in
apparent contact, as any one may satisfy himself by using, instead of
a flat _plate_ of glass for the upper one, a triangular-shaped piece,
called a prism, like a three-cornered stick, and looking through the
inclined side of it next the eye, by which arrangement the reflection
of light from the upper surface is prevented from intermixing with that
from the surfaces in contact. Now, the coloured stripes thus produced
are explicable on both theories, and are appealed to by both as strong
confirmatory facts; but there is a difference in one circumstance
according as one or the other theory is employed to explain them.
In the case of the Huyghenian doctrine, the intervals between the
bright stripes ought to appear _absolutely black_; in the other,
_half bright_, when so viewed through a prism. This curious case of
difference was tried as soon as the opposing consequences of the two
theories were noted by M. Fresnel, and the result is stated by him to
be decisive in favour of that theory which makes light to consist in
the vibrations of an elastic medium.
(219.) Theories are best arrived at by the consideration of general
laws; but most securely verified by comparing them with particular
facts, because this serves as a verification of the whole train
of induction, from the lowest term to the highest. But then, the
comparison must be made with facts purposely selected so as to include
every variety of case, not omitting extreme ones, and in sufficient
number to afford every reasonable probability of detecting error. A
single numerical coincidence in a final conclusion, however striking
the coincidence or important the subject, is not sufficient. Newton’s
theory of sound, for example, leads to a numerical expression for the
actual velocity of sound, differing but little from that afforded by
the correct theory afterwards explained by Lagrange, and (when certain
considerations not contemplated by him are allowed for) agreeing with
fact; yet this coincidence is no verification of Newton’s view of the
general subject of sound, which is defective in an essential point,
as the great geometer last named has very satisfactorily shown. This
example is sufficient to inspire caution in resting the verification of
theories upon any thing but a very extensive comparison with a great
mass of observed facts.
(220.) But, on the other hand, when a theory will bear the test
of such extensive comparison, it matters little how it has been
originally framed. However strange and, at first sight, inadmissible
its postulates may appear, or however singular it may seem that
such postulates should have been fixed upon,--if they only lead
us, by legitimate reasonings, to conclusions in exact accordance
with numerous observations purposely made under such a variety of
circumstances as fairly to embrace the whole range of the phenomena
which the theory is intended to account for, we cannot refuse to admit
them; or if we still hesitate to regard them as demonstrated truths, we
cannot, at least, object to receive them as temporary substitutes for
such truths, until the latter shall become known. If they suffice to
explain all the phenomena known, it becomes highly improbable that they
will not explain more; and if all their conclusions we have tried have
proved correct, it is probable that others yet untried will be found so
too; so that _in rejecting them altogether, we should reject all the
discoveries to which they may lead_.
(221.) In all theories which profess to give a true account of the
process of nature in the production of any class of phenomena, by
referring them to general laws, or to the action of general causes,
through a train of modifying circumstances; before we can apply those
laws, or trace the action of those causes in any assigned case, we
require to know the circumstances: we must have data whereon to ground
their application. Now, these can be learned only from observation;
and it may seem to be arguing in a vicious circle to have recourse
to observation for any part of those theoretical conclusions, by
whose comparison with fact the theory itself is to be tried. The
consideration of an example will enable us to remove this difficulty.
The most general law which has yet been discovered in chemistry is
this, that all the elementary substances in nature are susceptible of
entering into combination with each other only in fixed or _definite
proportions_ by weight, and not arbitrarily; so that when any two
substances are put together with a view to unite them, if their weights
are not in some certain determinate proportion, a complete combination
will not take place, but some part of one or the other ingredient will
remain over and above, and uncombined. Suppose, now, we have found a
substance having all the outward characters of a homogeneous or unmixed
body, but which, on analysis, we discover to consist of sulphur, and
lead in the proportion of 20 parts of the former to 130 of the latter
ingredient; and we would know whether this is to be regarded as a
verification of the law of definite proportions or an exception to
it. The question is reduced to this, whether the proportion 20 to 130
be or be not _that_ fixed and definite proportion, (or one of them,
if there be more than one proportion possible,) in which, according
to the law in question, sulphur and lead can combine; now, this can
never be decided by merely looking at the law in all its generality.
It is clear, that when particularized by restricting its expression
to sulphur and lead, the law should state _what are_ those particular
fixed proportions in which these bodies can combine. That is to say,
there must be certain data or numbers, by which these are distinguished
from all other bodies in nature, and which require to be known before
we can apply the general law to the particular case. To determine such
data, observation must be consulted; and if we were to have recourse
to that of the combination of the two substances in question with each
other, no doubt there would be ground for the logical objection of
a vicious circle: but this is not done; the determination of these
numerical data is derived from experiments purposely made on a great
variety of different combinations, among which that under consideration
does not of necessity occur, and all these being found, independently
of each other, to agree in giving the same results, they are therefore
safely assumed as part of the system. Thus, the law of definite
proportions, when applied to the actual state of nature, requires two
separate statements, the one announcing the general law of combination,
the other particularizing the numbers appropriate to the several
elements of which natural bodies consist, or the data of nature. Among
these data, if arranged in a list, there will be found opposite to the
element sulphur the number 16, and opposite to lead, 104[48]; and since
20 is to 130 in the exact proportion of 16 to 104, it appears that the
combination in question affords a satisfactory verification of the law.
(222.) The great importance of physical data of this description,
and the advantage of having them well determined, will be obvious,
if we consider, that a list of them, when taken in combination with
the general law, affords the means of determining at once the exact
proportion of the ingredients of all natural compounds, if we only know
the place they hold in the system. In chemistry, the number of admitted
elements is between fifty and sixty, and new ones are added continually
as the science advances. Now, the moment the number corresponding to
any new substance added to the list is determined, we have, in fact,
ascertained all the proportions in which it can enter into combination
with all the others, so that a careful experiment made with the object
of determining this number is, in fact, equivalent to as many different
experiments as there are binary, ternary, or yet more complicated
combinations capable of existing, into which the new substance may
enter, as an ingredient.
(223.) The importance of obtaining exact physical data can scarcely
be too much insisted on, for without them the most elaborate theories
are little better than mere inapplicable forms of words. It would be
of little consequence to be informed, abstractedly, that the sun and
planets attract each other, with forces proportional to their masses,
and inversely as the squares of their distances: but, as soon as we
know the data of our system, as soon as we have an accurate statement
(no matter how obtained) of the distances, masses, and actual motions
of the several bodies which compose it, we need no more to enable us to
predict all the movements of its several parts, and the changes that
will happen in it for thousands of years to come; and even to extend
our views backwards into time, and recover from the past, phenomena,
which no observation has noted, and no history recorded, and which yet
(it is possible) may have left indelible traces of their existence in
their influence on the state of nature in our own globe, and those of
the other planets.
(224.) The proof, too, that our data _are_ correctly assumed, is
involved in the general verification of the whole theory, of which,
when once assumed, they form a part; and the same comparison with
observation which enables us to decide on the truth of the abstract
principle, enables us, at the same time, to ascertain whether we
have fixed the values of our data in accordance with the actual
state of nature. If not, it becomes an important question, whether
the assumed values can be corrected, so as to bring the results of
theory to agree with facts? Thus it happens, that as theories approach
to their perfection, a more and more exact determination of data
becomes requisite. Deviations from observed fact, which, in a first
or approximative verification, may be disregarded as trifling, become
important when a high degree of precision is attained. A difference
between the calculated and observed places of a planet, which would
have been disregarded by Kepler in his verification of the law of
elliptic motion, would now be considered fatal to the theory of
gravity, unless it could be shown to arise from an erroneous assumption
of some of the numerical data of our system.
(225.) The observations most appropriate for the ready and exact
determination of physical data are, therefore, those which it is most
necessary to have performed with exactness and perseverance. Hence
it is, that their performance, in many cases, becomes a national
concern, and observatories are erected and maintained, and expeditions
despatched to distant regions, at an expense which, to a superficial
view, would appear most disproportioned to their objects. But it
may very reasonably be asked why the direct assistance afforded by
governments to the execution of continued series of observations
adapted to this especial end should continue to be, as it has hitherto
almost exclusively been, confined to astronomy.
(226.) Physical data intended to be employed as elements of calculation
in extensive theories, require to be known with a much greater degree
of exactness than any single observation possesses, not only on account
of their dignity and importance, as affording the means of representing
an indefinite multitude of facts; but because, in the variety of
combinations that may arise, or in the changes that circumstances may
undergo, cases will occur when any trifling error in one of the data
may become enormously magnified in the final result to be compared
with observation. Thus, in the case of an eclipse of the sun, when
the moon enters very obliquely upon the sun’s disc, a trifling error
in the diameter of either the sun or moon may make a great one in the
time when the eclipse shall be announced to commence. It ought to
be remarked, that these are, of all others, the conjunctures where
observations are most available for the determination of data; for,
by the same rule that a small change in the data will, in such cases,
produce a great one in the thing to be observed; so, _vice versâ_, any
moderate amount of error, committed in an observation undertaken for
ascertaining its value, can produce but a very trifling one in the
_reverse_ calculation from which the data come to be determined by
observation. This remark extends to every description of physical data
in every department of science, and is never to be overlooked when the
object in view is the determination of data with the last degree of
precision.
(227.) But how, it may be asked, are we to ascertain _by_ observation,
data more precise than observation itself? How are we to conclude the
value of that which we do not see, with greater certainty than that
of quantities which we actually see and measure? It is the number of
observations which may be brought to bear on the determination of data
that enables us to do this. Whatever error we may commit in a single
determination, it is highly improbable that we should always err the
same way, so that, when we come to take an average of a great number of
determinations, (unless there be some constant cause which gives a bias
one way or the other,) we cannot fail, at length, to obtain a very near
approximation to the truth, and, even allowing a bias, to come much
nearer to it than can fairly be expected from any single observation,
liable to be influenced by the same bias.
(228.) This useful and valuable property of the average of a great
many observations, that it brings us nearer to the truth than any
single observation can be relied on as doing, renders it the most
constant resource in all physical enquiries where accuracy is desired.
And it is surprising what a rapid effect, in equalizing fluctuations
and destroying deviations, a moderate multiplication of individual
observations has. A better example can hardly be taken than the average
height of the quicksilver in the common barometer, which measures
the pressure of the air, and whose fluctuations are proverbial.
Nevertheless, if we only observe it regularly every day, and, at the
end of each month, take an average of the observed heights, we shall
find the fluctuations surprisingly diminished in amount; and if we
go on for a whole year, or for many years in succession, the annual
averages will be found to agree with still greater exactness. This
equalizing power of averages, by destroying all such fluctuations as
are irregular or accidental, frequently enables us to obtain evidence
of fluctuations really regular, periodic in their recurrence, and
so much smaller in their amount than the accidental ones, that, but
for this mode of proceeding, they never would have become apparent.
Thus, if the height of the barometer be observed four times a day,
constantly, for a few months, and the averages taken, it will be seen
that a regular _daily_ fluctuation, of very small amount, takes place,
the quicksilver rising and falling twice in the four-and-twenty hours.
It is by such observations that we are enabled to ascertain--what no
single measure (unless by a fortunate coincidence), could give us any
idea, and never any certain knowledge of--the true _sea level_ at any
part of the coast, or the height at which the water of the ocean would
stand, if perfectly undisturbed by winds, waves, or tides: a subject of
very great importance, and upon which it would be highly desirable to
possess an extensive series of observations, at a great many points on
the coasts of the principal continents and islands over the whole globe.
(229.) In all cases where there is a direct and simple relation between
the phenomenon observed and a single _datum_ on which it depends,
every single observation will give a value of this quantity, and the
average of all (under certain restrictions) will be its exact value. We
say, under certain restrictions; for, if the circumstances under which
the observations are made be not alike, they may not all be equally
favourable to exactness, and it would be doing injustice to those most
advantageous, to class them with the rest. In such cases as these,
as well as in cases where the _data_ are numerous and complicated
together, so as not to admit of single, separate determination (a
thing of continual occurrence), we have to enter into very nice, and
often not a little intricate, considerations respecting the _probable_
accuracy of our results, or the limits of error within which it is
_probable_ they lie. In so doing we are obliged to have recourse to
a refined and curious branch of mathematical enquiry, called the
doctrine of probabilities, the object of which (as its name imports)
is to reduce our estimation of the probability of any conclusion to
calculation, so as to be able to give more than a mere guess at the
degree of reliance which ought to be placed in it.
(230.) To give some general idea of the considerations which such
computations involve, let us imagine a person firing with a pistol
at a wafer on a wall ten yards distant: we might, in a general way,
take it for granted, that he would hit the wall, but not the wafer,
at the first shot; but if we would form any thing like a probable
conjecture of _how near_ he would come to it, we must first have an
idea of his skill. No better way of judging could be devised than
by letting him fire a hundred shots at it, and marking where they
all struck. Suppose this done,--suppose the wafer has been hit once
or twice, that a certain number of balls have hit the wall within an
inch of it, a certain number between one and two inches, and so on,
and that one or two have been some feet wide of the mark. Still the
question arises, what estimate are we thence to form of his skill? how
_near_ (or nearer) may we, after this experience, safely, or at least
not unfairly, bet that he will come to the mark the next subsequent
shot? This the laws of probability enable us on such data to say.
Again, suppose, _before_ we were allowed to measure the distances,
the wafer were to have been taken away, and we were called upon, on
the mere evidence of the marks on the wall, to say where it had been
placed; it is clear that no reasoning would enable any one to say with
certainty; yet there is assuredly one place which we may fix on with
greater probability of being right than any other. Now, this is a very
similar case to that of an observer--an astronomer for example--who
would determine the exact place of a heavenly body. He points to it
his telescope, and obtains a series of results disagreeing among
themselves, but yet all agreeing within certain limits, and only a
comparatively small number of them deviating considerably from the mean
of all; and from these he is called upon to say, definitively, what he
shall consider to have been the most probable place of his star at the
moment. Just so in the calculation of physical _data_; where no two
results agree exactly, and where all come within limits, some wide,
some close, what have we to guide us when we would make up our minds
what to conclude respecting them? It is evident that any system of
calculation that can be shown to lead of necessity to the most probable
conclusion where certainty is not to be had must be valuable. However,
as this doctrine is one of the most difficult and delicate among the
applications of mathematics to natural philosophy, this slight mention
of it must suffice at present.
(231.) In the foregoing pages we have endeavoured to explain the spirit
of the methods to which, since the revival of philosophy, natural
science has been indebted for the great and splendid advances it has
made. What we have all along most earnestly desired to impress on the
student is, that natural philosophy is essentially united in all its
departments, through all which one spirit reigns and one method of
enquiry applies. It cannot, however, be studied as a whole, without
subdivision into parts; and, in the remainder of this discourse, we
shall therefore take a summary view of the progress which has been made
in the different branches into which it may be most advantageously
so subdivided, and endeavour to give a general idea of the nature of
each, and of its relations to the rest. In the course of this, we shall
have frequent opportunity to point out the influence of those general
principles we have above endeavoured to explain, on the progress of
discovery. But this we shall only do as cases arise, without entering
into any regular analysis of the history of each department with that
view. Such an analysis would, indeed, be a most useful and valuable
work, but would far exceed our present limits. We are not, however,
without a hope that this great desideratum in science will, ere long,
be supplied from a quarter every way calculated to do it justice.
PART III.
OF THE SUBDIVISION OF PHYSICS INTO DISTINCT BRANCHES,
AND THEIR MUTUAL RELATIONS.
CHAPTER I.
OF THE PHENOMENA OF FORCE, AND OF THE CONSTITUTION OF NATURAL BODIES.
(232.) Natural History may be considered in two very different lights:
either, 1st, as a collection of facts and objects presented by nature,
from the examination, analysis, and combination of which we acquire
whatever knowledge we are capable of attaining both of the order of
nature, and of the agents she employs for producing her ends, and from
which, therefore, all sciences arise; or, 2dly, as an assemblage of
phenomena to be explained; of effects to be deduced from causes; and of
materials prepared to our hands, for the application of our principles
to useful purposes. Natural history, therefore, considered in the
one or the other of these points of view, is either the beginning or
the end of physical science. As it offers to us, in a confused and
interwoven mass, the elements of all our knowledge, our business is to
disentangle, to arrange, and to present them in a separate and distinct
state: and to this end we are called upon to resolve the important but
complicated problem,--Given the effect, or assemblage of effects, to
find the causes. The principles on which this enquiry relies are those
which constitute the relation of cause and effect, as it exists with
reference to our minds; and their rules and mode of application have
been attempted to be sketched out, (though in far less detail than the
intrinsic interest of the subject, both in a logical and practical
point of view, would demand,) in the foregoing pages. It remains
now to bring together, in a summary statement, the results of the
general examination of nature, so far as it has been prosecuted to the
discovery of natural agents, and the mode in which they act.
(233.) The first great agent which the analysis of natural phenomena
offers to our consideration, more frequently and prominently than
any other, is force. Its effects are either, 1st, to counteract the
exertion of opposing force, and thereby to maintain _equilibrium_; or,
2dly, to produce _motion_ in matter.
(234.) Matter, or that, whatever it be, of which all the objects in
nature which manifest themselves directly to our senses consist,
presents us with two general qualities, which at first sight appear
to stand in contradiction to each other--activity and inertness. Its
activity is proved by its power of spontaneously setting other matter
in motion, and of itself obeying their mutual impulse, and moving
under the influence of its own and other force; inertness, in refusing
to move unless obliged to do so by a force impressed externally, or
mutually exerted between itself and other matter, and by persisting in
its state of motion or rest unless disturbed by some external cause.
Yet in reality this contradiction is only apparent. Force being the
cause, and motion the effect produced by it on matter, to say that
matter is inert, or has _inertia_, as it is termed, is only to say
that the cause is expended in producing its effect, and that the
same cause cannot (without renewal) produce double or triple its own
proper effect. In this point of view, equilibrium may be conceived as
a continual production of two opposite effects, each undoing at every
instant what the other has done.
(235.) However, if this should appear too metaphysical, at all events
this difference of effects gives rise to two great divisions of the
science of force, which are commonly known by the names of STATICS and
DYNAMICS; the latter term, which is general, and has been used by us
before in its general sense, being usually confined to the doctrine
of motion, as produced and modified by force. Each of these great
divisions again branches out into distinct subdivisions, according as
we consider the equilibrium or motion of matter in the three distinct
states in which it is presented to us in nature, the solid, liquid, and
aëriform state, to which, perhaps, ought to be added the _viscous_,
as a state intermediate between that of solidity and fluidity, the
consideration of which, though very obscure and difficult, offers a
high degree of interest on a variety of accounts.
_Statics and Dynamics._
(236.) The principles have been definitively fixed by Galileo and his
successors, down to Newton, on a basis of sound induction; and as they
are perfectly general, and apply to every case, they are competent,
as we have already before observed, to the solution of every problem
that can occur in the deductive processes, by which phenomena are
to be explained, or effects calculated. Hence, they include every
question that can arise respecting the motions and rest of the smallest
particles of matter, as well as of the largest masses. But the mode of
reasoning from these general principles differs materially, whether
we consider them as applied to masses of matter of a sensible size,
or to those excessively minute, and perhaps indivisible, molecules of
which such masses are composed. The investigations which relate to the
latter subject are extremely intricate, as they necessarily involve the
consideration of the hypotheses we may form respecting the intimate
constitution of the several sorts of bodies above enumerated.
(237.) On the other hand, those which respect the equilibrium and
motions of sensible masses of matter are happily capable of being
so managed as to render unnecessary the adoption of any particular
hypothesis of structure. Thus, in reasoning respecting the application
of forces to a solid mass, we suppose its parts indissolubly and
unalterably connected; it matters not by what tie, provided this
condition be satisfied, that one point of it cannot be moved without
setting all the rest in motion, so that the relative situation of the
parts one among another be not changed. This is the abstract notion
of a solid which the mechanician employs in his reasonings. And their
conclusions will apply to natural bodies, of course, only so far as
they conform to such a definition. In strictness of speaking, however,
there are no bodies which absolutely conform to it. No substance is
known whose parts are absolutely incapable of yielding one among
another; but the amount by which they do yield is so excessively
small as to be demonstrably incapable, in most cases, of having any
influence on the results: and in those where it has such influence, an
especial investigation of its amount can always be made. This gives
rise to two subdivisions of the application of mechanical reasonings
to solid masses. Those which refer to the action of forces on flexible
or elastic, and on inflexible or rigid, bodies, comprehending under
the latter all such whose resistance to flexure or fracture is so
very great as to permit our adoption of the language and ideas of the
extreme case without fear of material error.
(238.) In like manner, when we reason respecting the action of forces
on a fluid mass, all we have occasion to assume is, that its parts
are freely moveable one among the other. If, besides this, we choose
to regard a fluid as incompressible, and deduce conclusions on this
supposition, they will hold good only so far as there may be found
such fluids in nature. Now, in strictness, there are none such; but,
practically speaking, in the greater number of cases their resistance
to compression is so very great that the result of the reasoning so
carried on is not sensibly vitiated; and, in the remaining cases,
the same general principles enable us to enter on a special enquiry
directed to this point: and hence the division of fluids, in mechanical
language, into compressible and incompressible, the latter being only
the extreme or limiting case of the former.
(239.) As we propose here, however, only to consider what is the actual
constitution of nature, we shall regard all bodies, as they really
are, more or less flexible and yielding. We know for certain, that
the space which any material body appears to occupy is not entirely
filled by it; because there is none which by the application of a
sufficient force may not be _compressed_ or forced into a smaller
space, and which, either wholly, as in air or liquids, or in part, as
in the greater number of solids, will not recover its former dimensions
when the force is taken off. In the case of air, this condensation
may be urged to almost any extent; and not only does a mass of air
so condensed completely recover its original bulk, when the applied
pressure is removed, but if that ordinary pressure under which it
exists at the earth’s surface (and which arises from the weight of
the atmosphere) be also removed by an air-pump, it will still further
dilate itself without limit so far as we have yet been able to try
it. Hence we are led to the conclusion that the particles of air are
mutually elastic, and have a _tendency to recede from one another_,
which can only be counteracted by _force_, and therefore is itself a
force of the repulsive kind. Nevertheless, as air is heavy, and as
gravitation is a universal property of matter, there is no doubt that
this repulsive tendency must have a limit, and that there is a distance
to which, if the particles of the air could be removed from each other,
their mutual repulsion would cease, and an attraction take its place.
This limit is probably attained at some very great height above the
earth’s surface, beyond which, of course, its atmosphere cannot extend.
(240.) What, however, we can only conclude by this or similar reasoning
respecting air, we see distinctly in liquids. They are all, though
in a small degree, compressible, and recover their former dimensions
completely when the pressure is removed; but they cannot be dilated (by
mechanical means), and have no tendency, while they remain liquids, to
enlarge themselves beyond a certain limit, and therefore they assume a
determinate _surface_ while at rest, and their parts actually resist
further separation with a considerable force, thus giving rise to the
phenomenon of the _cohesion of liquids_.
(241.) Both in air and in liquids, however, the most perfect freedom
of motion of the parts among each other subsists, which could hardly
be the case if they were not separate and independent of each other.
And from this, combined with the foregoing considerations, it has been
concluded that they do not actually touch, but are kept asunder at
determinate distances from each other, by the constant action of the
two forces of attraction and repulsion, which are supposed to balance
and counteract each other at the ordinary distances of the particles,
but to prevail, the one, or the other, according as they are forcibly
urged together or pulled asunder.
(242.) In solids, however, the case is very different. The mutual free
motion of their parts _inter se_ is powerfully impeded, and in some
almost destroyed. In some, a slow and gradual change of figure may be
produced to a great extent, by pressure or blows, as for instance in
the metals, clay, butter, &c.; in others, fracture is the consequence
of any attempt to change the figure by violence beyond a certain very
small limit. In solids, then, it is evident, that the consideration of
their intimate structure has a very great influence in modifying the
general results of the action of such attractive and repulsive forces
as may be assumed to account for the phenomena they present; yet the
general facts that their parts _cohere_ with a certain energy, and that
they resist displacement or intrusion on the part of other bodies,
are sufficient to demonstrate at least the existence of such forces,
whatever obscurity may subsist as to their mode of action.
(243.) This division of bodies into airs, liquids, and solids, gives
rise, then, to three distinct branches of mechanical science, in each
of which the general principles of equilibrium and motion have their
peculiar mode of application; viz. pneumatics, hydrostatics, and what
might, without impropriety, be termed stereostatics.
_Pneumatics._
(244.) Pneumatics relates to the equilibrium or movements of aërial
fluids under all circumstances of pressure, density, and elasticity.
The weight of the air, and its pressure on all the bodies on the
earth’s surface, were quite unknown to the ancients, and only first
perceived by Galileo, on the occasion of a sucking-pump refusing to
draw water above a certain height. Before his time it had always been
supposed that water rose by suction in a pipe, in consequence of a
certain natural _abhorrence of a vacuum_ or empty space, which obliged
the water to enter by way of supplying the place of the air sucked out.
But if any such abhorrence existed, and had the force of an _acting
cause_, which could urge water a single foot into a pipe, there is no
reason why the same principle should not carry it up two, three, or
any number of feet; none why it should suddenly stop short at a certain
height, and refuse to rise higher, however violent the suction might
be, nay, even fall back, if purposely forced up too high.
(245.) Galileo, however, at first contented himself with the
conclusion, that the natural abhorrence of a vacuum was not strong
enough to sustain the water more than about thirty-two feet above
its level; and, although the true cause of the phenomenon at length
occurred to him, in the pressure of the air on the general surface,
it was not satisfactorily demonstrated till his pupil, Torricelli,
conceived the happy idea of instituting an experiment on a small
scale by the use of a much heavier liquid, mercury, instead of water,
and, in place of sucking out the air from above, employing the much
more effectual method of filling a long glass tube with mercury, and
inverting it into a basin of the same metal. It was then at once seen,
as by a _glaring instance_, that the maintenance of the mercury in the
tube (which is nothing else than the common barometer) was the effect
of a perfectly definite external cause, while its fluctuations from day
to day, with the varying state of the atmosphere, strongly corroborated
the notion of its being due to the pressure of the external air on the
surface of the mercury in the reservoir.
(246.) The discovery of Torricelli was, however, at first much
misconceived, and even disputed, till the question was finally decided
by appeal to a _crucial instance_, one of the first, if not the very
first on record in physics, and for which we are indebted to the
celebrated Pascal. His acuteness perceived that if the weight of the
incumbent air be the direct cause of the elevation of the mercury,
it must be measured by the amount of that elevation, and therefore
that, by carrying a barometer up a high mountain, and so ascending
into the atmosphere _above_ a large portion of the incumbent air, the
pressure, as well as the length of the column sustained by it, must
be diminished; while, on the other hand, if the phenomenon were due
to the cause originally assigned, no difference could be expected to
take place, whether the observation were made on a mountain or on the
plain. Perhaps the decisive effect of the experiment which he caused
to be instituted for the purpose, on the Puy de Dôme, a high mountain
in Auvergne, while it convinced every one of the truth of Torricelli’s
views, tended more powerfully than any thing which had previously been
done in science to confirm, in the minds of men, that disposition to
experimental verification which had scarcely yet taken full and secure
root.
(247.) Immediately on this discovery followed that of the air-pump,
by Otto von Guericke of Magdeburgh, whose aim seems to have been to
decide the question, whether a vacuum could or could not exist, by
endeavouring to make one. The imperfection of his mechanism enabled
him only to diminish the aërial contents of his receivers, not
entirely to empty them; but the curious effects produced by even a
partial exhaustion of air speedily excited attention, and induced our
illustrious countryman, Robert Boyle, to the prosecution of those
experiments which terminated in his hands, and in those of Hauksbee,
Hooke, Mariotte, and others, in a satisfactory knowledge of the
general law of the equilibrium of the air under the influence of
greater or less pressures. These discoveries have since been extended
to all the various descriptions of aërial fluids which chemistry has
shown to exist, and to maintain their aëriform state under artificial
pressure, and even to those which may be produced from liquids reduced
to a state of vapour by heat, so long as they retain that state.
(248.) The manner in which the observed law of equilibrium of an
elastic fluid, like air, may be considered to originate in the mutual
repulsion of its particles, has been investigated by Newton, and
the actual statement of the law itself, as announced by Mariotte,
“that the density of the air, or the quantity of it contained in the
same space, is, _cæteris paribus_, proportional to the pressure it
supports,” has recently been verified within very extensive limits by
direct experiment, by a committee of the Royal Academy of Paris. This
law contains the principle of solution of every dynamical question
that can occur relative to the equilibrium of elastic fluids, and is
therefore to be regarded as one of the highest _axioms_ in the science
of pneumatics.
_Hydrostatics._
(249.) The principles of the equilibrium of liquids, understanding
by this word such fluids as do not, though quite at liberty, attempt
to dilate themselves beyond a certain point, are at once few and
simple. The first steps towards a knowledge of them were made by
Archimedes, who established the general fact, that a solid immersed in
a liquid loses a portion of its weight equal to that of the liquid it
displaces. It seems very astonishing, after this, that it should not
have been at once concluded that the weight thus said to be _lost_ is
only _counteracted_ by the upward pressure of the liquid, and that,
therefore, a portion of any liquid, surrounded on all sides by a liquid
of the same kind, does really exert its weight in keeping its place.
Yet the prejudice that “liquids do not gravitate in their natural
place” kept its ground, and was only dispelled with the mass of error
and absurdity which the introduction of a rational and experimental
philosophy by Galileo swept away.
(250.) The hydrostatical law of _the equal pressure of liquids in all
directions_, with its train of curious and important consequences, is
an immediate conclusion from the perfect mobility of their parts among
one another, in consequence of which each of them tends to recede from
an excess of pressure on one side, and thus bears upon the rest, and
distributes the pressure among its neighbours. In this form it was
laid down by Newton, and has proved one of the most useful and fertile
principles of physico-mathematical reasoning on the equilibrium of
fluid masses, as affording a means of tracing the action of a force
applied at any point of a liquid through its whole extent. It applies,
too, without any modification, to expansible fluids as well as to
liquids; and, in the applications of geometry to this subject, enables
us to dispense with any minute and intricate enquiries as to the mode
in which individual particles act on each other.
(251.) In a practical point of view, this law is remarkable for the
directness of its application to useful purposes. The immediate and
perfect distribution of a pressure applied on any one part, however
small, of a fluid surface through the whole mass, enables us to
communicate _at one instant_ the same pressure to any number of such
parts by merely increasing the surface of the fluid, which may be done
by enlarging the containing vessel; and if the vessel be so constructed
that a large portion of its surface shall be moveable together, the
pressures on all the similar parts of this portion will be united into
one consentient force, which may thus be increased to any extent we
please. The hydraulic press, invented by Bramah, (or rather applied by
him after a much more ancient inventor, Stevin,) is constructed on this
principle. A small quantity of water is driven by sufficient pressure
into a vessel _already full_, and provided with a moveable surface or
piston of great size. Under such circumstances something must give way;
the great surface of the piston accumulates the pressure on it to such
an extent that nothing can resist its violence. Thus, trees are torn
up by the roots; piles extracted from the earth; woollen and cotton
goods compressed into the most portable dimensions; and even hay, for
military service, reduced to such a state of coercion as to be easily
packed on board transports.
(252.) Liquids differ from aëriform fluids by their _cohesion_, which
may be regarded as a kind of approach to a solid state, and was so
regarded by Bacon (193.). Indeed, there can be little doubt that
the solid, liquid, and aëriform states of bodies are merely stages
in a progress of gradual transition from one extreme to the other;
and that, however strongly marked the distinctions between them may
appear, they will ultimately turn out to be separated by no sudden or
violent line of demarcation, but shade into each other by insensible
gradations. The late experiments of Baron Cagnard de la Tour may be
regarded as a first step towards the full demonstration of this (199.).
But the cohesion of liquids is not, like that of solids, so modified
by their structure in other respects as to destroy the mobility of
their parts one among another (unless in those cases of nearer approach
to the solid state which obtain in viscid or gummy liquids). On the
contrary, the two qualities co-exist, and give rise to a number of
curious and intricate phenomena.
(253.) One of the most remarkable of these is capillary attraction,
or capillarity as it is sometimes called. Every body has remarked the
adhesion of water to glass. The elevation of the general surface of
the liquid where it is in contact with the containing vessel; the form
of a drop suspended at the under side of a solid: these are instances
of capillary attraction. If a small glass tube with a bore as fine as
a hair be immersed in water, the water will be observed to rise in
it to a certain height, and to assume a concave surface at its upper
extremity. The attraction of the glass on the water, and the cohesion
of the parts of the water to each other, are no doubt the joint causes
of this curious effect; but the mode of action is at once obscure and
complex; and although the researches of Laplace and Young have thrown
great light on it, further investigation seems necessary before we can
be said distinctly to understand it.
(254.) As the capillarity and cohesion of the parts of liquids shows
them to possess the power of mutual attraction, so their elasticity
demonstrates that they also possess that of repulsion when forcibly
brought nearer than their natural state. From the extremely small
extent to which the compression of liquids can be carried by any force
we can employ, compared with that of air, we must conclude that this
repulsion is much more violent in the former than in the latter, but
counteracted also by a more powerful force of attraction. So much more
powerful, indeed, is the resistance of liquids to compression, that
they were usually regarded as incompressible; an opinion corroborated
by a celebrated experiment made at Florence, in which water was forced
through the pores (as it was said) of a golden ball. More recent
experiments by Canton, and since by Perkins, Oërsted, and others,
have demonstrated however the contrary, and assigned the amount of
compression.
(255.) The consideration of the motions of fluids, whether liquid
or expansible, is infinitely more complicated than that of their
equilibrium. When their motions are slow, it is reasonable to suppose
that the law of the equable distribution of pressure obtains; but in
very rapid displacements of their parts one among the other, it is not
easy to see how such an equable distribution can be accomplished, and
some phenomena exist which seem to indicate a contrary conclusion.
(256.) Independent of this, there are difficulties of an almost
insuperable nature to the regular deductive application of the general
principles of mechanics to this subject, which arise from the excessive
intricacy of the pure mathematical enquiries to which its investigation
leads. It was Newton who set the example of a first attempt to draw
any conclusions respecting the motion of fluid masses by direct
reasoning from dynamical principles, and thus laid the foundation of
HYDRODYNAMICS; but it was not till the time of D’Alembert that the
method of reducing any question respecting the motions of fluids under
the action of forces to strict mathematical investigation could be said
to be completely understood. But the cases even now in which this mode
of treating such questions can be applied with full satisfaction are
few in comparison of those in which the experimental method of enquiry
as already observed (189.) is preferable. Such, for example, is that
of the resistance of fluids to bodies moving through them; a knowledge
of which is of great importance in naval architecture and in gunnery,
where the resistance of the air acts to an enormous extent. Such,
too, among the practical subjects which depend mainly on this branch
of science, are the use of sails in navigation; the construction of
windmills, and water-wheels; the transmission of water through pipes
and channels; the construction of docks and harbours, &c.
_Nature of Solids in general._
(257.) The intimate constitution of solids is, in all probability, very
complicated, and we cannot be said to know much of it. By some recent
delicate experiments on the dimensions of wires violently strained, it
has been shown that they are to a certain small extent capable of being
dilated by tension, as they are also of being compressed by pressure,
but within limits even narrower than those of liquids. Usually, when
strained too far, they break, and refuse to re-unite; or, if compressed
too forcibly, take a permanent contraction of dimension. Thus, wood
may be indented by a blow, and metals rendered denser and heavier by
hammering or rolling. There is a certain degree of confusion prevalent
in ordinary language about the hardness, elasticity, and other similar
qualities, of solids, which it may be well to remove. Hardness is that
disposition of a solid which renders it difficult to displace its
parts among themselves. Thus, steel is harder than iron; and diamond
almost infinitely harder than any other substance in nature: but the
compressibility of steel, or the extent to which it will yield to a
given pressure and recover itself, is not much less than that of soft
iron, and that of ice is very nearly the same with that of water.
(258.) Again, we call Indian rubber a very elastic body, and so it is;
but in a different sense from steel. Its parts admit of great mutual
displacement without permanent dislocation; however distorted, it
recovers its figure readily, but with a small force. Yet, if Indian
rubber were to be enclosed in a space that it just filled, so as not to
permit its parts to yield laterally, doubtless it would resist actual
compression with great violence. Here, then, we have an instance
of two kinds of elasticity in one substance; a feebler effort of
recovery from distorted figure, and a more violent one from a state
of altered dimension. Both, however, originate in the same causes,
and are referable to the same principles; the former being in fact
only a modified case of the latter, as the effort of a steel spring,
when bent, to recover its former shape, is referable to the same
forces which give to steel its hardness and strength to resist actual
compression and fracture.
(259.) The toughness of a solid, or that quality by which it will
endure heavy blows without breaking, is again distinct from hardness
though often confounded with it. It consists in a certain yielding of
parts with a powerful general cohesion, and is compatible with various
degrees of elasticity. Malleability is again another quality of solids,
especially metals, quite distinct from toughness, and depends on their
capability of being deprived of their figure without an effort to
recover it and without fracture.
(260.) Tenacity, again, is a property of solids more directly depending
on the cohesion of their parts than toughness. It consists in their
power of resisting separation by a strain steadily applied, while the
quality of toughness is materially influenced by their disposition
to communicate through their substance the jarring effect of a
blow. Accordingly, the tenacity of a solid is a direct measure of
the cohesive attraction of its parts, and is the best proof of the
existence of such a power.
_Crystallography._
(261.) It cannot be supposed that these and many other tangible
qualities, as they may be called, should subsist in solids without
a corresponding mechanism in their internal structure. That they
have such a mechanism, and that a very curious and intricate one,
the phenomena of crystallography sufficiently show. This interesting
and beautiful department of natural science is of comparatively very
modern date. That many natural substances affected certain forms must
have been known from the earliest times. Pliny appears to have been
acquainted with this fact, at least in some instances, as he describes
the forms of quartz and diamond. But till the time of Linnæus no
material attention seems to have been bestowed on the subject. He,
however, observed, and described with care, the crystalline forms
of a variety of substances, and even regarded them as so definite a
character of the solids which assumed them, that he supposed every
particular form to be generated by a particular salt. Romé de l’Isle
pursued the study of the crystalline forms of bodies yet farther. He
first ascertained the important fact of the constancy of the angles
at which their faces meet; and observing further that many of them
appear in several different shapes, first conceived the idea that these
shapes might be reducible to one, appropriated in a peculiar manner to
each _substance_, and modified by strict geometrical laws. Bergmann,
reasoning on a fact imparted to him by his pupil Gahn, made a yet
greater step, and showed how at least one species of crystal might
be built up of thin laminæ ranged in a certain order, and following
certain rules of superposition. He failed, however, in deducing just
and general conclusions from this remark, which, correctly viewed, is
the foundation of the most important law of crystallography, that which
connects the primitive form with other forms capable of being exhibited
by the same substance, by a certain fixed relation. An idea may be
formed of what is meant by this sort of connection of one form with
another, by considering a pointed pyramid built up of cubic stones,
disposed in layers, each of which separately is a square plate of the
thickness of a single stone. These layers, laid horizontally one on the
other, and decreasing regularly in size from the bottom to the top,
produce a pyramidal form with a rough or channeled surface; and if the
layers are so extremely thin that the channels cease to be visible to
the eye, the pyramid will seem smooth and perfect.
(262.) Very shortly after this, and without knowledge of what had been
done by Gahn and Bergmann, the Abbé Haüy, instructed by the accidental
fracture of a fine group of crystals, made the remark noticed already
(in 67.), and reasoning on it with more caution and success, and
pursuing it into all its detail, developed the general laws which
regulate the superposition of the layers of particles of which he
supposes all crystals to be built up, and which enable us, from knowing
their primitive forms, to discover, previous to trial, what other
forms they are capable of assuming; and which, according to this idea,
are called derivative or secondary forms. Mohs and others have since
imagined processes and systems by which the derivation of forms from
each other is facilitated, and have corrected some errors of over-hasty
generalization into which their predecessors had fallen, as well as
advanced, by an extraordinary diligence of research, our knowledge of
the forms which the various substances which occur in nature and art
actually do assume.
(263.) In what manner a variety in point of external form may originate
in a variety of figures in the ultimate particles of which a solid
is composed, may very readily be imagined by considering what would
happen if the bricks of which an edifice is constructed had all a
certain _leaning_ or bias in one direction out of the perpendicular.
Suppose every brick, for instance, when laid flat on its face, with
its longer edges north and south, had its eastern and western faces
upright, but its northern and southern ones leaning southwards at a
certain inclination the same for each brick; a house built of such
bricks would lean the same way, if the bricks fitted well together.
If, _besides this_, the eastern and western faces of the bricks,
instead of being truly upright, had an inclination eastward, the house
would have a similar one, and all its four corners, instead of being
upright, would lean to the south-east. Suppose, instead of a house, a
pyramid were built of such oblique bricks, with the sides of its base
directed to the four points of the compass; then its point, instead
of being situated vertically over the centre of its base, would stand
perpendicularly over some point to the south-east of that centre, and
the pyramid itself would have its sides facing the south and the east,
more highly inclined to the horizon than those towards the north and
west.
(264.) Whatever conception we may form of the manner in which the
particles of a crystal cohere and form masses, it is next to impossible
to divest ourselves of the idea of a determinate figure common to them
all. Any other supposition, indeed, would be incompatible with that
exact similarity in all other respects which the phenomena of chemistry
may be considered as having demonstrated. However, it must be borne in
mind that this idea, plausible as it may appear, is yet in some degree
hypothetical, and that the laws of crystallography, as determined from
inductive observation, are quite independent of any supposition of the
kind, or even of the existence of such things as ultimate particles or
atoms at all.
(265.) Still, that peculiar internal constitution of solid bodies,
whatever it be, which is indicated by the assumption of determinate
figures, by their splitting easier in some directions than in others,
and by their presenting glittering plane surfaces when broken into
fragments, cannot but have an important influence on all their
relations to external agents, as well as to their internal movements
and the mutual actions of their parts on one another. Accordingly, the
division of bodies into crystallized and uncrystallized, or imperfectly
crystallized, is one of the most universal importance; and almost all
the phenomena produced by those more intimate natural causes which
act within small limits, and as it were on the immediate mechanism
of solid substances, are remarkably modified by their crystalline
structure. Thus, in transparent solids, the course taken by the rays
of light, in traversing them, as well as the properties impressed upon
them in so doing, are intimately connected with this structure. The
recent experiments of M. Savart, too, have proved that this is also the
case with their power of resistance to external force, on which depends
their elasticity. Crystallized substances, according to the results of
these experiments, resist compression with different degrees of elastic
force, according to the direction in which it is attempted to compress
them; and all the phenomena dependent on their elasticity are affected
by this cause, especially those which relate to their vibratory
movements and their conveyance of sound.
(266.) There can be little doubt that modifications, similarly
depending on the internal structure of crystals, will be traced through
every department of physics. In that interesting one which relates
to the action of heat in expanding the dimensions of substances, a
beginning has already been made by Professor Mitscherlich. It had long
been known that all substances are dilated by heat, and no exception
to this law has been found, so long as we regard the _bulk_ of the
heated body. Thus, an iron rod when hot is both longer and thicker than
when cold; and the difference of dimension, though but trifling in
itself, is yet capable of being made sensible, and is of considerable
consequence in engineering. Thus, too, the quicksilver in a common
thermometer occupies a larger space when hot than when cold; and being
confined by the glass ball, (which also expands, but _not so much in
proportion_,) it is forced to rise in the tube. These and similar facts
had long been known; and accurate measures of the total amount of
dilatation of a variety of different bodies, under similar accessions
of heat, had been obtained and registered in tables. But no one had
suspected the important fact, that this expansion in crystallized
bodies takes place under totally different circumstances from what
obtains in uncrystallized ones. M. Mitscherlich has lately shown that
such substances expand differently in different directions, and has
even produced a case in which expansion in one direction is actually
accompanied with contraction in another. This step, the most important
beyond a doubt which has yet been made in pyrometry, can however only
be regarded as the first in a series of researches which will occupy
the next generation, and which promises to afford an abundant harvest
of new facts, as well as the elucidation of some of the most obscure
and interesting points in the doctrine of heat.
(267.) From what has been said, it is clear that if we look upon solid
bodies as collections of particles or atoms, held together and kept
in their places by the perpetual action of attractive and repulsive
forces, we cannot suppose these forces, at least in crystallized
substances, to act alike in all directions. Hence arises the conception
of _polarity_, of which we see an instance, on a great scale, in the
magnetic needle, but which, under modified forms, there is nothing to
prevent us from conceiving to act among the ultimate atoms of solid
or even fluid bodies, and to produce all the phenomena which they
exhibit in their crystallized state, either when acting on each other,
or on light, heat, &c. It is not difficult, if we give the reins to
imagination, to conceive how attractive and repulsive atoms, bound
together by some unknown tie, may form little machines or compound
particles, which shall have many of the properties which we refer to
polarity; and accordingly many ingenious suppositions have been made to
that effect: but in the actual state of science it is certainly safest
to wave these hypotheses, without however absolutely rejecting them,
and regard the _polarity of matter_ as one of the ultimate phenomena to
which the analysis of nature leads us, and of which it is our business
fully to investigate the laws, before we endeavour to ascertain its
causes, or trace the mechanism by which it is produced.
(268.) The mutual attractions and repulsions of the particles of
matter, then, and their polarity, whether regarded as an original or a
derivative property, are the forces which, acting with great energy,
and within very confined limits, we must look to as the principles on
which the intimate constitution of all bodies and many of their mutual
actions depend. These are what are understood by the general term of
_molecular forces_. Molecular attraction has been attempted to be
confounded by some with the general attraction of gravity, which all
matter exerts on all other matter; but this idea is refuted by the
plainest facts.
CHAP. II.
OF THE COMMUNICATION OF MOTION THROUGH BODIES.--OF SOUND AND LIGHT.