CHAPTER IX.

THE RETREAT FROM LENOIR'S AND THE BATTLE OF CAMPBELL'S STATION.

From October 22d to October 28th the Thirty-sixth Massachusetts was

encamped at Loudon, but the enemy failed to appear. At half-past two

o'clock, on the morning of the 28th, the baggage was sent across the

river, the regiment followed, and the pontoons were taken up. The

regiment then marched to Lenoir's, about twenty-three miles south-west

of Knoxville, and halted for the night. On the following day orders

were received to establish a permanent camp for the winter. Never was

such an order more welcome. A year of varied and arduous toil was to be

followed, it was supposed, by a season of grateful rest.

The place selected for the winter-quarters of the regiment was a

thrifty young oak grove, nearly a quarter of a mile east of the little

village of Lenoir's. The camp was laid out with unusual care. In

order to secure uniformity throughout the regiment, the size of the

log-houses--they were to be ten feet by six--was announced in orders

from regimental head-quarters. The work of construction was at once

commenced. Unfortunately we were so far from our base of supplies--Camp

Nelson, Kentucky--that nearly all our transportation was required

by the Commissary Department for the conveyance of its stores.

Consequently the Quartermaster's Department was poorly supplied,

and the only axes that could be obtained were those the pioneers

and company cooks had brought with them for their own use. These,

accordingly, were pressed into the service, and their merry ringing,

as the men cheerfully engaged in the work, could be heard from early

morning until evening. Small oaks, four and five inches in diameter,

were chiefly used in building these houses. The logs were laid one

above another, to the height of four feet, intersecting at the corners

of the houses like the rails of a Virginia fence. The interstices were

filled with mud. Shelter tents, buttoned together to the size required,

formed the roof, and afforded ample protection from the weather, except

in very heavy rains. Each house had its fireplace, table, and bunk.

On the 13th of November the houses were nearly completed throughout

the camp; and as we sat by our cheerful fires that evening, and looked

forward to the leisure and rest of the winter before us, we considered

ourselves the happiest of soldiers. Unless something unforeseen should

happen, we thought we were sure of a quiet and pleasant winter at

Lenoir's.

That something unforeseen, however, was at hand, and our pleasant

dreams were destined to fade away like an unsubstantial pageant,

leaving not a rack behind. At four o'clock, on the morning of the

14th, the sergeant-major hurried to the officers' quarters with the

order, "Be ready to march at daybreak." The order was at once repeated

to the orderly sergeants of the several companies. Forthwith the camp

was astir. Lights flashed here and there through the trees. "Pack up!

pack up!" passed from lip to lip. "Shall we take everything?" was the

eager inquiry on every hand. "Yes, everything," was the reply from

head-quarters. Reluctantly the shelter-tents were stripped from the

well-built houses, which were justly the pride of both officers and

men. Knapsacks and trunks were packed. The wagon for the officers'

baggage came, was hurriedly loaded, and driven away. A hasty breakfast

followed; then, forming our line, we stacked arms, and awaited further

orders.

The meaning of all this is not so dark now as it was then.

Lieutenant-General Longstreet, who was in command of the best corps

in Bragg's army at Chattanooga, received instructions, November

3d, at a counsel of war, to move his command against Burnside.

Bragg's formal letter of instructions was dated November 4th, and

on that day Longstreet put his troops in motion, with orders "to

drive Burnside out of East Tennessee first; or, better, to capture

or destroy him." He had with him more than fifteen thousand men,

besides Wheeler's cavalry,--"portions of five brigades" (perhaps five

thousand more),--and eighty pieces of artillery. General Grant, who

at that time was mustering his forces for an assault on Bragg, at

once was informed of the movement. As early as October 26th he had

thought of the possibility of such a movement, and had telegraphed to

Burnside, "Do you hear of any of Bragg's army threatening you from the

south-west?" He now, November 5th, announced to Burnside the departure

of Longstreet, saying, "I will endeavor, from here, to bring the enemy

back from your right flank, as soon as possible." Accordingly, two

days later, he ordered Thomas to attack Bragg. "The news is of such a

nature," he said, in his order, "that it becomes an imperative duty for

your force to draw the attention of the enemy from Burnside to your own

front." But Thomas had no horses with which to move his artillery, and

the attack was necessarily delayed. November 12th Burnside telegraphed

to Grant: "We will endeavor to hold in check any force that comes

against us, until Thomas is ready."

This force, under Longstreet, was close upon us. The next day,

November 13th, Burnside ascertained that Longstreet had reached the

Tennessee river at Hough's Ferry, a few miles below Loudon. He at

once informed Grant, and proposed to concentrate his forces and fall

back on Knoxville, so as to draw Longstreet as far from Bragg as

possible. And this was the reason why we were so suddenly called to

leave our comfortable winter-quarters at Lenoir's. Longstreet had

thrown a pontoon across the river, and was moving across his entire

command, except the cavalry under Wheeler, which he had sent by way

of Marysville, with orders to seize the heights on the south bank of

the Holston river, opposite Knoxville. Knoxville was Longstreet's

objective. It was the key of East Tennessee. Should it fall into

the enemy's hands we should be obliged to retire to Cumberland Gap.

Lenoir's did not lie in Longstreet's path. If we remained there

he would push his columns past our right, and get between us and

Knoxville. It was evident, therefore, that the place must be abandoned,

and there was need of haste. The mills and factories in the village

were accordingly destroyed, and the wagon-train started north.

The morning had opened heavily with clouds, and as the day advanced the

rain came down in torrents. A little before noon our division, then

under the command of General Ferrero, moved out of the woods, but,

instead of taking the road to Knoxville, as we had anticipated, the

column marched down the Loudon road. Grant had telegraphed Burnside:

"If you can hold Longstreet in check until Sherman gets up, or, by

skirmishing and falling back, can avoid serious loss to yourself,

and gain time, I will be able to force the enemy back from here, and

place a force between Longstreet and Bragg that must inevitably make

the former take to the mountain passes by every available road, to

get to his supplies." We, then, were to watch the enemy, and so not

only secure the safety of our trains and material, then on the way

to Knoxville, but also to have a part in the great work Grant had

undertaken in the campaign upon which he had just entered.

A few miles from Lenoir's, while we were halting for rest in a

drenching rain, General Burnside passed us on his way to the front;

under his slouched hat there was a sterner face than there was wont to

be. "There is trouble ahead," said the men; but the cheers which rose

from regiment after regiment, as with his staff and battle-flag he

swept past us, told the confidence which we all felt in Old "Burnie."

One incident of that march is still fresh in memory. Captain Buffum's

mess had secured several goodly turkeys, which were still fattening for

the approaching Thanksgiving. They were entrusted that morning to Jim,

the captain's colored servant, with many injunctions to faithfulness.

Late in the afternoon Jim was discovered empty-handed. "Where are those

turkeys?" thundered the captain. "I don't know, sah," replied Jim; "I

was tired, and lef' 'em by the road." "O Jim," added the captain, "I

knew you would yet ruin me!"

Chapin's brigade of White's command (Twenty-third Army Corps), was in

the advance; and, about four o'clock, his skirmishers met those of the

enemy, and drove them back a mile and a half. The country became hilly

as we advanced, and our artillery moved with difficulty. At dark we

were in front of the enemy's position, having marched nearly fourteen

miles. Our line was formed in a heavy timber, and we there stacked

arms, awaiting orders. It still rained hard; but here and there, we

hardly know how, fires were made, to prepare the ever-welcome cup of

coffee; and then, weary and wet, we laid down on the well-soaked ground.

During the evening a circular was received, notifying us of an intended

attack on the enemy's lines, at nine o'clock P.M., by the troops of

White's command; but, with the exception of an occasional shot, the

night was a quiet one. The rain ceased about ten.

Two additional despatches had been sent by Grant that day. The first

asked, "Can you hold the line from Knoxville to Clinton for seven

days?" And again, at ten o'clock, he added, "It is of the most vital

importance that East Tennessee should be held. Take immediate steps to

that end."

The next morning, at daybreak, our line was noiselessly formed, and we

marched out of the woods into the road. But it was not an advance as we

anticipated. During the night Burnside had issued orders for his troops

to return to Lenoir's. Such was the state of the roads, however, on

account of the heavy rainfall of the day before, that it was almost

impossible to move our artillery. At one time our whole regiment was

detailed to assist Roemer's battery. Near Loudon we passed the Second

Division of our corps, which, during the night, had moved down from

Lenoir's, in order to be within supporting distance. But the enemy did

not seem to be disposed to press us. We reached Lenoir's about noon.

Sigfried, with the Second Division, followed later in the day. Our

brigade (Morrison's) was now drawn up in line of battle on the Kingston

road, to check any movement the enemy might make in that direction. A

small force appeared in our front about three o'clock, and drove in the

pickets. The Eighth Michigan was at once deployed as skirmishers. The

Thirty-sixth Massachusetts and Forty-fifth Pennsylvania at the same

time moved forward to support the skirmishers, and took a position in

the woods, on the left of the road. Just at dark, to feel our position,

the enemy made a dash, and pressed our skirmishers back nearly to our

line, but declined to advance any further.

Burnside now made preparations to withdraw from Lenoir's, and fall back

on Knoxville. About the station nearly one hundred wagons were drawn

up, and as the mules were needed in order to move the artillery, the

spokes of the wheels were cut, and the stores and baggage in the wagons

were destroyed. At the same time a portion of the Ninth Corps, under

Colonel Hartranft, and a body of mounted infantry, were sent toward

Knoxville, with orders to hold the junction of the road from Lenoir's

with the Knoxville and Kingston roads, near the village of Campbell's

Station. The distance was only eight miles; but the progress of the

columns was much retarded. Such was still the condition of the roads

that the artillery could be moved only with the greatest difficulty.

Colonel Biddle dismounted some of his men and hitched their horses to

the guns. In order to lighten the caissons, some of the ammunition was

removed from the boxes and destroyed; but as little as possible, for

who could say it would not be needed on the morrow? Throughout the long

night officers and men faltered not in their efforts to help forward

the batteries. In the light of subsequent events, as it will be seen,

they could not have performed any more important service. Colonel

Hartranft that night displayed the same spirit and energy which he

infused into his gallant Pennsylvanians at Fort Steadman in the last

agonies of the rebellion, when, rolling back the fiercest assaults

of the enemy, he gained the first real success in the trenches at

Petersburg, and won for himself the double star of a major-general.

Meanwhile the Thirty-sixth and the other regiments of Morrison's

brigade remained on the Kingston road in front of Lenoir's. The

enemy, anticipating an evacuation of the place, made an attack on our

lines about ten o'clock P.M.; but a few shots from our pickets were

sufficient to satisfy him that we still held the ground. Additional

pickets, however, were sent out to extend the line held by the Eighth

Michigan. The Thirty-sixth Massachusetts and Forty-fifth Pennsylvania

still remained in line of battle in the woods. Neither officers nor men

slept that night. It was bitter cold, and the usual fires were denied

us, lest they should betray our weakness to the enemy. The men were

ordered to put their canteens and tin cups in their haversacks, and

remain quietly in their places, ready for any movement at a moment's

notice. It was a long, tedious, anxious night; what would the morrow

bring? It was Sunday night. The day had brought us no rest, only

weariness and care. No one could speak to his fellow; and in the thick

darkness, through the long, long night, we lay on our arms, waiting for

the morning. How many hearts there were among us which, overleaping

the boundaries of States, found their way to Pennsylvania and New

England homes; how many which, on the morrow, among the hills of East

Tennessee, were to pour out their life's blood even unto death!

At length the morning came. It was cloudy as the day before. White's

division of the Twenty-third Corps was now on the road to Knoxville;

and, besides our own brigade, only Humphrey's brigade of our division

remained at Lenoir's. About daybreak, as silently as possible, we

withdrew from our position on the Kingston road, and, falling back

through the village of Lenoir's took the Knoxville road, Humphrey's

brigade, consisting of the Second, Seventeenth, and Twentieth Michigan

regiments, covering the retreat. The enemy, Hood's division, at once

discovered this movement, but, lingering around the burning baggage

and stores, did not press us till we were within about two miles of

Campbell's Station. Humphrey, however, held them in check with the loss

of a few killed and wounded,--among the former Colonel Smith, of the

Twentieth Michigan,--and Morrison moved rapidly on to the point where

the road from Lenoir's unites with the road from Kingston to Knoxville.

It was evidently Longstreet's purpose to cut off our retreat at this

place. For this reason he had not pressed us at Lenoir's, the afternoon

previous, but had moved the main body of the force under his command to

our right. But the mounted infantry, which had been sent to this point

during the night, and which had moved out on this road, were able to

hold his advance in check till Hartranft came up.

On reaching the junction of the roads Morrison ordered us into an

open field on our left, and the Thirty-sixth was directed to take

position in rear of a rail-fence, with our right resting on the

Kingston road. The Eighth Michigan was on our left. The Forty-fifth

Pennsylvania was deployed as skirmishers. Meanwhile the rest of the

troops on the road from Lenoir's, and those which had preceded us,

were moving to a position selected by Burnside, a little way beyond

the village of Campbell's Station; and we were left to cover the

movement. Unfurling our colors we awaited the advance of the enemy.

There was little delay. In our front there was an occasional shot,

and also to our right; but it was soon evident that the enemy were

moving to our left, in order to gain the cover of the woods and obtain

a more favorable position for attack. Moving off by the left flank,

therefore, we took a second position in an adjoining field. Finding now

the enemy moving rapidly through the woods, and threatening our rear

with increasing numbers,--Hood's division, that had followed us from

Lenoir's, being now up,--we executed a left half-wheel, and, advancing

on the double-quick to the rail-fence which ran along the edge of

the woods, we opened a heavy fire. The manner in which Major Draper

handled the regiment in these trying circumstances was worthy of the

highest praise. From this new position the enemy at once endeavored

to force us. His fire was well directed, but the fence afforded us a

slight protection. Lieutenant J. B. Fairbank and a few of the men were

here wounded. For a while we held the enemy in check, but at length

the skirmishers of the Forty-fifth Pennsylvania, who were watching

our right, discovered a body of rebel infantry pushing toward our

rear from the Kingston road. Colonel Morrison, our brigade commander,

at once ordered the Thirty-sixth Massachusetts and Eighth Michigan

to face about, and establish a new line in rear of the rail-fence on

the opposite side of the field. We advanced on the double-quick, and,

reaching the fence, our men, with a shout, poured a volley into the

rebel line of battle, which not only checked its advance, but drove

it back in confusion. Meanwhile the enemy in our rear moved up to the

edge of the woods, which we had just left, and now opened a brisk fire.

We at once crossed the fence, in order to place it between us and his

fire, and were about to devote our attention again to him when orders

came for us to withdraw, it being no longer necessary for us to hold

the junction of the roads, as all our troops and wagons had now passed.

The enemy, too, was closing in upon us, and his fire was the hottest.

We moved off in good order; but our loss in killed and wounded was

quite heavy, considering the time we were under fire.

Among the killed was Lieutenant P. Marion Holmes (Co. B), of

Charlestown, Massachusetts, of whom it might well be said,

"He died as fathers wish their sons to die."

Lieutenant Holmes had been wounded in the foot at the battle of Blue

Springs, October 10th, and, as the wound was not fully healed, had

made the march from Lenoir's that morning with great difficulty. But

he would not leave his men. On his breast he wore the badge of the

Bunker Hill Club, on which was engraved the familiar line from Horace,

which Warren quoted just before the battle of Bunker Hill: "_Dulce et

decorum est pro patria mori_,"--It is sweet and glorious to die for

one's country. In the death of Lieutenant Holmes the regiment sustained

a great loss. Frank, courteous, manly, brave, he had won all hearts;

and his sudden removal from our companionship, at that moment, will

ever remind us of the great price with which that morning's success was

bought. His men made a noble endeavor to bear the body from the field;

but the enemy were pressing us so hard that they were reluctantly

compelled to leave it near the spot where the lieutenant fell. There he

was buried, and his grave marked, so that, a few weeks after, friends

from home found the spot, and took up the remains, and brought them to

Charlestown, Mass., where funeral services were held January 18, 1864.

As we left the open field, and entered the woods between us and

Campbell's Station, the enemy manœuvred to cut us off from the

road, so that we were obliged to oblique to the left. Moving on the

double-quick, receiving an occasional volley, and barely escaping

capture, we at length emerged from the woods on the outskirts of the

village. Our formation by fours was well preserved in this movement,

and Major Draper afterwards learned from a rebel officer, that the

order and steadiness displayed by the Thirty-sixth under these trying

circumstances, prevented an attack upon us which might have led to

a serious disaster to our brigade. He said they thought there was a

"Regular" regiment among the rest, upon which the others might form.

Passing through the village of Campbell's Station, we were soon under

cover of our artillery, which General Potter, under the direction of

General Burnside, had placed in position on high ground, just beyond

the village. Campbell's Station is situated between two low ranges of

hills, which are nearly a mile apart. Across the intervening space our

infantry was drawn up in a single line of battle. Ferrero's division of

the Ninth Corps held the right; White's division of the Twenty-third

Corps held the centre; and Hartranft's division of the Ninth Corps held

the left. Benjamin's, Buckley's, Getting's, and Von Schlein's batteries

were on the right of the road. Roemer's battery was on the left. The

Thirty-sixth Massachusetts supported Roemer.

Longstreet, meanwhile, had disposed his forces for an attack on our

position, but was delayed on account of the difficulty experienced in

moving his artillery. At noon the rebels came out of the woods just

beyond the village, in two lines of battle, with a line of skirmishers

in front. The whole field was open to our view. Benjamin and Roemer

opened fire at once; and so accurate was their range that the rebel

lines were immediately broken, and they fell back into the woods

in confusion. The enemy, under cover of the woods on the slope of

the ridge, now advanced against our right. Christ's brigade, of our

division, at once changed front. Buckley executed the same movement

with his battery, and, by a well-directed fire, checked the enemy's

progress in that direction. The enemy next manœuvred to turn our left.

Falling back, however, to a stronger position in our rear, selected

by General Burnside, we established a new line about four o'clock

in the afternoon. This was done under a heavy fire from the enemy's

batteries. Ferrero was now on the right of the road. Morrison's brigade

was placed in rear of a rail fence, at the foot of the ridge on which

Benjamin's battery had been planted. Several of the Thirty-sixth were

wounded by the packing of the shells fired by Benjamin; and by a piece

of a shell from the same battery, that burst prematurely, Sergeant

Gallup, of Company A, was so severely wounded that he died in a short

time. The position for the regiment was a very trying one. The enemy,

however, did not seem inclined to attack us in front, but pushed along

the ridge, on our left, aiming to strike Hartranft in flank and rear.

He was discovered in this attempt; and, just as he was moving over

ground recently cleared, Roemer, changing front at the same time with

Hartranft, opened his three-inch guns on the rebel line, and drove it

back in disorder, followed by the skirmishers. Longstreet, foiled in

all these attempts to force us from our position, now withdrew beyond

the range of our guns, and made no further demonstrations that day.

Our troops were justly proud of their success; for, with a force not

exceeding five thousand men, they had held in check, for an entire day,

three times their own number, and with a comparatively small loss.[4]

In the Ninth Corps there were twenty-six killed, one hundred and

sixty-six wounded, and fifty-seven missing. Of these the Thirty-sixth

Massachusetts had one officer and three enlisted men killed, three

officers and fourteen enlisted men wounded, and three enlisted men

missing.

[4] General Longstreet, in his official report of this action, says:

"As soon as McLaws got up he was ordered to deploy three of his

brigades in front of the enemy, and to put the other brigade upon a

ridge on our left, so as to threaten the enemy's right. At the same

time, Colonel Alexander put his artillery in position, and General

Jenkins was ordered with Hood's division around the enemy's left, and,

upon arriving opposite the enemy's position, to make an attack upon

their flank, while General McLaws was advancing against the enemy's

front to follow General Jenkins' attack. The flank movement and the

fire of our batteries caused the enemy to retire in some haste. McLaws'

division advanced promptly, and brought the enemy to a stand about a

mile further toward his rear, in a more commanding position. If General

Jenkins could have made his attack during this movement, or if he

could have made it after the enemy had taken his second position, we

must have destroyed this force, recovered East Tennessee, and in all

probability captured the greater portion of the enemy's forces. He

attributes his failure to do so to some mismanagement of General Law.

Before I could get a staff officer to him to ascertain the occasion of

the delay, night came on and our efforts ceased."

At six o'clock P.M. Ferrero's division, followed by Hartranft's,

moved to the rear, taking the road to Knoxville. White's division of

the Twenty-third Corps covered the retreat. Campbell's Station is a

little more than sixteen miles from Knoxville; but the night was so

dark, and the road so muddy, that our progress was much retarded, and

we did not reach Knoxville till about four o'clock the next morning.

We had now been without sleep forty-eight hours. Moreover, since the

previous morning, we had marched twenty-four miles and fought a battle.

Halting just outside the town, weary and worn, we threw ourselves on

the ground, and snatched a couple hours of sleep. Captain O. M. Poe,

Burnside's engineer, had been sent from Campbell's Station to select

the lines of defence at Knoxville. This, from his familiarity with the

ground, he was enabled readily to do; and early in the day--it was the

17th of November--General Burnside assigned the batteries and regiments

of his command to the positions they were to occupy in the defence of

the place.

History of the Thirty-sixth Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers. 1862-1865 · 第 9 / 29 章