CHAPTER III

THE OLD KUKI CLANS

The term Old Kukis has long been applied to the clans which

suddenly appeared in Cachar about 1800, the cause of which eruption

I have explained when dealing with the history of the Lushais, but

Dr. Grierson in the Linguistic Survey has included in this group a

number of clans which had long been settled in Manipur territory, and

my enquiries all go to prove the correctness of this classification. It

appears practically certain that the ancestors of the Old Kukis and the

Lushais were related and lived very close together somewhere in the

centre of the hills on the banks of the Tyao and Manipur rivers. The

Old Kuki clans of Manipur seem to have been the first to move, as

records of their appearance there are found in the Manipur chronicle

as early as the sixteenth century, and, though the chronology of

the chronicle is not beyond suspicion, I think this may be taken as

proof that these clans appeared in Manipur a good deal earlier than

their relations the Bete and Rhangkhol entered Cachar. What the cause

of this move was it is impossible to say. Probably quarrels with

their neighbours, coupled with a desire for better land, combined

to cause the exodus, and the movement, once started, had to continue

till the clans found a haven of rest in Manipur, as their relatives

did centuries later in British territory; for they were small, weak

communities, at the mercy of the stronger clans, through whose lands

they passed.

All these Old Kuki clans are organised far more democratically than

the Lushais or Thados. Lieut. Stewart in his Notes on Northern Cachar

says:--"There is no regular system of government among the Old Kukis

and they have no hereditary chiefs as among the New ones. A headman

called the 'ghalim' is appointed by themselves over each village,

but he is much more a priest than a potentate, and his temporal power

is much limited. Internal administration among them always takes

a provisional form. When any party considers himself aggrieved, he

makes an appeal to the elders, or the most powerful householders in

the village, by inviting them to dinner and plying them with victuals

and wine."

Among the clans which settled early in Manipur, each village has been

provided with a number of officials with high-sounding titles and

little power, in imitation of the Manipur system. Among those who have

settled in British territory the ghalim has been transformed into the

"gaonbura"--i.e., head of the village--and has acquired a certain

amount of authority, whilst among the Khawtlang and Khawchhak clans,

which after various vicissitudes, including a more or less lengthy

sojourn among the Lushais, recently entered Manipur territory, the

ghalim has become a feeble imitation of a Lushai lal.

The Old Kuki Clans of Manipur.

Under this heading I propose dealing with the Aimol, Anal, Chawte,

Chiru, Kolhen, Kom, Lamgang, Purum, Tikhup, and Vaiphei, who are now

found in various parts of the hills bordering the Manipur valley,

and who resemble each other in very many respects. In spite of this

resemblance, the clans, while acknowledging their relationship to

one another, keep entirely apart, living in separate villages and

never intermarrying.

In the Manipur chronicle the Chiru and Anal are mentioned as early

as the middle of the sixteenth century, while the Aimol make their

first appearance in 1723. They are said to have come from Tipperah,

but at that time the eastern boundary of Tipperah was not determined,

and the greater part of the present Lushai Hills district was supposed

to be more or less under the control of the Rajah of that State. A

short distance to the east of Aijal there is a village site called

Vai-tui-chhun--i.e., the watering place of the Vai--which is said to

commemorate a former settlement of the Vaiphei. It seems probable,

therefore, that the Aimol and Vaiphei left their former homes in

consequence of the forward movement of the Lusheis. The remaining

tribes all claim to have come from various places to the south of

Manipur--the Anal from the Haubi peak, the Chiru from "the Hranglal

hill far away in the south," the Kom from the Sakripung hill in the

Chin Hills; the other clans can give no nearer definition of the home

of their forefathers than far away to the south. Like the Lushais,

they all assert that they are descended from couples who issued

out of the earth, the Chhinglung of the Lushais being replaced by

"Khurpui"--i.e., the great hole.

The Anal assert that two brothers came out of a cave on the

Haubi peak, and that the elder was the ancestor of the Anals,

while the younger went to the valley of Manipur and became king of

the valley. Another tradition says that the Manipuris, Anals, and

Thados are the descendants of three men, whose father was the son

of Pakhangba, the mythical snake-man ancestor of the Manipuri royal

family, who, taking the form of an attractive youth, overcame the

scruples of a maiden engaged in weeding her jhum (compare Hodson's

"Meitheis," page 12). These legends were probably invented after the

clans had come in contact in order to account for the resemblances

between them. The Chiru claim to be descended from Rezar, the son

of Chongthu, the ancestor of the clan of that name still found in

the Lushai Hills, whose name also appears in the Thado pedigree. The

Lamgang tell the following tale:--On the Kangmang hill, away to the

south, there is a cave. Out of this came a man and a woman, and were

eaten up by a tiger which was watching. A god who had two horns,

seeing this horrible sight, came out and drove away the tiger,

and so the next couple to emerge escaped and became the ancestors

of the Lamgang. The Purum claim to be descended from Tonring and

Tonshu, who issued from the earth. It is said that "Pu rum" means

"hide from tiger," which connects them closely with the Lamgang

legend. The Kolhen's ancestors were a man and woman who sprang out

of Khurpui provided with a basket and a spear, and lived at Talching,

and had a son and daughter called Nairung and Shaithatpal, the direct

descendants of whom are said still to be found among the Kolhen.

The Chawte told me the tale of the peopling of the world out of a hole

in the ground, adding the graphic touch that an inquisitive monkey

lifted up a stone which lay over the opening, and thus allowed their

ancestors to emerge.

It is not quite clear whether these clans are eponymous. The Chiru

say that their clan is named after an ancestor, but can give no

pedigree. The Aimol say that there is no general name for the various

families, and that Aimol is the name of the village site. It is

probably Ai-mual. "Ai" is the Lushai name of a berry and also means

crab, and appears in Ai-zawl or Aijal. "Mual" is the Lushai for a

spur of a hill. It is a very common, in fact almost a universal,

custom to call a new village site, if it has no recognised name,

after the site of the old village, and probably the original Aimual

would be found in the centre of the Lushai Hills.

All these clans have come much under Manipuri influence, and the Chiru,

Aimol, Kolhen, Chawte, Purum, and Tikhup have abandoned the ancestral

architecture, and now live in houses built on raised earthen plinths

like the Manipuris.

The remaining clans still adhere to the ancient style, their houses

being raised some four or five feet off the ground on posts. The

walls are of planks, and the roofs of thatching grass; they remind

one much of the Falam houses. Round each village are clustered

the granaries--small houses raised well off the ground and placed

sufficiently far from the dwelling houses to make them fairly safe

from fire. Where the houses are raised sufficiently pigs and poultry

live under them; but cattle sheds are common, most of these clans

having learnt the value of cows and buffaloes from the Manipuris. The

handsome breed of goats so common in a Lushai village is seldom if

ever seen, but animals of an inferior sort are generally kept.

The Chiru, Kom, and Tikhup still build zawlbuks. No woman is allowed

to enter these buildings, which, besides being the dormitories of

the unmarried men, are used for drinking bouts. They are externally

very like those built by the Lushais, but have several fireplaces

evidently used for cooking, and the general hearth in the centre is

absent. Some of the clans which do not now build zawlbuks say that

they believe their forefathers did so. In the absence of the zawlbuk

the young men generally sleep in the houses of well-to-do villagers,

but among the Purum I am told that "if a man has one unmarried son

and one unmarried daughter, the boy goes to sleep at the house of

a man who has an unmarried daughter; though they sleep in this way

they are very careful about their characters." Have we here stumbled

on the real origin of the "young men's house"--a desire to prevent

incest? The young women also have houses in which they gather at time

of festivals, but they do not sleep there.

The rotchem, the Lushai mouth-organ, is found among all these clans,

but rather smaller and ornamented with fowls' feathers. The Anal make

a speciality of long bamboo trumpets, on which they perform with

considerable skill, producing sounds indistinguishable from those

of a bugle. The trumpets are from four to five feet long, and have

bell-shaped mouths made of gourds.

Most of these clans have adopted various dances from the Manipuris,

their own dancing being of the monotonous nature common to the Lushais

and Kukis.

In dress and method of wearing the hair Manipuri influence is also

noticeable, the men generally wearing coats and loin-cloths and

turbans. The women are more conservative and adhere to the short

petticoat. The hair is generally worn very much in the Lushai fashion,

but the Chiru men are an exception to this. They part their hair in

the middle and brush it down straight, and trim it level with the

bottom of the ears. They bind a narrow fillet of cane round the head

slightly above the eyes. The Kolhen women gather the hair into two

heavy rolls, which hang down in front of each ear. The Tikhup maidens

have adopted the Manipuri method of dressing the hair.

The ivory discs worn in the ears by Lushai women are not found,

but metal rings are worn in a similar manner by both sexes.

The Manipuris have instituted in each village a number of posts with

high-sounding titles, similar to those in use among themselves,

but traces of the older organisation are to be found. Thus the

Aimol recognise a man called Thompa, of the Chomgom family, as

the head of the clan, but he has no power and receives nothing,

while in each village are four officials who receive a portion

of every animal killed in the chase. They are called "kamzakhoi,"

"zakachhunga," "zupalba," and "pakanglakpa." The last two titles have

a distinctly Manipuri sound about them. The usual titles found are

"khul-lakpa"--i.e., chief of the village--"lup-lakpa," "zupalba," and

"Methei lumbu"--i.e. Manipuri interpreter--but there are others. The

khul-lakpa and lup-lakpa are hereditary posts. Among the Lamgang there

are seven such hereditary posts. Among the Chiru the khul-lakpa,

besides receiving a portion of each animal killed, also gets his

house built for nothing, which brings him very near to the Lushai

"lal." Among the Kolhen the khul-lakpa's and lup-lakpa's posts are

not hereditary, but on the death of either his successor must be

chosen out of the same family, but his sons are ineligible. The new

official has to give a feast, killing a pig, which is eaten by the

whole community, and the young men and maidens make merry with dance

and song. It seems probable that in this may be some idea of averting

the evil effects of a breach of the generally accepted custom.

The puithiam is known as "thempu," "khulpu," or "bulropa," and both

he and the blacksmith are sometimes rewarded, receiving a day's labour

from each householder they serve, instead of a donation of rice.

The Lushai system of "boi" is generally unknown, which is only natural

in such democratic communities.

The following animals are not generally eaten--tigers, snakes, cats,

crows, or kites; and among the Lamgang the rat is also considered

unfit for food.

Each clan is divided into eponymous families and generally marriage

is restricted to the clan, but alliances within the family are

prohibited. The Aimol clan is divided into five families--Chongom,

Laita or Mangte, Khoichung or Leivon, Lanu, and Chaita. Marriage is

unrestricted, but it is unusual for either sex to marry without the

clan. The Kolhen are divided into twelve exogamous families divided

into two groups, which are also exogamous (v. below, under Festivals,

page 167), but marriage outside the clan is prohibited. Among the

Anal, Purum, and Lamgang marriages must be made within the clan,

but not within the family.

The Tikhup clan, which only numbers some twenty households, is not

sub-divided, but marriage is endogamous. The union of first cousins,

either paternal or maternal, is prohibited. The elders of the clan

attributed the steady decline in their numbers to this custom of

endogamy.

The Chiru and Chawte customs are alike; not only is a young man's

choice limited to some family in the clan other than his own, but the

actual families from which he may choose his bride are strictly fixed.

Among the Chiru--

A Danla lad may marry a Dingthoi or Shangpa girl.

A Dingthoi lad may marry a Chongdur or Danla girl.

A Rezar lad may marry a Danla girl.

A Shangpa lad may marry a Dingthoi or Danla girl.

A Chongdur lad may marry a Danla girl.

Danla is the family from which the khul-lakpa must be taken, and Rezar

has already been noticed as the son of Chongthu, from whom the Chiru

claim descent.

Among the Chawte--

A Marem lad may only marry a Makhan girl.

A Makhan lad may only marry an Irung girl.

A Kiang lad may only marry a Makhan or Marem girl.

An Irung lad may only marry a Marem, Thao, or Kiang girl.

A Thao lad may only marry a Makhan girl.

Among the Aimol, Anal, Chiru, and Purum, a young man has to serve

his future wife's father for three years, during which he works as

if he were a son of the house. During this period he has free access

to the girl, though among the Chiru he continues to sleep among the

bachelors. Should the girl become enceinte the marriage ceremony must

be performed, and the price paid. Among the Aimol the bride's eldest

brother gets Rs. 6/- and each of the others one rupee less than his

immediate senior. The paternal and maternal uncles receive Rs. 2/-

each; the aunt and the elder sister also receive Rs. 1/- each as

"niman" and "nao-puan-puk-man," as among the Lushais. Among the Anal

and the Purum, the price must not be less than a pig and a piece of

iron a cubit in length, but the girl's relatives try to get as much

more as they can. The bridegroom has also to feast the family of his

bride three times on pork, fowls, and rice, washed down, of course,

with plenty of zu. The Chiru girls are only valued at one gong.

Among the other clans, marriage is by simple purchase. A Chawte maiden

can be obtained for a spear, a dao, and a fowl, the payment being

sealed by the consumption of much zu. The price of a Kolhen girl

is a gong and Rs. 7/- to her mother, and Rs. 7/- each to the elder

and younger brother and the maternal uncle. This is most curious,

for the father is entirely omitted. Can it be a survival of mother

right? The Kom girls are valued very high, the father receiving one

gong, four buffaloes, fifteen cloths, a hoe, and a spear, the aunt

taking a black and white cloth. A Lamgamg bridegroom has to pay his

father-in-law three pigs or buffaloes or cows, one string of conch

shell beads, one lead bracelet, and one black or blue petticoat. A

Tikhup father expects a gong, ten hoes, one dao, and one spear;

the maternal grandfather also demands Rs. 7/-.

The price of a Vaiphei girl varies between two and ten mithan. To a

certain extent the price of the girls may be taken as an indication

of the relative importance of the clan. Marriage by servitude is not

found among either the Lushai or the Thado clans; its appearance among

the Old Kukis is therefore curious, for as a rule the customs of a

clan will be found to resemble those of one or the other of these

two main divisions of the Kuki-Lushai race.

Polygamy is, as a rule, permitted. Among the Anal and Lamgang, the

first wife is entitled to the company of her husband for five nights,

the second for four, and the third for three. It is not quite clear

how a second marriage by servitude can be carried out, and probably

the rules are modified in such cases. Polygamy is but little practised

on account of the expense; among the Kolhen it is prohibited.

In most of these clans the Thado rule of inheritance is followed--viz.,

the eldest son takes all his father's property, the younger sons only

getting what the heir chooses to give them. Among the Anal and Purum,

and probably also the Lamgang, the sons of the deceased divide the

property, but the youngest son takes the house and supports the widow,

thus approximating to the Lushai custom.

In most clans the father of an illegitimate child is fined. Among

the Chiru the fine is a pig, a mithan, and two gongs.

Divorce is generally easily obtained. Among the Aimol, if either

party repents of the bargain, the payment of a cloth and three pots

of zu annuls the contract. Among the Tikhup the cost of divorce is a

mithan and a gong. The Anal and most of the other clans insist on the

question being submitted to the village officials, who receive fees

according to their position, and settle what compensation, if any,

shall be paid to either party. As a rule it is very difficult for a

woman to obtain a divorce unless her husband agrees, even though he

may be extremely unfaithful and brutal. Among the Anal she must give

a feast to the village or pay her husband Rs. 50/-.

In case of a wife being led astray the injured husband recovers her

price or an equivalent amount (among the Tikhup twice the price)

from her seducer. In this the Thado custom is followed, which is more

just than that of the Lushais, but not so conducive to morality, for

among the the Lushais the whole of the woman's family are interested

in keeping her from committing herself and are loud in condemnation

should she do so, as they have to refund the various sums they have

received on her behalf, whereas among the Thado the seducer simply

pays up the price and takes the woman, who is thought very little the

worse of--in fact, among the clans which follow this apparently more

just custom, women hold a far lower position, being traded from one

to another, unless they have influential male relatives who take an

interest in them.

All these clans have been given definite sites in Manipur and have

practically abandoned the migratory habits of their forefathers,

and therefore the idea of property in land, which is entirely absent

in the case of the Lushais, is fast springing up. Many villages are

moving nearer to the plain in order that the people may take leases

from the State of land in the valley and carry on plough cultivation,

but they also do a certain amount of jhuming, and proprietary rights

in jhum lands are recognised.

The punishment for theft is arranged much on the Lushai system of the

theft of certain articles having a fixed fine attached to it. This

is generally a pig, two jars of zu, and a brass plate. Among the

Chiru the whole fine is consumed by the people of the village, the

thief also getting his share. The Kolhen punishment is a fine of

Rs. 28/-, a pig, and two jars of zu. In case of rice being stolen,

the Tikhup custom is that the village officials at once kill and eat

the pig of the thief and then make him pay a mithan as compensation

to the complainant. Thefts of minor articles are generally punished

by the thief providing a pig and zu for the entertainment of his

judges. Manslaughter is punished by the payment of compensation,

the amount varying considerably. The Anal demand a mithan and a gong,

the Chiru a mithan and a cloth, the Kolhen three mithan, a brass pot,

a pig, and two pots of zu, the Lamgang four gongs, ten jars of zu,

and a big pig. Petty assaults are punished by fines of pigs and zu. A

false charge is often punished by a fine of zu. Most of these clans

declare that sodomy is unknown among them, the very notion appearing

to them highly absurd.

All disputes and accusations are disposed of by the village officials,

who meet sometimes in the house of the khul-lakpa and sometimes at a

special spot outside the village where stone seats have been prepared.

Since the settlement of these clans in Manipur territory all raiding

and fighting has been stopped, so that they have practically forgotten

what were the habits of their forefathers in these respects, but

the Kom declare that in the good old days the young Kom warriors

went off on head-hunting expeditions, and if successful adorned the

village gate with the trophies of their prowess; and there is no

reason to doubt that, in spite of their present peaceable behaviour,

the previous history of these clans was not less full of raids and

counter-raids than that of their neighbours.

The general religious beliefs of these clans show a great resemblance

to each other and also to that of the Lushais. Pathian is universally

recognised as the creator who lives in the sky, though the name is

slightly different, appearing as Pathel among the Anal and Kolhen,

and Patheng among the Kom. Mi-thi-khua is generally known as the

place of departed spirits, but the Chiru and Tikhup have no idea of

a place of greater comfort for the spirits of warriors, though the

Chiru believe that the spirits of those that die unnatural deaths

go to a separate and inferior place, while those of the other dead

go westwards into the sky. The Anal, Kolhen, and Lamgang believe

that, after hovering around the grave for some time, the spirit is

reincarnated in some new-born child, but that an unnatural death

prevents this and the spirit passes away skywards and returns no

more. The belief in a being or beings which trouble the spirits on

their way to Mi-thi-khua, as Pupawla does with his pellet bow, is

very general. The Aimol call him Ramcharipu, and say that he makes

the spirits of all, except "Thangchhuah," kill a certain number of

lice in his head. The Vaiphei say that a male and a female being

guard the road and trouble and detain the spirits of those who have

not attained the honours of Thangchhuah. With the exception of the

Tikhup, all the clans believe in demons, which they call by various

names and which correspond exactly with the Huai of the Lushais. The

Aimol call these devils Numeinu, Thanglian Borh, Tuikuachoi. "Numeinu"

means mother of woman Borh brings to memory the infantile illness

called by that name by the Lushais, while "Tuikuachoi" is evidently

the Tui-huai. The Aimol and Chiru perform the Daibawl sacrifices in

the same manner as the Lushais. The Chawte sacrifice pigs and fowls

in case of sickness, but the Khal sacrifices are quite unknown to any

Old Kuki clans. Lashi is known to the Aimol and Vaiphei. Among the

former the Sakhua sacrifices are performed to this deity, and he is

capable of giving success in the chase. The Vaiphei place Lashi almost

on a par with Pathian and sacrifice a pig to him every year. Strange

to say, he is supposed to have only one leg. The Sakhua chant of the

Vuite commences with an invocation to all the wild animals to collect.

In nearly every clan there is an annual festival in honour of the

souls of those who have died during the year, but in no case is the

Mi-thi-rawp-lam or any similar festival included in the series of

Thangchhuah feasts.

The Aimol sacrifice either a pig or a goat to Lashi as their

Sakhua. The Chawte have been much influenced by Manipuris, and I was

first told that the names of their gods were Pakhangba and Nungchongba,

but on a little further enquiry I found that Pakhangba was always

called Pathian when talking among themselves. The other deity is

probably the Manipuri god Nungshaba ("The Meitheis," Hodson, page 98).

Above the hamlet was an oval, level space with a low wall round it. At

the eastern end was a small house in which were two stones. This was

the abode of Pakhangba, and to one side was Nungchongba's dwelling

place, which consisted of three small stones, with a fourth one

placed on the top. In front of these a bull is sacrificed once in

three years, and dancing and singing take place every year after the

harvest. The Chiru believe in "Rampus," which in some respects appear

to be the same as the Lushai "Huai," but in others they appear to

be local gods. The four chief Rampus live one on Kobru, a high hill

overlooking the northern extremity of the Manipur valley and called

by the Manipuris the guardian of the north, one in Kangjupkhul,

the village site of my informants, one on Makong hill and one in the

valley of Manipur. Twice a year the Rampu of Kobra is honoured with

the sacrifice of a dog, while pigs, fowls, or goats are offered to

the others. In July a dog is killed in honour of the first three and

a pig in honour of the last-named. In case of very serious illness,

when the Daibawl sacrifices have proved unavailing, special sacrifices

are made to the three chief Rampus above mentioned. These four Rampus

are evidently nearer to local godlings than the multitudinous and

ill-defined Huais of the Lushais. In July Pathian also is honoured, a

pig being killed on behalf of the whole village, while each household

sacrifices a fowl. The day is held sacred, no work being done. It

is known as Chapui-chol-lai--i.e., holiday in the great heat. The

four Rampus can only have come into prominence since the settlement

of the hamlet at Kangjupkhul, and it is probable that different

ones are worshipped by other hamlets. The Chiru also perform Sakhua

sacrifices as the Lushais do. The Tikhup denied all knowledge of any

devils or semi-divine beings, saying that they worshipped Pathian

and him only. Every year in Phalgun they sacrifice a pig and a cock

to Pathian, and much zu is drunk. In cases of sickness sacrifices of

pigs or fowls and offerings of flowers, eggs, and rice are made to

Pathian. Dogs are never sacrificed. I think this is the only clan in

which they are not. I failed to find out the cause of this.

In the other clans the sacrifices are combined with festivals either

in connection with the crops, the dead, or Thangchhuah, and are not

simply in honour of the god.

The puithiam of the Lushais becomes "thempu" and in some clans

"khulpu." The last name seems to indicate his responsibility for

protecting the village from all ills and misfortunes by performing the

necessary sacrifices (khul = village, pu = protector). He appears here

as one of the village officials, which is the natural result of the

inhabitants of each village being all of the same clan, instead of many

clans, as among the Lushais. The functions and methods of the thempu

and khulpu appear to be the same as those of his Lushai confrère. There

are various restrictions imposed on pregnant women. Among the Anal

she may not eat chillies or honey, and her husband must not touch

a snake or a corpse. The Kolhen prohibit her from killing a snake,

attending a funeral ceremony, and eating a crab, eggs, and a certain

vegetable called "chak" in its young state. The Lamgang also debar

her from touching a corpse, but the prohibited articles of food

are a sort of fish called "ngarin" and a small animal which I have

not succeeded in identifying. The birth ceremonies are much alike;

in every clan there is a period during which the woman, and in some

cases the house, is "sherh." During this time the mother's movements

are restricted in some way.

Among the Aimol the period is five days in case of a boy, and three

in case of a girl; among the Anal and Purum, three days in both

cases; among the Chawte, Kom, and Vaiphei, five. Among the Chiru

the period is extended to ten days, during which the mother must not

go out and no one but near relations may enter the house. Among the

Kolhen the period is also ten days, but all women of the village may

enter the house; the mother must eat no flesh, and fowls only may

be sacrificed. Cohabitation is prohibited for three months. Among

the Tikhup the restriction on the mother's movements lasts only till

the disposal of the afterbirth by special persons who clean up the

house; till this is done no one may take a light from the fire or

remove any article from the house. In every case at the conclusion

of this period there is a sacrifice. The custom of the Aimol is for

the "thempu" to pour out a libation of zu and herbs in front of the

house and invoke the child's spirit to take up its residence within

the new-born infant. The name is given at the same time, the father's

family choosing the name of a son and the mother's of a daughter. On

the day of the birth of an Anal child, the "khulpu" is called, and

after he has muttered certain incantations, zu and fish are distributed

to the whole village. All sacrificing is prohibited for three days,

and cohabitation for three months. When distributing the zu and fish,

the household gods--i.e., the Sakhua--are invoked and the soul of

the child is summoned. Among the Chawte the thempu attends on the

day of the birth, and sacrifices a fowl and sips zu. He then mutters

incantations over a piece of turmeric which is then thrown out of the

house. On the fifth day a fowl is killed, and as the name selected

is pronounced three grains of rice are dropped into a cup of water,

and if they sink the name is approved, but if they float another one

must be selected and tested in the same manner.

The Chiru ceremonies are more elaborate. After ten days the thempu

comes to the house, a rakeng tree is planted in front of it, and then

the thempu sacrifices a hen on behalf of the mother, and a cock or

a hen, according to the sex of the child, on its behalf. The parents

eat the flesh of the birds, and the sherh and bones are buried in the

house. Two or three pots of zu are consumed by married persons. The

thempu, taking some zu in his mouth, goes round inside the house,

blowing it out on the walls and muttering charms. The mother can

now leave the house, but for three or four days must not leave the

village. The "keng-puna" or "ming-puna"--i.e., "name-giving"--takes

place almost immediately. Two cocks or hens, according to the sex of

the infant, are killed by the thempu, and their blood smeared on the

infant's forehead and navel, some of the feathers being tied in its

hair. The Kolhen pierce the child's ears and give the name on the tenth

day, the ceremony being the same as among the Chiru on that day. The

maternal grandfather is expected to give the child a pair of brass

earrings, bracelets, leg ornaments, and a string of glass beads, and

it is generally named after him--a custom also followed by the Koms,

who combine the name-giving and ear-piercing, giving a feast for the

purpose, on the expiration of the five days' sherh. The ear-piercing

is done by the paternal aunt. The Lamgang ceremonies are the same

as those of the Anal, but the father is prohibited from eating the

flesh of fowls during the sherh period, while the mother is under no

restriction as regards diet. No other animal may be sacrificed during

that time, and cohabitation is not allowed for one month. The Purum

customs are severely simple. The thempu comes and mutters charms on the

day of the birth, and returns on the third day and makes a libation

of zu. No sacrifices are allowed. The name is given on the second

day by the midwife, and the ears are pierced on the seventh day,

but in neither case is there any ceremony. The Tikhup give the name

at a feast, to which the elders of the community are invited; a cock

is killed and zu dispensed freely. In case of the parents being poor,

this feast may be postponed till the child is two years old.

The custom of summoning the child's soul reminds one of the Lushai

prohibition of labour on the part of the parents for seven days after

the child's birth, lest its soul, which hovers around them during

that period, be injured.

[Ceremonies connected with marriage.] Where marriage is by service,

it is only natural that the actual ceremony should be of little

importance, for the couple have been living as man and wife during

the whole time; but there are exceptions.

At an Aimol wedding two thempus are necessary--one of the bridegroom's,

and one of the bride's family. Each kills a cock, the feathers of

which are tied round the necks of the happy pair, after which there

is the usual orgy. The Chiru and Tikhup custom is almost identical,

but the village thempu officiates alone. Among the Kolhen, the

young man's mother makes six visits to the parents of her future

daughter-in-law, taking an offering of zu, and being accompanied by her

eldest son-in-law or other male relative, and on the last occasion by

two or three women. Two days after the last visit, the price is fixed,

and the day for the ceremony chosen by the bridegroom's father and the

village officials. The bridegroom, on the day before that fixed for

the marriage, goes to the girl's house, accompanied by several male

friends, and makes a present of three pots of zu to her parents. The

next morning the bride, accompanied by the unmarried girls of the

village, goes to her future home, taking with her two jars of zu,

a hen, a piece of ginger, a dog, a strap for carrying loads, a new

cloth, and a bracelet. She parts from her friends, with many tears,

on the doorstep of her new home. The khulpu decapitates a fowl

and throws it down; if the right leg falls over the left a happy

married life is assured. The night is spent in singing and dancing,

and the following night in the same way, but in the house of the

bride, who on the next morning quits her father's house for good. On

the day of the marriage the bride and bridegroom must not leave the

village. This taking of omens by killing a cock is practised by the

Lamgang and Kom. Where marriage is not by service the preliminaries

in all clans resemble much those among the Kolhen. Among the Vaiphei,

and, I think, in some other clans, the young man has to give a feast

to the young men frequenting the same dormitory. A similar custom

is described in Fielding Hall's "The Inward Light," page 104, as

existing in Burma. "It is an old custom for the village boys to band

themselves together in a company.... But when one marries he ceases

to belong to the company, for he is about to enter into another and a

wider life. He is a deserter and a traitor to his fellows. Therefore

they lay in wait for him and caught him as he went home at night,

and, taking him without the village gate, they tried him and found

him guilty. With mock ceremony he was condemned to be turned out

from their ranks, and to pay a fine wherewith his comrades might

drown their sorrow at his desertion. Then with laughter and song,

to the light of torches, they took him home in long procession."

Widows are allowed to remarry, but as a rule the brothers of the

deceased husband have a prior claim, and if the woman marries

anyone else before the annual feast in honour of the dead she has

to pay a fine, which in some clans is as much as Rs. 120/-, to her

brother-in-law. Until this annual feast has come round she must remain

in her late husband's house, but when that has been performed she

may return to her father's house if she wishes to, but in that case

the brother-in-law will take the dead man's property and children.

[Ceremonies connected with death.] All these clans bury their dead in

special cemeteries outside the village, and unnatural deaths or deaths

in childbirth are universally considered signs that the deceased has

failed in some way, and the corpses of such unfortunates are buried

outside the cemetery and with scant ceremony.

Among the Aimol, the corpse of the khul-lakpa is carried round the

village before being taken to the grave. The corpse of one who has

gained honours equivalent to Thangchhuah among the Lushais is enclosed

in a rough log coffin and kept for two days amid much drinking and

feasting, which recalls the funeral ceremonies of a Lushei chief. With

a rich man many cloths are buried and with a poor man at least one. In

addition some cooked rice, zu, a dao, some meat, and a bow and arrow

are deposited in the grave. The bow and arrow are a survival, for such

weapons have been long obsolete. Over the grave a small house is built

in which some meat and zu are placed to attract the "Khawhring." Spears

are then thrust through the house, which is then thrown away. I am

not quite clear whether the "Khawhring" in this case is supposed,

as among the Lushais, to have inhabited the body of the deceased,

or whether it is believed to be a disembodied spirit which is on the

lookout for the soul of the deceased.

Three days after the burial a wild animal is killed and zu and rice are

offered, and the spirit of the deceased is asked to go away and not

to trouble the living who have sacrificed and made an offering of zu

and rice. The Anal make a distinction between deaths in childbirth and

deaths by accident or in war. In the former case the body is buried in

the cemetery, the grave being dug by those of her household, and food

and drink and domestic utensils are deposited therein. The husband

has to sacrifice a pig and feast the village before the burial, and

the village is "sherh" for that day. The first stones and earth are

placed in the grave by aged men, and the filling then completed by

young men. The thempu having muttered some charms, the young men and

women sing and dance for the deliverance of the soul. In cases of

ordinary death the grave is dug by men not of the household, but in

case of unnatural death only old grey-headed men may perform the task,

and the grave is dug in the jungle and no dance or song terminates

the funeral, but the village is not "sherh."

The Chawte make their cemetery some distance from the village. The dead

are buried on the day of death. Over each grave a mound is raised and

fenced round with a bamboo trellis-work. A small post carved faintly to

resemble the human form is placed over the grave of a man, while a hoe,

axe, and winnowing fan denote the grave of a woman. On each grave rests

a flat basket containing some flowers and a small jar of water. Behind

each grave is a rough representation of a house raised some four feet

from the ground, which is also ornamented with flowers, and some

of the deceased's clothes hang from it, while inside are placed a

bamboo full of zu and a small cup, which is filled with clean water,

and a handful of raw rice. These are changed every third or fourth day

till the Thi-duh ceremony comes round in May, when there is a feast,

and portions of meat and some zu are placed on each fresh grave.

On the death of a Chiru, guns are fired and gongs beaten, and a fowl,

pig, and goat are killed at once. There is the usual funeral feast,

and food and personal effects, including his comb, are buried with

him. The house is "sherh" for three days, during which rice is placed

in a small basket in the house and then thrown on to the grave. On

the third day the house is purified by the thempu sacrificing a

cock. In nearly every clan the house has to be purified by the

thempu besprinkling it with either consecrated water or zu, and in

many cases the funeral party are similarly purified. The Kolhen bury

the bodies of those who die natural deaths in front of their houses,

as do the Lushais, and the funeral feast closely resembles that held

by the Lushais. The body of a khul-lakpa is carried three times

round his memorial stone, from left to right. A bow and arrow are

placed in the grave. The village is "sherh" for three days for any

death. The Lamgang follow the same customs as the Anal, but the bodies

of women who die in childbirth are not buried in the graveyard. The

Kom and the Purum have the curious custom that the duty of digging

the grave in case of an unnatural death falls on the son-in-law of

the deceased. They say that the spirit of the dead cries out at the

place where he met his death until appeased by an offering of tobacco

leaves and rice. The Tikhup funeral is exactly the same as that of

an ordinary Lushai. The Vaiphei dress up the corpse and strap it on

to a bamboo frame, as do the Lushais, and feast around it for three

days if food and drink suffice for so long. At the end of the feast

the thempu pours some zu down the throat of the corpse and bids the

spirit go in peace, and the body is carried to the grave, but if the

deceased has attained Thangchhuah honours, it is first earned round

the village. The household of the deceased abstain from washing or

dressing the hair till some wild animal has been killed. The custom

of giving something to the maternal grandfather or uncle on the

occasion of a death, known among the Lushais as "lukawng," is found

among several clans. Among the Tikhup and Kolhen, for instance, he

receives the neck of the animal killed on the occasion of the funeral,

and in the last-named clan he also receives a pipe or Rs. 2/-. The

custom known among the Kabui and other allied tribes in Manipur as

"mandu," which ordains that a widower shall pay his deceased wife's

father a certain sum as the price of her bones, is only found among

the Kolhen, with whom it is usual to pay Rs. 5/- or 6/-. Among the

Kolhen a child dying within ten days of its birth is buried under

the eaves of the house, and is called "thichhiat" equivalent to the

"hlamzuih" among the Lushais.

[Festivals.] 1. Connected with Crops.--The Tikhup, the only

monotheistic clan in the hills, have no ceremonies connected with

the crops, but allow no dancing, singing, or music in the village

between the sowing and the reaping.

Among the other Old Kuki clans there is a great resemblance between the

festivals, and their connection with the Lushai "Kuts" can be easily

traced--in some cases, as among the Kom, the name being actually

the same.

A festival which is common to several clans and generally takes place

in the spring, though sometimes later, and is supposed to ensure good

crops and good luck generally, is known by various similar names,

all meaning "Pulling the Creeper."

Kolhen "Keidun" Festival.--This occurs in April. The first day, called

"Karamindai," or "Changritakhoi," is occupied by the young men going

off to bring in two long creepers. A fowl and a pig are sacrificed

and the creepers are hung over a post. On the next day the creepers

are brought to the khul-lakpa's stone, and he, saying certain charms,

pours out a libation of rice beer, and then a tug of war takes place

between two parties selected as follows:--On one side are all the young

men of the khul-lakpa's family--viz., the Chongthu--and on the other

those of the Jete, to which the lup-lakpa belongs. With the Chongthu

pull the young men of the following families--viz., Tulthung, Maite,

Tiante, Laishel, Songchungnung, while with the Jete are associated the

young men of the Lunglai, Rembual, Mirem Tumtin, and Vanbie. The girls

of each family pull on the opposite side to the young men of their

family. While the pull is in progress the khul-lakpa sings a song,

and when he reaches a certain point the rope is cut in two by a man

who stands waiting with a dao. The pull is repeated with the second

creeper, and each party carries off the ends it has retained. Marriages

are only allowed between the young people who pull on the same side,

with the exception of the Chongthu, who, being of the chief's family,

may marry a girl of any family except their own. During the festival no

work of any sort must be done, but otherwise there are no restrictions

as regards villagers or strangers, but the khul-lakpa must abstain

from work and from cohabitation for two or three days before. Should

a death occur a day or two before the date fixed for the festival, the

fact will not be recognised till the completion of the feast, when the

funeral ceremonies will take place as if the death had occurred on that

day, the corpse being kept outside the village during the interval.

The Anal and Lamgang, as usual, observe the festival in a similar

manner. The creeper having been brought to the gate of the village, the

headmen and the thempu receive it, and the latter, muttering prayers,

pours over it a libation of rice beer, and then ties a piece of it to

the gate. The remainder is cut up and a piece is tied to each house

in the village. The thempu goes round at night throwing a piece of

turmeric into each house and calling out as he throws each piece, "From

to-day may all evil and misfortune run away from this house." [10]

The Purum celebrate the festival in August, and the unmarried girls

take a prominent part in the ceremony. A raised platform is made

before the house of the eldest unmarried girl in the village. (In

a community where there is no dearth of husbands, and every girl

is sure of being married in due course, the prominence given to

the eldest spinster is not objected to as it might be in an English

village.) On this platform the girls assemble, and the creeper after

the usual ceremonies is tied to the platform, and there is a great

feast with much dancing between the young folk.

The similarity between these festivals and the "Koi-hrui-an-chat,"

mentioned under the Ngente, bears out the truth of the tradition that

these clans long ago were near neighbours.

The Chiru at the time of cutting the jhums go in procession with

drums and gongs to the place chosen and on their return drink much

rice beer. In March or April, before the sowing, a festival called

"Arem" is celebrated. On the first day a dog is killed at a stone to

the west of the village, and a pig to the north in the direction of

the hill Kobru. All the men attend, but no women. The animals are

killed by the thempu. The flesh is eaten there by the whole party,

and the "sherh" are left at the place of sacrifice. There is then a

drinking party in the house of the thempu. On the second day all the

young men go and catch fish, and on their return they are entertained

with two pots of rice beer by the unmarried girls. On the third day

the lup-lakpa gives a feast of meat and rice, washed down by much

rice beer, to the men only, and later all dance in front of the

"chhirbuk"--i.e., Lushai zawlbuk.

The fourth day is spent in visiting each other, drinking and singing

at each other's houses. As soon as it is dark men and women meet

before the chhirbuk and dance round the stone drinking; then they go

to the lup-lakpa's house and drink again, and then to a house where

all the unmarried girls are collected and drink again, and then bring

the girls to the chhirbuk and dance round the stone again, drinking

as they go. This is a pretty heavy day's work, and it speaks well

for the young folk if many of them have the energy to complete the

programme by drinking and dancing together on the fifth day. During

the festival the village is "sherh."

The Chawte, before cutting their jhums, sacrifice a pig and go down

to the stream and sharpen their daos--"Trust in God, but keep your

powder dry." The above festivals correspond to the "Chap-char-kut"

of the Lushais, and the following resemble the "Mim-kut." The

Purum in September observe "Chulkut" for five days, making and

exchanging rice cakes and drinking rice beer, but not sacrificing any

animals. The Kolhen observe "Chamershi" for two days in the middle of

the rains--viz., in July or August. A pig and a cock are sacrificed in

the khul-lakpa's house and eaten there by men only. Old men dance, and

rice beer is drunk. This feast is supposed to expel evil spirits. The

Chiru in July sacrifice a pig on behalf of the village to Pathian,

while each household offers him a fowl. This feast is called the

"feast of the hot season rest"--i.e., the few days of leisure after

the second weeding of the crops.

The Aimol, after burning the jhums, celebrate a feast they call

"Lo-an-dai." Three fowls are killed and eaten in the khulpu's house,

and rice beer is drunk, but no gong-beating or singing is allowed.

After the harvest, feasts corresponding to the Lushai "Polkut"

are held, but among the Purum a feast called "Shanghong" has to be

celebrated in October, just when the grain is filling in the ear. Every

householder has to bring a small sheaf of the green rice, which is

presented to the village god, and feasting and drinking goes on for

three days, during which time the village is "sherh." The Kolhen,

before reaping the crop, carry the khul-lakpa or lup-lakpa out of the

village towards the fields with beating of drums, and later drink at

his expense.

The Kom call the harvest festival "Lam-kut." It lasts three days. No

sacrifice is performed, but the young men and girls dance and drink

together.

Among the Chawte the custom is practically the same as among the Purum,

save that the feast only lasts one day.

The Lamgang and Anal harvest festival is practically the same. In each

case the best crop in the village is reaped by the whole community

going to the field with dance and song, and subsequently the lucky

owner of the crop has to entertain the village for three days. It

would appear that all good Lamgangs and Anals must pray to have the

second best crop. On the second day of the feast the consumption

of meat and tobacco, the carrying of water and wood, and working

with axes or hoes are tabu. The feast closely resembles the "Buh-Ai"

of other clans. The Aimol custom is very different from that of the

other clans. All the men go out in search of game, the flesh of which

is eaten in the evening, and drums are beaten and songs sung while

the rice beer circulates freely, in contrast to the feast at the

sowing time. Dancing is, however, tabu. The harvest feast is called

"Sherh an long."

The Lamgang have an extra feast, or rather period of rest, when the

grain is all garnered, when for ten days no one may enter or leave the

village, and no work can be done, the whole energies of the community

being concentrated on eating and drinking well.

2. Feasts Corresponding with the Thangchhuah Feasts of the Lushai.--The

idea of "Thangchhuah" is found in some form or other in all clans. Even

in those clans who have no very clear conception of a special abode

for the spirits of those who have earned good fortune in the world

beyond the grave by feasts and killing men and animals here below,

we find feasts the giving of which confers on the giver special

consideration among his fellow-villagers and entitles his corpse to

special funeral honours. All these feasts seem more or less connected

with the erection of some form of memorial--either a post, such as

the Lushai "she-lu-pun," which finds its counterpart among several

Old Kuki clans, but among them the erection of the memorial is the

important part of the ceremony, whereas among the Lushais the killing

of the animal is the more important and the feast is named after that,

not after the planting of the post; or a stone or a heap of stones,

or a paved platform. All these are erected during a man's life and are

quite distinct from the memorials erected in memory of the deceased,

and thus connect the Lushai-Kuki race with the Nagas, among whom the

erection of stones is a very important function.

The "Mi-thi-rawp-lam" is not included in the Thangchhuah series by

any of these clans--in fact, it seems to be omitted by all clans not

living under Lushei chiefs. These all have a special annual ceremony to

lay the ghosts of those who have died during the preceding year. The

explanation of this seems to be that among the Lushais the clans

have all been broken up and are scattered in different villages, and

therefore an annual clan ceremony is not possible, and it has become

a virtuous act for some wealthy member of the clan to celebrate the

feast in honour of the dead of the clan. Among the clans which have

retained their corporate existence the annual ceremony is natural,

and therefore it is excluded from the Thangchhuah series.

The Tikhup can earn consideration after death by giving a single

feast. The young men and maidens collect a big heap of stones and

arrange a seat of honour near it for the giver of the feast, who is

carried down on a litter. The young folk dance and sing and drink

before him, and then he is carried back to the village and has to

present a mithan to the young men, who feast on it for a day and a

night at the house of their leader. A song is composed in honour of

the giver of the feast, which is sung at all subsequent feasts.

The Lamgang, Kom, Kolhen, and Anal put up wooden posts, the Chawte

erect a post and pave a piece of ground in front of it, while the

Aimol put up a stone and make a pavement. Mithan and pigs are killed,

and a feast given which lasts several days, the cost being met by

the person ambitious of fame.

The Chiru alone seem to have no idea of Thangchhuah, and, as noted

before, have no idea of a special abode for good spirits.

The Vaiphei have to give two feasts, at the first of which one, and at

the second two or more, mithan are killed. The Kolhen, on occasion of

putting up the post, sacrifice a mithan thus:--The thempu first throws

an egg at the forehead of the mithan, muttering a charm to drive away

all evil; the animal is then speared until blood is drawn, after which

it may be shot. They also give the following feasts as part of the

Thangchhuah ceremonies:--"Khuang-that"--i.e., "making a drum." The

first day is occupied in bringing the log which is to be hollowed

into the drum; on the second there is a dance outside the house of

the giver of the feast; on the third the mithan is killed after a

thempu has broken the egg on its forehead, and then another thempu

invokes its spirit, blowing rice-beer over the body, as at the Fanai

festival, p. 138. The fourth and fifth days are occupied with feasting.

"Lungainai"--i.e., "collection of stones"--this is very similar to the

Tikhup festival, with the carrying of the giver omitted; a mithan is

killed as above described. The Aimol have also the drum-making feast,

and another in which the giver is carried on a litter, but no heap

of stones is made. On each occasion much rice-beer and flesh has to

be consumed.

3. Other Feasts.--Mostly annual, if necessary provisions are

forthcoming. Some of these probably have reference to the crops.

The Purum celebrate "Yarr" in February for seven days. Dancing begins

each evening at sundown, and is kept up all night with feasting

and drinking. In March they keep "Kumyai" for three days, the young

men and maidens dancing and drinking together, but no animals are

killed. This seems probably equivalent to the "Chap-char-kut" of

the Lushais, but both it and the Yarr are said to be to please the

village god, without any special reference to the crops. The Lamgang

have a peculiar feast early in May, when the young men plant a very

tall bamboo, from the end of which hangs a wooden representation of

a bird, at which every man in turn, commencing with the thempu and

the khul-lakpa, shoot with bows and arrows. Mithan are killed and

eaten. No woman is allowed to join this festival.

The Chiru and Kolhen celebrate a somewhat similar festival called

"Ratek" in the middle of August. A pig and a dog are sacrificed by

the thempu outside the village, on the side towards Kobru, and then

two or three days later an offering of zu is placed in a small bamboo

tube beside the water supply, and the drum is beaten for some time;

the party then return to the khul-lakpa's house and are treated to a

drink. The following day a tall bamboo is planted in the village with a

wonderfully ornamented basket hanging from it, and much zu drunk. The

following year the bamboo is taken up and thrown away, the festival

being named "Ratek poiyi" (cf. Lushai "pai," to throw away). Before

the feast young men go hunting, and if they are successful good luck

is sure to follow. The first day of the feast a pig and a dog are

sacrificed, and zu drunk; on the second, the bamboo is thrown away

and more zu drunk in the house of the khul-lakpa. On the third day the

unmarried girls of the village give a drinking feast to the young men,

and both dance together. Should the zu suffice this portion of the

festival may be prolonged for several days.

It is believed that unless these two festivals are carried out every

year in their proper rotation, there will be serious mortality among

the elders of the village.

Since writing the above, I have found two more small clans, which

evidently belong to the Old Kuki group--Lonte or Ronte, of whom there

are only nine households, living alongside of the Burma road, close

to the Chawte hamlet, with whom they are classed by the Manipuris;

and Tarau, eighteen households living slightly to the south of the

Burma road.

The Ronte clan is divided into two families, called Lanu and

Changom. Marriages can only be made with members of the other family of

the clan. They say that they came from the Ngente hill far to the south

(v. Ngente clan), and claim some connection with the Chiru and Aimol.

The Tarau clan is divided into four families, and marriages are

restricted as among the Chawte, Chiru, and Kolhen.

A youth of the Pachana family must marry a girl of the Tlangsha family.

A youth of the Tlangsha family must marry a girl of the Thimasha

family.

A youth of the Thimasha family must marry a girl of the Khulpu-in

family.

A youth of the Khulpu-in family must marry a girl of the Pachana

family.

In both clans the young men sleep in any house, except their parents',

in which there are unmarried girls. The Ronte say that formerly they

built zawlbuks like the Lushais.

The price of a Tarau girl is a gong or Rs. 30/-, or five years

service in the girl's father's house. The Ronte maiden's price is

two gongs, and her proper husband is her maternal first cousin. In

both clans a fowl has to be killed by the khulpu at the time of the

marriage, and the Ronte tie some of its feathers round the necks

of the couple. Should a Tarau maiden be led astray both parties are

fined a pot of rice-beer, which the villagers share, and the seducer

pays the girl's father one pig. The child, when old enough to leave

the mother, becomes the property of the father. A Ronte mother must

not leave her house till five days after the birth of a daughter and

seven after that of a son. On the day of the birth there is a feast,

and on the fifth or seventh day, according to the sex of the child,

a fowl is killed by the khulpu, and the child's hair is cut, its ears

pierced, and its name decided on, the choice being made from the

names of its forefathers. The house is purified by being sprinkled

with zu by the khulpu.

Among the Tarau, the period during which the mother may not leave her

house is prolonged to ten days, at the expiry of which the khulpu kills

a cock for male child and a hen for girl, and then purifies the house.

In both clans the dead are buried in a cemetery situated to the west of

the village, while the corpses of those who have died unnatural deaths

are buried elsewhere with no ceremony. Women dying in childbirth among

the Tarau are buried by old men, who have no further hope of becoming

fathers, far from the village, while persons being killed by wild

animals, or by some accident, such as a fall from a tree, are buried

where they die. Persons who are drowned are buried on the bank of the

river where the body is found, the grave being dug at the spot where

some water thrown up by hand from the river happens to fall. This

custom also exists among the Shans of the Upper Chindwin, which

lends some colour to the tradition that the Tarau sojourned in Burma

before entering Manipur. Among the Ronte, women dying in childbirth,

and all children dying under a year of age, are buried to the east

of the village, while accidental deaths necessitate the burial being

made to the south. The funeral takes place on the day of death except

in the case of old men, whose corpses are kept for a day while their

friends eat, drink, and dance before them. Whatever animals can be

spared are killed in the honour of the deceased, and their sherh are

buried with him, together with some rice. Every day till the "Papek"

feast, in honour of those who have died within the year, rice and zu

are placed on the grave. At Papek a platform of bamboo is constructed

near the cemetery, and on it are placed such offering of flesh as the

family can afford; much zu is drunk and all dance. The Ronte Sakhua

sacrifice consists of a goat, dogs and mithan being prohibited.

Although the Tarau, from their language, are evidently closely allied

to the Lushais, they are the only Old Kuki clan I have met which

does not worship Pathian. They denied all knowledge of that name,

affirming the name of their god was "Rapu," to whom the Manipuri name

of "Sankhulairenma" has been given. Rapu has a shrine just above the

Burma road near to Tegnopal, where every year fish, rice, and zu are

offered to him. When the rice begins to fill in the ear there is a five

days' feast in the village, during which time the young people dance

and drink. A pig is killed, and the liver, ears, feet, and snout are

offered to Rapu. These are called "sar" (cf. Lushai "sherh"). Before

the cutting of jhums commences a small pig or a fowl is sacrificed to

Rapu so that no one may be cut with a dao during the clearing of the

jhums. Dogs are not eaten or sacrificed by the Tarau or the Ronte;

the latter also consider the mithan unfit for a sacrifice. In these

particulars they form an exception to the general custom of Kuki clans.

The Ronte have a feast called "Va-en-la," which is given with the

idea of enhancing the giver's importance in this world and assuring

him comfort in the next. A pig is killed and thirty pots of zu are

prepared, and the whole village makes merry. A long bamboo is planted

in front of the house of the giver of the feast. Throughout its

length this bamboo is transfixed with crosspieces of bamboo about 18

inches long; from its end depends a bamboo representation of a bird,

whence the name of the feast--"va," in Ronte, as in Lushai, meaning

"a bird," and "en," "to see."

To show the similarity between the Tarau and the Lushai language I

give a few words of each.

ENGLISH. LUSHAI. TARAU.

One Pa-khat Khat.

Two Pa-hnih Ni.

Three Pa-thum Thum.

Four Pa-li Ma-li.

Five Pa-nga Ranga.

Six Pa-ruk Kuruk.

Seven Pa-sari Siri.

Eight Pa-riat Tirit.

Nine Pa-kua Ku.

Ten Shom Shom.

Father Pa Pa.

Mother Nu Nu.

Son Fa-pa Sha-pa. (Thado, "chapa.")

Daughter Fa-nu Sha-nu.

House In Im.

Sun Ni Ni.

Moon Thla Thla.

Water Tui Tui. To carry water, "tui choi,"

in both dialects.

Dog Ui Uh.

Mithan Shial Shil.

Tree Thing Thing.

Jhum Lo Lou.

The east and west in Tarau are called "ni-chhuak-lam" and

"ni-thlak-lam," which are pure Lushai for "the direction of sun rising

and sun setting."

Folklore.

1. Legends.--A large number of tales have been collected by Babu

Nithor Nath Banerji, of the Manipur State Office, from which I select

the following. They have all to a certain extent suffered by being

told to the Babu in Manipuri instead of in the vernacular of the

relaters. This accounts for Manipuri names being used in some cases.

The following is a tale told by the Anals:--"Once upon a time the whole

world was flooded. All were drowned except one man and one woman,

who ran to the highest peak of the Leng hill [this is interesting,

as Leng is the name of one of the highest hills in the present Lushai

Hills], where they climbed up a high tree and hid themselves among

its branches. The tree grew near a large pond, which was as clear

as the eye of a crow. They made themselves as comfortable as they

could, being determined to spend the night there. They passed the

night, sometimes exchanging whispers, and in the morning they were

astonished to find that they had become a tiger and a tigress. [This

changing of human beings into animals reminds one of the Lushai

Thimzing legend.] Pathian, seeing the sad state of the world, sent

a man and a woman from a cave, which was on the hill, to re-people

it. The man and the woman emerging from the cave were terrified at

seeing the two huge animals, and addressed Pathian thus: 'O Father,

you have sent us to re-people the world, but we do not think that

we shall be able to carry out your intention, as the whole world is

under water, and the only spot on which we could make a resting place

is occupied by two ferocious beasts which are waiting to devour us;

give us strength to slay these animals.' After which they killed the

tigers and lived happily and begat many sons and daughters, and from

them the world was re-populated."

The following tale told by the Kolhen resembles in many particulars

the story of Kungori told by Colonel Lewin, which is given below:--

The Story of Fachirang and Rangchar.

"Once upon a time there lived a widow; she had a daughter whose beauty

attracted many young men of the village. One day a tiger came in the

shape of a man and asked to marry the girl. She was much frightened and

kept silence. The tiger-man was angry at her behaviour, and recited

a charm which made her ugly. Her mother said, 'Look! my daughter who

was the most beautiful girl in the village has become ugly; if a man

can restore her beauty he may marry her, and if a woman can do it she

shall be my friend.' On hearing this, the tiger-man came to the old

woman and said, 'Oh! Granny, I am a stranger, and have come from a

distant village; let me put up in your house.' The old lady agreed,

and after a few days he said, 'Oh! Granny, why are you so sad? Tell

me the cause of your sorrow. Perhaps I can remove it.' 'Alas, my boy,

it is beyond your power to do so,' she replied. The tiger-man, however,

pressed her to tell him, and at last she did so, whereupon he replied,

'All right, if I cure her you will give her to me,' and in a few days

he had restored her beauty, and they were married and lived together

in her mother's house for many years. At length he asked permission to

take his wife to his own home, and they started, but no sooner had they

passed the village gate than he was changed into the shape of a tiger,

and his wife wept much at seeing him thus. An old woman of the village

saw them and came and told the people that a tiger was carrying off the

girl, so the villagers assembled to consult, but no one would volunteer

for the task of rescuing the girl. At last Fachirang and Rangchar,

two brothers, set off with a dao and a spear to kill the animal, but

after going a very little way Fachirang, the elder brother, said,

'Oh! Rangchar, I don't know what is the matter, but my heart beats

so fast that I must remain here; you go and see if you can kill the

beast alone.' So the younger brother went on alone till he came to

the place where the tiger and the girl were living happily. Rangchar

thrust his spear into the breast of the tiger, and it died at once,

and Rangchar carried off the girl and returned to where his brother

was waiting, and they all three set out for home together. The elder

brother married the girl, and they all lived happily together."

The Story of Kúngóri.

(From "Progressive Colloquial Exercises in the Lushai Dialect" by

Captain H. Lewin, 1874.)

Her father, who was unmarried, was splitting cane to make a winnowing

basket when he ran a splinter into his hand: the splinter grew into

a little child; (after a time) the child was brought forth motherless

and they called her Kúngóri. They fed her with single grains of millet

and rice, and so little by little she grew big. Two or three years

passed by and she attained puberty; she was very pretty, and all the

young-men of the village wanted to marry her, but her father refused

them all. Then the young tiger-man, Keimi, took up the impression of

her foot and wrapped it up and placed it on the bamboo grating over

the house fire to dry. Then Kúngóri became ill.

Kúngóri's father said, "If there be anyone that can cure her, he

shall have my daughter." All the villagers tried, but not one of

them could do any good. Then the young tiger-man came. "I will cure

her, and I will marry her afterwards," said he. Her father said,

"Cure the girl first and you may then have her."

So he cured her; the footprint which he had placed to dry on the

fire-shelf he opened out and threw away. Kúngóri became well and Keimi

married her. "Come, Kúngóri," said he, "will you go to my house?" So

they went; on the road Keimi turned himself into a tiger, Kúngóri

caught hold of his tail, and they ran like the wind. Some women of

the village were gathering wood and they saw this, so they went back

home and said to Kúngóri's father, "Your daughter has got a tiger for

a husband." Kúngóri's father said, "Whoever can go and take Kúngóri

may have her," but no one dared to take her. However, Hpohtir and

Hrangchal, two friends, said, "We will take her." Kúngóri's father

said, "If you are able to take her you may have her," so Hpohtir and

Hrangchal set off. Going on they came to Keimi's village. The young

tiger-man, Keimi, had gone out hunting; before he reached his house

Hpohtir and Hrangchal went to Kúngóri. "Kúngóri," said they, "where

is your husband?" "He is gone out hunting," she said, "but will be

home directly." On this they became afraid, and Hpohtir and Hrangchal

climbed up on to the top of the high fire-shelf. Kúngóri's husband

arrived. "There is the smell of a human being," said he. "It must

be my smell," said Kúngóri. Night fell; everyone ate their dinners

and lay down to rest. In the morning Kúngóri's husband again went

out to hunt. A widow said (to the two friends), "If you are going

to run away with Kúngóri take fire-seed, thorn-seed, and water-seed

(with you)." So they took fire-seed, thorn-seed, and water-seed,

and they took Kúngóri also and carried her off.

Kúngóri's husband returned home. He looked and found Kúngóri was

gone, so he followed after them in hot haste. A little bird called

to Hrangchal. "Run! run! Kúngóri's husband will catch you," said the

bird. So (the friends) scattered the fire-seed, and the jungle and

undergrowth burnt furiously, so that Kúngóri's husband could not come

any further. When the fire subsided he again resumed the pursuit.

The little bird cried to Hrangchal, "He is catching you up." So they

scattered the water-seed, and a great river rose. However, Kúngóri's

husband waited for the water to go down, and when the water went down

he followed after them as before.

The bird said to Hrangchal, "He is after you again--he is fast gaining

on you; sprinkle the thorn-seed," and thorns sprouted in thickets,

so that Kúngóri's husband could not get on. By biting and tearing

the thorns he at length made a way. and again he followed after

them. Hrangchal's [11] party became bewildered and hid in a clump of

reeds. Hpohtir cut the tiger down dead with a blow of his dao. "I am

Hpohtir,"1 said he. So the tiger died.

Hrangchal and the others went on again until they came to the three

cross-roads of Khuavang, and there they stopped. Hpohtir and Hrangchal

were to keep guard turn about. Hrangchala went to sleep first while

Hpohtir kept watch.

At night Khuavang came. "Who is staying at my cross-roads?" he

said. Hpohtira (spoke out boldly). "Hpohtira and Hrangchala (are

here)," said he, "crouching under the reeds. We cut off the tiger's

head without much ado." Khuavang, hearing and becoming afraid, ran

off. So Hpohtira (woke up Hrangchal, saying), "Hrangchal, get up;

you stay awake now. I am very sleepy; I will lie down. If Khuavang

comes you must not be afraid." Having said this he slept. Hrangchala

watched; presently Khuavang returned. "Who is this staying at my

cross-roads?" he said. Hrangchala was frightened; (however), he

replied, "Hpohtira and Hrangchala (are here); they killed the tiger

that followed them among the reed-roots." But Khuavang was not to

be frightened by this, so he took Kúngóri. Kúngóri marked the road,

trailing behind her a line of cotton thread. They entered into a hole

in the earth, and so arrived at Khuavang's village. The hole in the

earth was stopped up by a great stone. In the morning Hpohtir and

Hrangchala began to abuse each other. Said Hpohtira to Hrangchal,

"Fool man!" said he, "where has Kúngóri gone to? On account of your

faintheartedness Khuavang has carried her off. Away! you will have

to go to Khuavang's village." So they followed Kúngóri's line of

white thread and found that the thread entered (the earth) under a

big rock. They moved away the rock and saw Khuavang's village below

them. Hpohtira called out, "Hoy! give me back my Kúngóri!" Khuavang

replied, "We know nothing about your Kúngóri, whom you were taking

away." "If you do not (immediately) give me Kúngóri I will use my

dao," said Hpohtir. "Hit away," answered Khuavang. With one cut of

the dao a quarter of the village died right off. Again Hpohtir cried,

"Give me my Kúngóri," Khuavang said, "Your Kúngóri is not here." On

this Hpohtir and Hrangchal said, "We will come in." "Come along," said

Khuavang, so they went in and came to Khuavang's house. Khuavang's

daughter was a very pretty girl. "Here is Kúngóri," said they. "This

is not she," said Hpohtir; "give me Kúngóri herself." So (at last)

they gave her to him.

They took her away. Kúngóri said, "I have forgotten my comb." "Go,

Hrangchal, and fetch it," said Hpohtir; but Hrangchala--"I dare

not. I am afraid," said he. So Hpohtir went (himself) to fetch (the

comb). While he was gone Hrangchal took Kúngóri out and closed the

hole with the great stone. After this they arrived at the house of

Kúngóri's father. "You have been able to release my daughter," said he,

"so take her." Kúngóri, however, did not agree. Said Kúngóri's father,

"Hrangchal is here, but where is Hpohtira?" "We do not know Hpohtira's

dwelling-place," he said. So Hrangchala and Kúngóri were united. Though

Kúngóri did not wish it, he just married her.

Hpohtira was married to Khuavang's daughter. Beside the house he

sowed a koi-seed. It sprouted and a creeper sprang (upwards like

a ladder). Hpohtira, when he was at Khuavang's, had a child (born

to him), and he cooked some small stones, and when his wife was

absent he gave the stones which he had cooked to the child, saying,

"Eat." While it was eating Hpohtir climbed up the stalks of the koi

creeper and got out. He went on and arrived at the house of Kúngóri's

father. They had killed a mithan, and were celebrating the Khuangchoi

and dancing. With one blow Hpohtira cut off the head of Hrangchal!

Kúngóri's father cried, "Why, Hpohtira, do you cut off Hrangchala's

head?" "I was obliged to decapitate him," said Hpohtir. "It was I who

released Kúngóri from Keimi's village--Hrangchala dared not do it. When

Khuavang carried off Kúngóri also Hrangchala dared not say him nay--he

was afraid. Afterwards we followed Kúngóri's line of cotton thread,

which led us to Khuavang's village. Kúngóri (after we had released

her from there) forgot her comb; we told Hrangchal to go and fetch

it, but he dared not. 'I am afraid,' said he, so I went to get it. He

then took Kúngóri and left me behind, shutting the hole in the earth

with a great stone. They went away. I married Khuavang's daughter, and

while she was absent I climbed up the stalks of the creeper and came

here." On this, "Is it so?" said they. "Then you shall be united." So

Hrangchala died, and Hpohtira and Kúngóri were married. They were

very comfortable together, and killed many mithan; they possessed

many villages, and lived happy ever after. Thus the story is concluded.

I condense the following tale told by the Kolhen from the obviously

embellished version supplied to the Babu:--

A widow had seven sons and one daughter, called Ringchanghoi, who

was very beautiful, and much beloved by her brothers. To prove the

truth of their professions of love she sent them off to catch the

sun and the moon, that she might wear them as her necklace. Before

their departure they built her a fortified house, and told her to

remain within it until their return. They also left with her some

unhusked rice, which had magical properties, turning red whenever

the brothers were in danger. Ringchanghoi one day was sitting in

the verandah cleaning her hair when she was seen by the king, who

quickly added her to the number of his wives. The youngest brother,

returning alone, found the house empty, and at once rejoining the

others in the sky, where they were still hunting the sun and moon,

told them of the disappearance of their sister. They all returned

home, and on entering the house the youngest brother was changed

into a parrot, while the others fell down dead. The youngest brother

finds his sister and is captured and presented to her, and tells

her what has happened, whereupon she sends off her husband, who by

a powerful charm restores the dead to life and the youngest brother

to his original form, and all ends happily.

In this tale there is some slight resemblance to the Lushai tale of

Rimenhoi, as also there is to the tales told by many clans to account

for eclipses of the sun and moon. The Kom, for instance, say that

the god Awk-pa was drying his rice when the sun and the moon came

riding by and scattered it; this vexed Awk-pa, who lay in ambush in a

cave, and the next time they came he swallowed them. The resemblance

between this tale and the Lushai explanation of an eclipse is very

marked. The name "Awk" is the same, and the idea of swallowing is

preserved. The Purum, while using the same word for an eclipse, have

quite a different story:--"Once upon a time there were seven brothers

who went into the forest to cut wood, and shot a deer, and ordered the

youngest brother to cook it while they went on with their work. The

youngest brother, having cooked the meat, put it on some leaves till

his brothers should return. Some leaves from a tree fell on the meat,

whereupon the deer came to life again and ran away. The brothers

returning got angry and, not believing the tale told by the youngest,

killed him and put his body under the tree. Some leaves falling on

the corpse, it came to life, and the brothers were much astonished

and went home, taking some of the leaves, roots, and bark of the

tree with them." On their way they saw the body of a dog floating

in a river which they had to cross, and put some bark on it and the

animal revived. When they reached home they put the bark, leaves,

and pieces of root to dry in the sunshine, leaving their dog to watch

them. The sun and the moon, perceiving the usefulness of the things,

stole them all and were chased by the dog. When the dog gets too near,

the sun and the moon hide, thus causing eclipses. The Kolhen have

the same name for an eclipse, and their explanation of the phenomenon

is much the same. The god Rikumpu left his dog to watch his garden,

and the sun and the moon came to steal, and are still being chased by

the faithful hound. The Lamgang say that eclipses are caused by their

god catching the sun and the moon, who once stole his tobacco as it

was drying. The Anal have much the same idea. The story is worthy of

being given at length:--"Once upon a time a very pious man who devoted

much time to worshipping God had a pet bitch. The sun and the moon,

being envious, tried to take his virtue from the man. To accomplish

their wicked purpose they promised to give him their virtue if only

he would first entrust them with his. The saint fell into the trap

and the celestial rascals ran off with his virtue. The holy man,

finding himself defrauded, ordered his dog to catch the thieves. The

dog brought a long pole and climbed up it to reach the fugitives,

being followed by her master. She reached the sky and still chases the

sun and moon, and sometimes catches them. Therefore, when an eclipse

occurs the Anal call out, 'Release! Release!' The poor pious man took

so long ascending the pole that before he accomplished the journey

the white ants had eaten up the lower end and the saint fell to the

earth and was killed." Thunder and lightning are accounted for by some

clans thus:--Wulai the lizard climbs a tall tree and shouts defiance,

whereupon God from the sky hurls his axe at him and he runs down,

but the tree is burnt up. The Anal and Kom have also a more poetic

explanation of lightning--viz., that it is the glitter of God's sword

as he plays with it in heaven, while the Purum also say that it is

the glitter of his robes.

Earthquakes are accounted for by assuming the existence of another

world below the surface of the earth. The Purum and Kom say that

Yangmal the earth worm took a present of a piece of earth to the king

of these lower regions. On the way the earth was changed into gold and

silver, much to the delight of the monarch, who sent Yangmal back to

fetch more, but the worm made excuse that the upper world had been

destroyed. To test the truth of this statement the king shakes the

world. The Anal and Lamgang say that the people of the lower world

shake the upper one to find out if anyone is still alive up there,

and so on, an earthquake occurring the Anal and Lamgang villages

resound with shouts of "Alive! Alive!" Rainbows are accounted for as

the lips of God spread in the act of drinking, or simply his glory.

Note.--I must acknowledge the assistance I have received in preparing

the account of these Old Kuki tribes from Babu Nithor Nath Banerji,

head clerk of the Manipur State Hill Office. My information regarding

the Anal, Kom, Purum, and Lamgang was chiefly from his notes, and in

a lesser degree I am indebted to him for details regarding the Kolhen

and Chiru.

Old Kuki Clans--Khawtlang and Khawchhak

The Old Kukis who appeared in Cachar about 1780 are described

by Lieutenant Stewart as being divided into three clans called

Rhangkol, Khelma, and Beteh. The first and last are known in the

Lushai Hills as Hrangchal and Biate respectively, but the Khelma,

whom Dr. Grierson identifies as the Hallam, seem to have emigrated

entirely. The Hrangchal and Biate are two of many clans collectively

known to the Lushais as Hmar--i.e., North--from the position of their

villages with reference to those of the Lushais, and among themselves

as Khawtlang and Khawchhak--i.e., Western and Eastern Villages I have

found representatives of 16 clans in the Lushai Hills and adjoining

portions of Manipur. The most important are Loitlang, subdivided

into six families; Hrangchal, with four families; Thiak, with five

families; and Biate, with the same number. The old village sites of

many of these clans are still called by their names. The Hrangchal

are said to have had a large village at Vanlaiphai, in the centre

of which valley is a large memorial stone with many carvings on it,

which is said to have been erected in memory of Chonluma, a famous

Hrangchal chief of bygone days. The Biate assert that when they lived

on the hill of that name they were attacked by huge eagles, and had

to build stone shelters in which to hide their small children. These

erections are still to be seen, and consist of three rough slabs of

stone with a fourth as a roof, the whole structure being only about 2

to 3 feet high. It was the Biate, also, who fed Rulpui, as has been

described in Part I., Chapter V, 3. The Lungthau, a minor family,

attribute their downfall to an attack by Chuckmahs, which led to

their seeking refuge with the Sailo chief Lalsavunga, and forming a

village at Kelsi, near Aijal, where they were under his protection.

When the aggressions of the Thangur chiefs disturbed the Khawtlang

and Khawchhak one section fled through the country of the Thados into

Cachar, another took refuge among the Chhinchhuan, a Thado family in

the southern portion of the Manipur Hills, to whom they paid tribute,

and a certain number joined the Thangur villages. Between those who

fled to the Chhinchhuan and the Lushais hostilities were carried on

until our arrival in 1890, and, as in the case of the Vuite, we found

many of them living in a state of semi-slavery in the Sailo villages,

whence they have mostly rejoined their relatives, and there are now 296

households of these people in the south-west of the Manipur Hills and

more in the adjoining parts of the Lushai Hills. Lieutenant Stewart,

in his description of the "Old Kukis," states that ordinarily the

dead are cremated, warriors only being buried. I have never heard of

any clan in these hills which cremates its dead. The custom may well

have died out owing to the natural wish of the relatives to do honour

to the deceased by according him the honours of a warrior. Lieutenant

Stewart describes a regular marriage ceremony conducted by the headman

of the village, at the foot of a large stone erected in the middle

of the village. As far as my enquiries go, the marriage ceremonies

differ very little from those of the Lushais.

The dress of the men is the same as among the Lushais, but the

women wear a petticoat with a broad white line between two narrower

blue ones, and dress their hair in a long plait wound round the

head. Zawlbuks are not maintained, but in other respects their

villages resemble those of the Lushais. The village organisation is

more democratic, the chief being replaced by a headman. The honours

of "Thangchhuah" and admission to Pial-ral are obtained by three

times celebrating the Buh-ai festival. There is no restriction as to

having windows.

When a young man wishes to marry he sends messengers bearing a blue and

a white cloth, a hoe, and a pot of liquor to the girl's parents. This

is called "In hawn." If the articles are accepted the marriage takes

place as soon as the necessary amount of zu can be prepared. The

bride's parents kill a pig and the two families feast together. The

girl is conveyed to her husband's house by the men who arranged the

marriage, the party being pelted with dirt as among the Lushais.

In case of adultery, it is the seducer, not the woman's relatives,

who have to compensate the injured husband. This is the common rule

among non-Lushei clans.

A boy is named seven days and a girl five days after birth, a red

cock being killed and zu drunk. The maternal uncle gives the name.

In common with many Old Kuki clans, the dead are buried in a special

cemetery outside the village. The corpse of a "Thangchhuah," dressed

in fine cloths and the head adorned with a chaplet of the tail feathers

of the hornbill, is carried round the village on a bier by all the old

people of both sexes, encircled by a ring of dancers singing a dirge

to the accompaniment of drums, and followed by the widow dressed in

the scantiest rags and raising loud lamentations. A halt is called

opposite the house of every person of importance, and the inmate

is expected to regale the party with zu. The circuit of the village

completed, the corpse is carried to the grave and buried with rice

and other eatables and a flagon of zu. A rough representation of a

house is built over the grave and food and drink are placed in it for

a year. The grave is fenced round and the heads of any animals which

have been killed in the deceased's honour are placed on posts. At

the close of a year a cane is stretched between poles over the grave,

and from it are suspended pieces of cloth, small baskets containing

tobacco and linseed, and the bodies of small animals and birds. This

is the final ceremony, and the spirit is supposed to have no further

concern with this world.

The Biate in the Lushai Hills worship the images in the Bhuban caves,

but I am told that those in the North Cachar Hills differ in this

respect. The three images are called Bolawng Raia, Chhinga Raia,

and Maituki Raia, Raia being a corruption of Rajah. A fowl, a pig,

two eggs, and two kinds of jungle vegetable called "chinghrut" and

"hruitung" are offered to these deities outside the village once a

year. The following tale is told to account for this worship of images,

which is so opposed to general custom:--Long ago Zatea stole a mithan

belonging to two Biate chiefs, Chonlut and Manlal, and on their trying

to recover their property they were severely wounded. On their way

home they noticed that the leaves of the "bung" tree, a species of

Ficus, attached themselves to their clothes, and at night they dreamt

that the leaves spoke, saying, "Do not throw us away; we are sent by

the gods of the Bhuban caves to heal you." They applied the leaves to

their wounds and were soon healed, and then set off in search of these

new gods. [12] It is probable that in the course of their wanderings

the Biate at one time lived near the Bhuban, and in that case their

adopting the figures as local deities is quite in keeping with what

has happened in other clans. Thus the Chiru worship the god of Kobru,

though their settlement near that hill is of recent date. The Zote,

a clan very closely allied to the Biate, after sacrificing a mithan,

place bung leaves in a basket at the foot of the memorial post and

throw them away with the "sherh" after three days. This clan pays

special honour to Chhura, and after a mithan sacrifice a knotched pole

called Chhura's ladder is placed against the gable of the house, and

the skull, tail, and entrails are placed over it for three days. The

jawbones are hung on a branch specially left for this purpose when

the memorial post is being trimmed; a rough fence is made round the

posts, on which matting representations of pythons and a bow with an

arrow adjusted are hung. The latter is said to drive off the Huai,

and reminds one of the similar custom of the Manipuris on the occasion

of erecting the first post of a house.