THE HIGHLANDERS IN NORTH CAROLINA.
The earliest, largest and most important settlement of Highlanders in
America, prior to the Peace of 1783, was in North Carolina, along Cape
Fear River, about one hundred miles from its mouth, and in what was then
Bladen, but now Cumberland County. The time when the Highlanders began
to occupy this territory is not definitely known; but some were located
there in 1729, at the time of the separation of the province into North
and South Carolina. It is not known what motive caused the first
settlers to select that region. There was no leading clan in this
movement, for various ones were well represented. At the headwaters of
navigation these pioneers literally pitched their tent in the
wilderness, for there were but few human abodes to offer them shelter.
The chief occupants of the soil were the wild deer, turkeys, wolves,
raccoons, opossums, with huge rattlesnakes to contest the intrusion.
Fortunately for the homeless immigrant the climate was genial, and the
stately tree would afford him shelter while he constructed a house out
of logs proffered by the forest. Soon they began to fell the primeval
forest, grub, drain, and clear the rich alluvial lands bordering on the
river, and plant such vegetables as were to give them subsistence.
In course of time a town was formed, called Campbellton, then Cross
Creek, and after the Revolution, in honor of the great Frenchman, who
was so truly loyal to Washington, it was permanently changed to
Fayetteville.
The immigration to North Carolina was accelerated, not only by the
accounts sent back to the Highlanders of Scotland by the first settlers,
but particularly under the patronage of Gabriel Johnston, governor of
the province from 1734 until his death in 1752. He was born in Scotland,
educated at the University of St. Andrews, where he became professor of
Oriental languages, and still later a political writer in London. He
bears the reputation of having done more to promote the prosperity of
North Carolina than all its other colonial governors combined. However,
he was often arbitrary and unwise with his power, besides having the
usual misfortune of colonial governors of being at variance with the
legislature. He was very partial to the people of his native country,
and sought to better their condition by inducing them to emigrate to
North Carolina. Among the charges brought against him, in 1748, was his
inordinate fondness for Scotchmen, and even Scotch rebels. So great, it
was alleged, was his partiality for the latter that he showed no joy
over the king's "glorious victory of Culloden;" and "that he had
appointed one William McGregor, who had been in the Rebellion in the
year 1715, a Justice of the Peace during the late Rebellion (1745) and
was not himself without suspicion of disaffection to His Majesty's
Government."[21]
The "Colonial Records of North Carolina" contain many distinctively
Highland names, most of which refer to persons whose nativity was in the
Scottish Highlands; but these furnish no certain criterion, for
doubtless some of the parties, though of Highland parents, were born in
the older provinces, while in later colonial history others belong to
the Scotch-Irish, who came in that great wave of migration from Ulster,
and found a lodgment upon the headwaters of the Cape Fear, Pee Dee and
Neuse. Many of the early Highland emigrants were very prominent in the
annals of the colony, among whom none were more so than Colonel James
Innes, who was born about the year 1700 at Cannisbay, a town on the
extreme northern point of the coast of Scotland. He was a personal
friend of Governor Dinwiddie of Virginia, who in 1754 appointed him
commander-in-chief of all the forces in the expedition to the
Ohio,--George Washington being the colonel commanding the Virginia
regiment. He had previously seen some service as a captain in the
unsuccessful expedition against Carthagenia.
The real impetus of the Highland emigration to North Carolina was the
arrival, in 1739, of a "shipload," under the guidance of Neil McNeill,
of Kintyre, Scotland, who settled also on the Cape Fear, amongst those
who had preceded him. Here he found Hector McNeill, called "Bluff
Hector," from his residence near the bluffs above Cross Creek.
Neil McNeill, with his countrymen, landed on the Cape Fear during the
month of September. They numbered three hundred and fifty souls,
principally from Argyleshire. At the ensuing session of the legislature
they made application for substantial encouragement, that they might
thereby be able to induce the rest of their friends and acquaintances to
settle in the country. While this petition was pending, in order to
encourage them and others and also to show his good will, the governor
appointed, by the council of the province, a certain number of them
justices of the peace, the commissions bearing date of February 28,
1740. The proceedings show that it was "ordered that a new commission of
peace for Bladen directed to the following persons: Mathew Rowan, Wm.
Forbes, Hugh Blaning, John Clayton, Robert Hamilton, Griffeth Jones,
James Lyon, Duncan Campbel, Dugold McNeil, Dan McNeil, Wm. Bartram and
Samuel Baker hereby constituting and appointing them Justices of the
Peace for the said county."[22]
These were the first so appointed. The petition was first heard in the
upper house of the legislature, at Newbern, and on January 26, 1740, the
following action was taken:
"Resolved, that the Persons mentioned in said Petition, shall be free
from payment of any Publick or County tax for Ten years next ensuing
their Arrival.
"Resolved, that towards their subsistence the sum of one thousand
pounds be paid out of the Publick money, by His Excellency's warrant
to be lodged with Duncan Campbell, Dugald McNeal, Daniel McNeal.
Coll. McAlister and Neal McNeal Esqrs., to be by them distributed
among the several families in the said Petition mentioned.
"Resolved, that as an encouragement for Protestants to remove from
Europe into this Province, to settle themselves in bodys or
Townships, That all such as shall so remove into this Province.
Provided they exceed forty persons in one body or Company, they shall
be exempted from payment of any Publick or County tax for the space
of Ten years, next ensuing their Arrival.
"Resolved, that an address be presented to his Excellency the
Governor to desire him to use his Interest, in such manner, as he
shall think most proper to obtain an Instruction for giveing
encouragement to Protestants from foreign parts, to settle in
Townships within this Province, to be set apart for that purpose
after the manner, and with such priviledges and advantages, as is
practised in South Carolina."[23]
The petition was concurred in by the lower house on February 21st, and
on the 26th, after reciting the action of the upper house in relation to
the petition, passed the following:
"Resolved, That this House concurs with the several Resolves of the
Upper House in the abovesd Message Except that relateing to the
thousand pounds which this House refers till next Session of Assembly
for Consideration."[24]
At a meeting of the council held at Wilmington, June 4, 1740, there were
presented petitions for patents of lands, by the following persons,
giving acres and location, as granted:
Name. Acres. County.
Thos Clarks 320 N. Hanover
James McLachlan 160 Bladen
Hector McNeil 300 "
Duncan Campbell 150 "
James McAlister 640 "
James McDugald 640 "
Duncan Campbell 75 "
Hugh McCraine 500 "
Duncan Campbell 320 "
Gilbert Pattison 640 "
Rich Lovett 855 Tyrrel
Rd Earl 108 N. Hanover
Jno McFerson 320 Bladen
Duncan Campbell 300 "
Neil McNeil 150 "
Duncan Campbell 140 "
Jno Clark 320 "
Malcolm McNeil 320 "
Neil McNeil 400 "
Arch Bug 320 "
Name. Acres. County.
Duncan Campbel 640 Bladen
Jas McLachlen 320 "
Murdock McBraine 320 "
Jas Campbel 640 "
Patric Stewart 320 "
Arch Campley 320 "
Dan McNeil 105 (400) 400 "
Neil McNeil 400 "
Duncan Campbel 320 "
Jno Martileer 160 "
Daniel McNeil 320 "
Wm Stevens 300 "
Dan McNeil 400 "
Jas McLachlen 320 "
Wm Speir 160 Edgecombe
Jno Clayton 100 Bladen
Sam Portevint 640 N. Hanover
Charles Harrison 320 "
Robt Walker 640 "
Jas Smalwood 640 "
Wm Faris 400 640 640 "
Richd Carlton 180 Craven
Duncan Campbel 150 Bladen
Neil McNeil 321 "
Alex McKey 320 "
Henry Skibley 320 "
Jno Owen 200 "
Duncan Campbel 400 "
Dougal Stewart 640 "
Arch Douglass 200 N. Hanover
James Murray 320 "
Robt Clark 200 "
Duncan Campbel 148 Bladen
James McLachlen 320 "
Arch McGill 500 "
Jno Speir 100 Edgecombe
James Fergus 640 "
Rufus Marsden 640 "
Hugh Blaning 320 (surplus land) Bladen
Robt Hardy 400 Beaufort
Wm Jones 354 350 [25]
All the above names, by no means are Highland; but as they occur in the
same list, in all probability, came on the same ship, and were probably
connected by kindred ties with the Gaels.
The colony was destined soon to receive a great influx from the
Highlands of Scotland, due to the frightful oppression and persecution
which immediately followed the battle of Culloden. Not satisfied with
the merciless harrying of the Highlands, the English army on its return
into England carried with it a large number of prisoners, and after a
hasty military trial many were publicly executed. Twenty-two suffered
death in Yorkshire; seventeen were put to death in Cumberland; and
seventeen at Kennington Common, near London. When the king's vengeance
had been fully glutted, he pardoned a large number, on condition of
their leaving the British Isles and emigrating to the plantations, after
having first taken the oath of allegiance.
The collapsing of the romantic scheme to re-establish the Stuart
dynasty, in which so many brave and generous mountaineers were enlisted,
also brought an indiscriminate national punishment upon the Scottish
Gaels, for a blow was struck not only at those "who were out" with
prince Charles, but also those who fought for the reigning dynasty. Left
without chief, or protector, clanship broken up, homes destroyed and
kindred murdered, dispirited, outlawed, insulted and without hope of
palliation or redress, the only ray of light pointed across the Atlantic
where peace and rest were to be found in the unbroken forests of North
Carolina. Hence, during the years 1746 and 1747, great numbers of
Highlanders, with their families and the families of their friends,
removed to North Carolina and settled along the Cape Fear river,
covering a great space of country, of which Cross Creek, or Campbelton,
now Fayetteville, was the common center. This region received shipload
after shipload of the harrassed, down-trodden and maligned people. The
emigration, forced by royal persecution and authority, was carried on by
those who desired to improve their condition, by owning the land they
tilled. In a few years large companies of Highlanders joined their
countrymen in Bladen County, which has since been subdivided into the
counties of Anson, Bladen, Cumberland, Moore, Richmond, Robeson and
Sampson, but the greater portion established themselves within the
present limits of Cumberland, with Fayetteville the seat of justice.
There was in fact a Carolina mania which was not broken until the
beginning of the Revolution.[26] The flame of enthusiasm passed like
wildfire through the Highland glens and Western Isles. It pervaded all
classes, from the poorest crofter to the well-to-do farmer, and even men
of easy competence, who were according to the appropriate song of the
day,
"Dol a dh'iarruidh an fhortain do North Carolina."
Large ocean crafts, from several of the Western Lochs, laden with
hundreds of passengers sailed direct for the far west. In that day this
was a great undertaking, fraught with perils of the sea, and a long,
comfortless voyage. Yet all this was preferable than the homes they
loved so well; but no longer homes to them! They carried with them their
language, their religion, their manners, their customs and costumes. In
short, it was a Highland community transplanted to more hospitable
shores.
The numbers of Highlanders at any given period can only relatively be
known. In 1753 it was estimated that in Cumberland County there were one
thousand Highlanders capable of bearing arms, which would make the whole
number between four and five thousand,--to say nothing of those in the
adjoining districts, besides those scattered in the other counties of
the province.
The people at once settled quietly and devoted their energies to
improving their lands. The country rapidly developed and wealth began to
drop into the lap of the industrious. The social claims were not
forgotten, and the political demands were attended to. It is recorded
that in 1758 Hector McNeil was sheriff of Cumberland County, and as his
salary was but £10, it indicates his services were not in demand, and
there was a healthy condition of affairs.
Hector McNeil and Alexander McCollister represented Cumberland County in
the legislature that assembled at Wilmington April 13, 1762. In 1764 the
members were Farquhar Campbell and Walter Gibson,--the former being
also a member in 1769, 1770, 1771, and 1775, and during this period one
of the leading men, not only of the county, but also of the legislature.
Had he, during the Revolution, taken a consistent position in harmony
with his former acts, he would have been one of the foremost patriots of
his adopted state; but owing to his vacillating character, his course of
conduct inured to his discomfiture and reputation.
The legislative body was clothed with sufficient powers to ameliorate
individual distress, and was frequently appealed to for relief. In quite
a list of names, seeking relief from "Public duties and Taxes," April
16, 1762, is that of Hugh McClean, of Cumberland county. The relief was
granted. This would indicate that there was more or less of a struggle
in attaining an independent home, which the legislative body desired to
assist in as much as possible, in justice to the commonwealth.
The Peace of 1763 not only saw the American Colonies prosperous, but
they so continued, making great strides in development and growth.
England began to look towards them as a source for additional revenue
towards filling her depleted exchequer; and, in order to realize this,
in March, 1765, her parliament passed, by great majorities, the
celebrated act for imposing stamp duties in America. All America was
soon in a foment. The people of North Carolina had always asserted their
liberties on the subject of taxation. As early as 1716, when the
province, all told, contained only eight thousand inhabitants, they
entered upon the journal of their assembly the formal declaration "that
the impressing of the inhabitants or their property under pretence of
its being for the public service without authority of the Assembly, was
unwarrantable and a great infringement upon the liberty of the subject."
In 1760 the Assembly declared its indubitable right to frame and model
every bill whereby an aid was granted to the king. In 1764 it entered
upon its journal a peremptory order that the treasurer should not pay
out any money by order of the governor and council without the
concurrence of the assembly.
William Tryon assumed the duties of governor March 28, 1765, and
immediately after he took charge of affairs the assembly was called, but
within two weeks he prorogued it; said to have been done in consequence
of an interview with the speaker of the assembly, Mr. Ashe, who, in
answer to a question by the governor on the Stamp Act, replied, "We will
fight it to the death." The North Carolina records show it was fought
even to "the death."
The prevalent excitement seized the Highlanders along the Cape Fear. A
letter appeared in "The North Carolina Gazette," dated at Cross Creek,
January 30, 1766, in which the writer urges the people by every
consideration, in the name of "dear Liberty" to rise in their might and
put a stop to the seizures then in progress. He asks the people if they
have "lost their senses and their souls, and are they determined tamely
to submit to slavery." Nor did the matter end here; for, the people of
Cross Creek gave vent to their resentment by burning lord Bute in
effigy.
Just how far statistics represent the wealth of a people may not be
wholly determined. At this period of the history, referring to a return
of the counties, in 1767, it is stated that Anson county, called also
parish of St. George, had six hundred and ninety-six white taxables,
that the people were in general poor and unable to, support a minister.
Bladen county, or St. Martin's parish, had seven hundred and ninety-one
taxable whites, and the inhabitants in middling circumstances.
Cumberland, or St. David's parish, had eight hundred and ninety-nine
taxable whites, "mostly Scotch--Support a Presbyterian Minister."
The Colonial Records of North Carolina do not exhibit a list of the
emigrants, and seldom refer to the ship by name. Occasionally, however,
a list has been preserved in the minutes of the official proceedings.
Hence it may be read that on November 4, 1767, there landed at
Brunswick, from the Isle of Jura, Argyleshire, Scotland, the following
names of families and persons, to whom were allotted vacant lands, clear
of all fees, to be taken up in Cumberland or Mecklenburgh counties, at
their option:
+-------------------------------+-------------+-------+----------+
| | CHILDREN | | Acres to |
| NAMES OF FAMILIES +------+------+ TOTAL | Each |
| | Male |Female| | Family |
+-------------------------------+------+------+-------+----------+
|Alexander McDougald and wife | | 1 | 3 | 300 |
|Malcolm McDougald " " | | 1 | 3 | 300 |
|Neill McLean " " | 1 | | 3 | 300 |
|Duncan McLean " " | | | 2 | 200 |
|Duncan Buea " " | 1 | | 3 | 300 |
|Angus McDougald " " | | | 2 | 200 |
|Dougald McDougald " " | 3 | 1 | 6 | 640 |
|Dougald McDougald " " | 2 | | 4 | 400 |
|John Campbell " " | 1 | | 3 | 300 |
|Archibald Buea " " | 1 | | 3 | 300 |
|Neill Buea | | | 1 | 100 |
|Neill Clark | | | 1 | 100 |
|John McLean | | | 1 | 100 |
|Angus McDougald | | | 1 | 100 |
|John McDougald | | | 1 | 100 |
|Donald McDougald | | | 1 | 100 |
|Donald McDougald | | | 1 | 100 |
|Alexander McDougald | | | 1 | 100 |
|John McLean | | | 1 | 100 |
|Peter McLean | | | 1 | 100 |
|Malcolm Buea | | | 1 | 100 |
|Duncan Buea | | | 1 | 100 |
|Mary Buea | | | 1 | 100 |
|Nancy McLean | | | 1 | 100 |
|Peggy Sinclair | | | 1 | 100 |
|Peggy McDougald | | | 1 | 100 |
|Jenny Darach | | | 1 | 100 |
|Donald McLean | | | 1 | 100 |
+-------------------------------+------+------+-------+----------+
These names show they were from Argyleshire, and probably from the Isle
of Mull, and the immediate vicinity of the present city of Oban.
The year 1771 witnessed civil strife in North Carolina. The War of the
Regulators was caused by oppression in disproportionate taxation; no
method for payment of taxes in produce, as in other counties; unfairness
in transactions of business by officials; the privilege exercised by
lawyers to commence suits in any court they pleased, and unlawful fees
extorted. The assembly was petitioned in vain on these points, and on
account of these wrongs the people of the western districts attempted to
gain by force what was denied them by peaceable means.
One of the most surprising things about this war is that it was
ruthlessly stamped out by the very people of the eastern part of the
province who themselves had been foremost in rebellion against the Stamp
Act. And, furthermore, to be leaders against Great Britain in less than
five years from the battle of the Alamance. Nor did they appear in the
least to be willing to concede justice to their western brethren, until
the formation of the state constitution, in 1776, when thirteen, out of
the forty-seven sections, of that instrument embodied the reforms sought
for by the Regulators.
On March 10, 1771, Governor Tryon apportioned the number of troops for
each county which were to march against the insurgents. In this
allotment fifty each fell to Cumberland, Bladen, and Anson counties.
Farquhar Campbell was given a captain's commission, and two commissions
in blank for lieutenant and ensign, besides a draft for £150, to be used
as bounty money to the enlisted men, and other expenses. As soon as his
company was raised, he was ordered to join, as he thought expedient,
either the westward or eastward detachment. The date of his orders is
April 18, 1771. Captain Campbell had expressed himself as being able to
raise the complement.[27] The records do not show whether or not Captain
Campbell and his company took an active part.
It cannot be affirmed that the expedition against the Regulators was a
popular one. When the militia was called out, there arose trouble in
Craven, Dobbs, Johnston, Pitt and Edgecombe counties, with no troops
from the Albemarle section. In Bute county where there was a regiment
eight hundred strong, when called upon for fifty volunteers, all broke
rank, without orders, declaring that they were in sympathy with the
Regulators.
The freeholders living near Campbelton on March 13, 1772, petitioned
Governor Martin for a change in the charter of their town, alleging that
as Campbelton was a trading town persons temporarily residing there
voted, and thus the power of election was thrown into their hands,
because the property owners were fewer in numbers. They desired "a new
Charter impowering all persons, being Freeholders within two miles of
the Courthouse of Campbelton or seized of an Estate for their own, or
the life of any other person in any dwelling-house (such house having a
stone or brick Chimney thereunto belonging and appendent) to elect a
Member to represent them in General Assembly. Whereby we humbly conceive
that the right of election will be lodged with those who only have right
to Claim it and the purposes for which the Charter was granted to
encourage Merchants of property to settle there fully answered."[28]
Among the names signed to this petition are those of Neill MacArther,
Alexr. MacArther, James McDonald, Benja. McNatt, Ferqd. Campbell, and A.
Maclaine. The charter was granted.
The people of Cumberland county had a care for their own interests, and
fully appreciated the value of public buildings. Partly by their
efforts, the upper legislative house, on February 24, 1773, passed a
bill for laying out a public road from the Dan through the counties of
Guilford, Chatham and Cumberland to Campbelton. On the 26th same month,
the same house passed a bill for regulating the borough of Campbelton,
and erecting public buildings therein, consisting of court house, gaol,
pillory and stocks, naming the following persons to be commissioners:
Alexander McAlister, Farquhard Campbell, Richard Lyon, Robert Nelson,
and Robert Cochran.[29] The same year Cumberland county paid in
quit-rents, fines and forfeitures the sum of £206.
In September, 1773, a boy named Reynold McDugal was condemned for
murder. His youthful appearance, looking to be but thirteen, though
really eighteen years of age, enlisted the sympathy of a great many, who
petitioned for clemency, which was granted. To this petition were
attached such Highland names as, Angus Camel, Alexr. McKlarty, James
McKlarty, Malcolm McBride, Neil McCoulskey, Donald McKeithen, Duncan
McKeithen, Gilbert McKeithen, Archibald McKeithen, Daniel McFarther,
John McFarther, Daniel Graham, Malcolm Graham, Malcolm McFarland,
Murdock Graham, Michael Graham, John McKown, Robert McKown, William
McKown, Daniel Campbell, John Campbell. Iver McKay, John McLeod, Alexr.
Graham, Evin McMullan, John McDuffie, William McNeil. Andw. McCleland.
John McCleland, Wm. McRei, Archd. McCoulsky, James McCoulsky, Chas.
McNaughton, Jno. McLason.
The Highland clans were fairly represented, with a preponderance in
favor of the McNeils. They still wore their distinctive costume, the
plaid, the kilt, and the sporan,--and mingled together, as though they
constituted but one family. A change now began to take place and rapidly
took on mammoth proportions. The MacDonalds of Raasay and Skye became
impatient under coercion and set out in great numbers for North
Carolina. Among them was Allan MacDonald of Kingsborough, and his famous
wife, the heroine Flora, who arrived in 1774. Allan MacDonald succeeded
to the estate of Kingsburgh in 1772, on the death of his father, but
finding it incumbered with debt, and embarrassed in his affairs, he
resolved in 1773 to go to North Carolina, and there hoped to mend his
fortunes. He settled in Anson county. Although somewhat aged, he had the
graceful mien and manly looks of a gallant Highlander. He had jet black
hair tied behind, and was a large, stately man, with a steady, sensible
countenance. He wore his tartan thrown about him, a large blue bonnet
with a knot of black ribbon like a cockade, a brown short coat, a tartan
waistcoat with gold buttons and gold button holes, a bluish philabeg,
and tartan hose. At once he took precedence among his countrymen,
becoming their leader and adviser. The Macdonalds, by 1775, were so
numerous in Cumberland county as to be called the "Clan Donald," and the
insurrection of February, 1776, is still known as the "Insurrection of
the Clan MacDonald."
Little did the late comers know or realize the gathering storm. The
people of the West Highlands, so remote from the outside world, could
not apprehend the spirit of liberty that was being awakened in the
Thirteen Colonies. Or, if they heard of it, the report found no special
lodgement. In short, there were but few capable of realizing what the
outcome would be. Up to the very breaking out of hostilities the clans
poured forth emigrants into North Carolina.
Matters long brewing now began to culminate and evil days grew apace.
The ruling powers of England refused to understand the rights of
America, and their king rushed headlong into war. The colonists had
suffered long and patiently, but when the overt act came they appealed
to arms. Long they bore misrule. An English king, of his own whim, or
the favoritism of a minister, or the caprice of a woman good or bad, or
for money in hand paid, selected the governor, chief justice, secretary,
receiver-general, and attorney-general for the province. The governor
selected the members of the council, the associate judges, the
magistrates, and the sheriffs. The clerks of the county courts and the
register of deeds were selected by the clerk of pleas, who having bought
his office in England came to North Carolina and peddled out "county
rights" at prices ranging from £4 to £40 annual rent per county.
Scandalous abuses accumulated, especially under such governors as were
usually chosen. The people were still loyal to England, even after the
first clash of arms, but the open rupture rapidly prepared them for
independence. The open revolt needed only the match. When that was
applied, a continent was soon ablaze, controlled by a lofty patriotism.
The steps taken by the leaders of public sentiment in America were
prudent and statesmanlike. Continental and Provincial Congresses were
created. The first in North Carolina convened at Newbern, August 25,
1774. Cumberland county was represented by Farquhard Campbell and Thomas
Rutherford. The Second Congress convened at the same place April 30,
1775. Again the same parties represented Cumberland county, with an
additional one for Campbelton in the person of Robert Rowan. At this
time the Highlanders were in sympathy with the people of their adopted
country. But not all, for on July 3rd, Allan MacDonald of Kingsborough
went to Fort Johnson, and concerted with Governor Martin the raising of
a battalion of "the good and faithful Highlanders." He fully calculated
on the recently settled MacDonalds and MacLeods. All who took part in
the Second Congress were not prepared to take or realize the logic of
their position, and what would be the final result.
The Highlanders soon became an object of consideration to the leaders
on both sides of the controversy. They were numerically strong,
increasing in numbers, and their military qualities beyond question.
Active efforts were put forth in order to induce them to throw the
weight of their decision both to the patriot cause and also to that of
the king. Consequently emissaries were sent amongst them. The prevalent
impression was that they had a strong inclination towards the royalist
cause, and that party took every precaution to cement their loyalty.
Even the religious side of their natures was wrought upon.
The Americans early saw the advantage of decisive steps. In a letter
from Joseph Hewes, John Penn, and William Hooper, the North Carolina
delegates to the Continental Congress, to the members of the Provincial
Congress, under date of December 1, 1775, occurs the admission that "in
our attention to military preparations we have not lost sight of a means
of safety to be effected by the power of the pulpit, reasoning and
persuasion. We know the respect which the Regulators and Highlanders
entertain for the clergy; they still feel the impressions of a religious
education, and truths to them come with irresistible influence from the
mouths of their spiritual pastors. * * * The Continental Congress have
thought proper to direct us to employ two pious clergymen to make a tour
through North Carolina in order to remove the prejudices which the minds
of the Regulators and Highlanders may labor under with respect to the
justice of the American controversy, and to obviate the religious
scruples which Governor Tryon's heartrending oath has implanted in their
tender consciences. We are employed at present in quest of some persons
who may be equal to this undertaking."[30]
The Regulators were divided in their sympathies, and it was impossible
to find a Gaelic-speaking minister, clothed with authority, to go among
the Highlanders. Even if such a personage could have been found, the
effort would have been counteracted by the influence of John McLeod,
their own minister. His sympathies, though not boldly expressed, were
against the interests of the Thirteen Colonies, and on account of his
suspicious actions was placed under arrest, but discharged May 11, 1776,
by the Provincial Congress, in the following order:
"That the Rev. John McLeod, who was brought to this Congress on
suspicion of his having acted inimical to the rights of America, be
discharged from his further attendance."[31]
August 23, 1775, the Provincial Congress appointed, from among its
members, Archibald Maclaine, Alexander McAlister, Farquhard Campbell,
Robert Rowan, Thomas Wade, Alexander McKay, John Ashe, Samuel Spencer,
Walter Gibson, William Kennon, and James Hepburn, "a committee to confer
with the Gentlemen who have lately arrived from the Highlands in
Scotland to settle in this Province, and to explain to them the Nature
of our Unhappy Controversy with Great Britain, and to advise and urge
them to unite with the other Inhabitants of America in defence of those
rights which they derive from God and the Constitution."[32][33]
No steps appear to have been taken by the Americans to organize the
Highlanders into military companies, but rather their efforts were to
enlist their sympathies. On the other hand, the royal governor, Josiah
Martin, took steps towards enrolling them into active British service.
In a letter to the earl of Dartmouth, under date of June 30, 1775,
Martin declares he "could collect immediately among the emigrants from
the Highlands of Scotland, who were settled here, and immoveably
attached to His Majesty and His Government, that I am assured by the
best authority I may compute at 3000 effective men," and begs permission
"to raise a Battalion of a Thousand Highlanders here," and "I would most
humbly beg leave to recommend Mr. Allen McDonald of Kingsborough to be
Major, and Captain Alexd. McLeod of the Marines now on half pay to be
first Captain, who besides being men of great worth, and good character,
have most extensive influence over the Highlanders here, great part of
which are of their own names and familys, and I should flatter myself
that His Majesty would be graciously pleased to permit me to nominate
some of the Subalterns of such a Battalion, not for pecuniary
consideration, but for encouragement to some active and deserving young
Highland Gentlemen who might be usefully employed in the speedy raising
the proposed Battalion. Indeed I cannot help observing My Lord, that
there are three of four Gentlemen of consideration here, of the name of
McDonald, and a Lieutenant Alexd. McLean late of the Regiment now on
half pay, whom I should be happy to see appointed Captains in such a
Battalion, being persuaded they would heartily promote and do credit to
His Majesty's Service."[34]
November 12, 1775, the governor farther reports to the same that he can
assure "your Lordship that the Scotch Highlanders here are generally and
almost without exception staunch to Government," and that "Captain
Alexr. McLeod, a Gentleman from the Highlands of Scotland and late an
Officer in the Marines who has been settled in this Province about a
year and is one of the Gentlemen I had the honor to recommend to your
Lordship to be appointed a Captain in the Battalion of Highlanders, I
proposed with his Majesty's permission to raise here found his way down
to me at this place about three weeks ago and I learn from him that he
is as well as his father in law, Mr. Allan McDonald, proposed by me for
Major of the intended Corps moved by my encouragements have each raised
a company of Highlanders since which a Major McDonald who came here some
time ago from Boston under the orders from General Gage to raise
Highlanders to form a Battalion to be commanded by Lieut. Coll. Allan
McLean has made them proposals of being appointed Captains in that
Corps, which they have accepted on the Condition that his Majesty does
not approve my proposal of raising a Battallion of Highlanders and
reserving to themselves the choice of appointments therein in case it
shall meet with his Majesty's approbation in support of that measure. I
shall now only presume to add that the taking away those Gentlemen from
this Province will in a great measure if not totally dissolve the union
of the Highlanders in it now held together by their influence, that
those people in their absence may fall under the guidance of some person
not attached like them to Government in this Colony at present but it
will ever be maintained by such a regular military force as this
established in it that will constantly reunite itself with the utmost
facility and consequently may be always maintained upon the most
respectable footing."[35]
The year 1775 witnessed the North Carolina patriots very alert. There
were committees of safety in the various counties; and the Provincial
Congress began its session at Hillsborough August 21st. Cumberland
County was represented by Farquhard Campbell, Thomas Rutherford,
Alexander McKay, Alexander McAlister and David Smith, Campbelton sent
Joseph Hepburn. Among the members of this Congress having distinctly
Highland names, the majority of whom doubtless were born in the
Highlands, if not all, besides those already mentioned, were John
Campbell and John Johnston from Bertie, Samuel Johnston of Chowan,
Duncan Lamon of Edgecombe. John McNitt Alexander of Mecklenburg, Kenneth
McKinzie of Martin, Jeremiah Frazier or Tyrell, William Graham of Tryon,
and Archibald Maclaine of Wilmington. One of the acts of this Congress
was to divide the state into military districts and the appointment of
field officers of the Minute Men. For Cumberland county Thomas
Rutherford was appointed colonel; Alexander McAlister, lieutenant
colonel; Duncan McNeill, first major; Alexander McDonald, second major.
One company of Minute Men was to be raised. This Act was passed on
September 9th.
As the name of Farquhard Campbell often occurs in connection with the
early stages of the Revolution, and quite frequently in the Colonial
Records from 1771 to 1776, a brief notice of him may be of some
interest. He was a gentleman of wealth, education and influence, and, at
first, appeared to be warmly attached to the cause of liberty. As has
been noticed he was a member of the Provincial Congress, and evinced
much zeal in promoting the popular movement, and, as a visiting member
from Cumberland county attended the meeting of the Safety Committee at
Wilmington, on July 20, 1776. When Governor Martin abandoned his palace
and retreated to Fort Johnston, and thence to an armed ship, it was
ascertained that he visited Campbell at his residence. Not long
afterwards the governor's secretary asked the Provincial Congress "to
give Sanction and Safe Conduct to the removal of the most valuable
Effects of Governor Martin on Board the Man of War and his Coach and
Horses to Mr. Farquard Campbell's." When the request was submitted to
that body, Mr. Campbell "expressed a sincere desire that the Coach and
Horses should not be sent to his House in Cumberland and is amazed that
such a proposal should have been made without his approbation or
privity." On account of his positive disclaimer the Congress, by
resolution exonerated him from any improper conduct, and that he had
"conducted himself as an honest member of Society and a friend to the
American Cause."[36]
He dealt treacherously with the governor as well as with Congress. The
former, in a letter to the earl of Dartmouth, October 16, 1775, says:
"I have heard too My Lord with infinitely greater surprise and
concern that the Scotch Highlanders on whom I had such firm reliance
have declared themselves for neutrality, which I am informed is to be
attributed to the influence of a certain Mr. Farquhard Campbell an
ignorant man who has been settled from childhood in this Country, is
an old Member of the Assembly and has imbibed all the American
popular principles and prejudices. By the advice of some of his
Countrymen I was induced after the receipt of your Lordship's letter
No. 16 to communicate with this man on the alarming state of the
Country and to sound his disposition in case of matters coming to
extremity here, and he expressed to me such abhorence of the
violences that had been done at Fort Johnston and in other instances
and discovered so much jealousy and apprehension of the ill designs
of the Leaders in Sedition here, giving me at the same time so strong
assurances of his own loyalty and the good dispositions of his
Countrymen that I unsuspecting his dissimulation and treachery was
led to impart to him the encouragements I was authorized to hold out
to his Majesty's loyal Subjects in this Colony who should stand forth
in support of Government which he received with much seeming
approbation and repeatedly assured me he would consult with the
principles among his Countrymen without whose concurrence he could
promise nothing of himself, and would acquaint me with their
determinations. From the time of this conversation between us in July
I heard nothing of Mr. Campbell until since the late Convention at
Hillsborough, where he appeared in the character of a delegate from
the County of Cumberland and there, according to my information,
unasked and unsolicited and without provocation of any sort was
guilty of the base Treachery of promulgating all I had said to him in
confidential secrecy, which he had promised sacredly and inviolably
to observe, and of the aggravating crime of falsehood in making
additions of his own invention and declaring that he had rejected all
my propositions."[37]
The governor again refers to him in his letter to the same, dated
November 12, 1775:
"From Capt. McLeod, who seems to be a man of observation and
intelligence, I gather that the inconsistency of Farquhard Campbell's
conduct * * * has proceeded as much from jealousy of the Superior
consequence of this Gentleman and his father in law with the
Highlanders here as from any other motive. This schism is to be
lamented from whatsoever cause arising, but I have no doubt that I
shall be able to reconcile the interests of the parties whenever I
have power to act and can meet them together."[38]
Finally he threw off the mask, or else had changed his views, and openly
espoused the cause of his country's enemies. He was seized at his own
house, while entertaining a party of royalists, and thrown into Halifax
gaol. A committee of the Provincial Congress, on April 20, 1776;
reported "that Farquhard Campbell disregarding the sacred Obligations he
had voluntarily entered into to support the Liberty of America against
all usurpations has Traitorously and insidiously endeavored to excite
the Inhabitants of this Colony to take arms and levy war in order to
assist the avowed enemies thereof. That when a prisoner on his parole of
honor he gave intelligence of the force and intention of the American
Army under Col. Caswell to the Enemy and advised them in what manner
they might elude them."[39]
He was sent, with other prisoners, to Baltimore, and thence, on parole,
to Fredericktown, where he behaved "with much resentment and
haughtiness." On March 3, 1777, he appealed to Governor Caswell to be
permitted to return home, offering to mortgage his estate for his good
behavior.[40] Several years after the Revolution he was a member of the
Senate of North Carolina.
The stormy days of discussion, excitement, and extensive preparations
for war, in 1775, did not deter the Highlanders in Scotland from seeking
a home in America. On October 21st, a body of one hundred and
seventy-two Highlanders, including men, women and children arrived in
the Cape Fear river, on board the George, and made application for lands
near those already located by their relatives. The governor took his
usual precautions with them, for in a letter to the earl of Dartmouth,
dated November 12th, he says:
"On the most solemn assurances of their firm and unalterable loyalty
and attachment to the King, and their readiness to lay down their
lives in the support and defence of his Majesty's Government, I was
induced to Grant their request on the Terms of their taking such
lands in the proportions allowed by his Majesty's Royal Instructions,
and subject to all the conditions prescribed by them whenever grants
may be passed in due form, thinking it were advisable to attach these
people to Government by granting as matter of favor and courtesy to
them what I had not power to prevent than to leave them to possess
themselves by violence of the King's lands, without owing or
acknowledging any obligation for them, as it was only the means of
securing these People against the seditions of the Rebels, but
gaining so much strength to Government that is equally important at
this time, without making any concessions injurious to the rights and
interests of the Crown, or that it has effectual power to
withhold."[41]
In the same letter is the further information that "a ship is this
moment arrived from Scotland with upwards of one hundred and thirty
Emigrants Men, Women and Children to whom I shall think it proper (after
administering the Oath of Allegiance to the Men) to give permission to
settle on the vacant lands of the Crown here on the same principles and
conditions that I granted that indulgence to the Emigrants lately
imported in the ship George."
Many of the emigrants appear to have been seized with the idea that all
that was necessary was to land in America, and the avenues of affluence
would be opened to them. Hence there were those who landed in a
distressed condition. Such was the state of the last party that arrived
before the Peace of 1783. There was "a Petition from sundry distressed
Highlanders, lately arrived from Scotland, praying that they might be
permitted to go to Cape Fear, in North Carolina, the place where they
intended to settle," laid before the Virginia convention then being held
at Williamsburgh, December 14, 1775. On the same day the convention gave
orders to Colonel Woodford to "take the distressed Highlanders, with
their families, under his protection, permit them to pass by land
unmolested to Carolina, and supply them with such provisions as they may
be in immediate want of."[42]
The early days of 1776 saw the culmination of the intrigues with the
Scotch-Highlanders. The Americans realized that the war party was in
the ascendant, and consequently every movement was carefully watched.
That the Americans felt bitterly towards them came from the fact that
they were not only precipitating themselves into a quarrel of which they
were not interested parties, but also exhibited ingratitude to their
benefactors. Many of them came to the country not only poor and needy,
but in actual distress.[43] They were helped with an open hand, and
cared for with kindness and brotherly aid. Then they had not been long
in the land, and the trouble so far had been to seek redress. Hence the
Americans felt keenly the position taken by the Highlanders. On the
other hand the Highlanders had viewed the matter from a different
standpoint. They did not realize the craftiness of Governor Martin in
compelling them to take the oath of allegiance, and they felt bound by
what they considered was a voluntary act, and binding with all the
sacredness of religion. They had ever been taught to keep their
promises, and a liar was a greater criminal than a thief. Still they had
every opportunity afforded them to learn the true status of affairs;
independence had not yet been proclaimed; Washington was still besieging
Boston, and the Americans continued to petition the British throne for a
redress of grievances.
That the action of the Highlanders was ill-advised, at that time, admits
of no discussion. They failed to realize the condition of the country
and the insuperable difficulties to overcome before making a junction
with Sir Henry Clinton. What they expected to gain by their conduct is
uncertain, and why they should march away a distance of one hundred
miles, and then be transported by ships to a place they knew not where,
thus leaving their wives and children to the mercies of those whom they
had offended and driven to arms, made bitter enemies of, must ever
remain unfathomable. It shows they were blinded and exhibited the want
of even ordinary foresight. It also exhibited the reckless indifference
of the responsible parties to the welfare of those they so successfully
duped. It is no wonder that although nearly a century and a quarter have
elapsed since the Highlanders unsheathed the claymore in the pine
forests of North Carolina, not a single person has shown the hardihood
to applaud their action. On the other hand, although treated with the
utmost charity, their bravery applauded, they have been condemned for
their rude precipitancy, besides failing to see the changed condition of
affairs, and resenting the injuries they had received from the House of
Hanover that had harried their country and hanged their relatives on the
murderous gallows-tree. Their course, however, in the end proved
advantageous to them; for, after their disastrous defeat, they took an
oath to remain peaceable, which the majority kept, and thus prevented
them from being harassed by the Americans, and, as loyal subjects of
king George, the English army must respect their rights.
Agents were busily at work among the people preparing them for war. The
most important of all was Allan MacDonald of Kingsborough. Early he came
under the suspicion of the Committee of Safety at Wilmington. On the
very day, July 3, 1775, he was in consultation with Governor Martin, its
chairman was directed to write to him "to know from himself respecting
the reports that circulate of his having an intention to raise Troops to
support the arbitrary measures of the ministry against the Americans in
this Colony, and whether he had not made an offer of his services to
Governor Martin for that purpose."[44]
The influence of Kingsborough was supplemented by that of Major Donald
MacDonald, who was sent direct from the army in Boston. He was then in
his sixty-fifth year, had an extended experience in the army. He was in
the Rising of 1745, and headed many of his own name. He now found many
of these former companions who readily listened to his persuasions. All
the emissaries sent represented they were only visiting their friends
and relatives. They were all British officers, in the active service.
Partially in confirmation of the above may be cited a letter from Samuel
Johnston of Edenton, dated July 21, 1775, written to the Committee at
Wilmington:
"A vessel from New York to this place brought over two officers who
left at the Bar to go to New Bern, they are both Highlanders, one
named McDonnel the other McCloud. They pretend they are on a visit to
some of their countrymen on your river, but I think there is reason
to suspect their errand of a base nature. The Committee of this town
have wrote to New Bern to have them secured. Should they escape there
I hope you will keep a good lookout for them."[45]
The vigorous campaign for 1776, in the Carolinas was determined upon in
the fall of 1775, in deference to the oft repeated and urgent
solicitations of the royal governors, and on account of the appeals made
by Martin, the brunt of it fell upon North Carolina. He assured the home
government that large numbers of the Highlanders and Regulators were
ready to take up arms for the king.
The program, as arranged, was for Sir Henry Clinton, with a fleet of
ships and seven corps of Irish Regulars, to be at the mouth of the Cape
Fear early in the year 1776, and there form a junction with the
Highlanders and other disaffected persons from the interior. Believing
that Sir Henry Clinton's armament would arrive in January or early in
February Martin made preparations for the revolt; for his "unwearied,
persevering agent," Alexander MacLean brought written assurances from
the principal persons to whom he had been directed, that between two and
three thousand men would take the field at the governor's summons. Under
this encouragement MacLean was sent again into the back country, with a
commission dated January 10, 1776, authorizing Allan McDonald, Donald
McDonald, Alexander McLeod, Donald McLeod, Alexander McLean, Allen
Stewart, William Campbell, Alexander McDonald and Neal McArthur, of
Cumberland and Anson counties, and seventeen other persons who resided
in a belt of counties in middle Carolina, to raise and array all the
king's loyal subjects, and to march them in a body to Brunswick by
February 15th.[46]
Donald MacDonald was placed in command of this array and of all other
forces in North Carolina with the rank of brigadier general, with Donald
MacLeod next in rank. Upon receiving his orders, General MacDonald
issued the following:
"_By His Excellency Brigadier-General Donald McDonald, Commander of
His Majesty's Forces for the time being, in North Carolina:_
A MANIFESTO.
Whereas, I have received information that many of His Majesty's
faithful subjects have been so far overcome by apprehension of
danger, as to fly before His Majesty's Army as from the most
inveterate enemy; to remove which, as far as lies in my power, I have
thought it proper to publish this Manifesto, declaring that I shall
take the proper steps to prevent any injury being done, either to the
person or properties of His Majesty's subjects; and I do further
declare it to be my determined resolution, that no violence shall be
used to women and children, as viewing such outrages to be
inconsistent with humanity, and as tending, in their consequences, to
sully the arms of Britons and of Soldiers.
I, therefore, in His Majesty's name, generally invite every
well-wisher to that form of Government under which they have so
happily lived, and which, if justly considered, ought to be esteemed
the best birth-right of Britons and Americans, to repair to His
Majesty's Royal Standard, erected at Cross Creek, where they will
meet with every possible civility, and be ranked in the list of
friends and fellow-Soldiers, engaged in the best and most glorious of
all causes, supporting the rights and Constitution of their country.
Those, therefore, who have been under the unhappy necessity of
submitting to the mandates of Congress and Committees--those lawless,
usurped, and arbitrary tribunals--will have an opportunity, (by
joining the King's Army) to restore peace and tranquility to this
distracted land--to open again the glorious streams of commerce--to
partake of the blessings of inseparable from a regular administration
of justice, and be again reinstated in the favorable opinion of their
Sovereign.
Donald McDonald.
By His Excellency's command:
Kenn. McDonald, P.S."[47]
On February 5th General MacDonald issued another manifesto in which he
declares it to be his "intention that no violation whatever shall be
offered to women, children, or private property, to sully the arms of
Britons or freemen, employed in the glorious and righteous cause of
rescuing and delivering this country from the usurpation of rebellion,
and that no cruelty whatever be offered against the laws of humanity,
but what resistance shall make necessary; and that whatever provisions
and other necessaries be taken for the troops, shall be paid for
immediately; and in case any person, or persons, shall offer the least
violence to the families of such as will join the Royal Standard, such
persons or persons, may depend that retaliation will be made; the
horrors of such proceedings, it is hoped, will be avoided by all true
Christians."[48]
Manifestos being the order of the day, Thomas Rutherford, erstwhile
patriot, deriving his commission from the Provincial Congress, though
having alienated himself, but signing himself colonel, also issues one
in which he declares that this is "to command, enjoin, beseech, and
require all His Majesty's faithful subjects within the County of
Cumberland to repair to the King's Royal standard, at Cross Creek, on or
before the 16th present, in order to join the King's army; otherwise,
they must expect to fall under the melancholy consequences of a declared
rebellion, and expose themselves to the just resentment of an injured,
though gracious Sovereign."[49]
On February 1st General MacDonald set up the Royal Standard at Cross
Creek, in the Public Square, and in order to cause the Highlanders all
to respond with alacrity manifestos were issued and other means resorted
to in order that the "loyal subjects of His Majesty" might take up arms,
among which nightly balls were given, and the military spirit freely
inculcated. When the day came the Highlanders were seen coming from near
and from far, from the wide plantations on the river bottoms, and from
the rude cabins in the depths of the lonely pine forests, with
broadswords at their side, in tartan garments and feathered bonnet, and
keeping step to the shrill music of the bag-pipe. There came, first of
all, Clan MacDonald with Clan MacLeod near at hand, with lesser numbers
of Clan MacKenzie, Clan MacRae, Clan MacLean, Clan MacKay, Clan
MacLachlan, and still others,--variously estimated at from fifteen
hundred to three thousand, including about two hundred others,
principally Regulators. However, all who were capable of bearing arms
did not respond to the summons, for some would not engage in a cause
where their traditions and affections had no part. Many of them hid in
the swamps and in the forests. On February 18th the Highland army took
up its line of march for Wilmington and at evening encamped on the Cape
Fear, four miles below Cross Creek.
The assembling of the Highland army aroused the entire country. The
patriots, fully cognizant of what was transpiring, flew to arms,
determined to crush the insurrection, and in less than a fortnight
nearly nine thousand men had risen against the enemy, and almost all the
rest were ready to turn out at a moment's notice. At the very first
menace of danger, Brigadier General James Moore took the field at the
head of his regiment, and on the 15th secured possession of Rockfish
bridge, seven miles from Cross Creek, where he was joined by a recruit
of sixty from the latter place.
On the 19th the royalists were paraded with a view to assail Moore on
the following night; but he was thoroughly entrenched, and the bare
suspicion of such a project was contemplated caused two companions of
Cotton's corps to run off with their arms. On that day General MacDonald
sent the following letter to General Moore:
"Sir: I herewith send the bearer, Donald Morrison, by advice of the
Commissioners appointed by his Excellency Josiah Martin, and in
behalf of the army now under my command, to propose terms to you as
friends and countrymen. I must suppose you unacquainted with the
Governor's proclamation, commanding all his Majesty's loyal subject
to repair to the King's royal standard, else I should have imagined
you would ere this have joined the King's army now engaged in his
Majesty's service. I have therefore thought it proper to intimate to
you, that in case you do not, by 12 o'clock to-morrow, join the royal
standard, I must consider you as enemies, and take the necessary
steps for the support of legal authority.
I beg leave to remind you of his Majesty's speech to his Parliament,
wherein he offers to receive the misled with tenderness and mercy,
from motives of humanity. I again beg of you to accept the proffered
clemency. I make no doubt, but you will show the gentleman sent on
this message every possible civilty; and you may depend in return,
that all your officers and men, which may fall into our hands shall
be treated with an equal degree of respect. I have the honor to be,
in behalf of the army, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant,
Don. McDonald.
Head Quarters, Feb. 19, 1776.
His Excellency's Proclamation is herewith enclosed."
Brigadier General Moore's answer:
"Sir: Yours of this day I have received, in answer to which, I must
inform you that the terms which you are pleased to say, in behalf of
the army under your command, are offered to us as friends and
countrymen, are such as neither my duty or inclination will permit me
to accept, and which I must presume you too much of an officer to
accept of me. You were very right when you supposed me unacquainted
with the Governor's proclamation, but as the terms therein proposed
are such as I hold incompatible with the freedom of Americans, it can
be no rule of conduct for me. However, should I not hear farther from
you before twelve o'clock to-morrow by which time I shall have an
opportunity of consulting my officers here, and perhaps Col. Martin,
who is in the neighborhood of Cross Creek, you may expect a more
particular answer; meantime you may be assured that the feelings of
humanity will induce me to shew that civility to such of your people
as may fall into our hands, as I am desirous should be observed
towards those of ours, who may be unfortunate enough to fall into
yours. I am, Sir, your most obedient and very humble servant,
James Moore.
Camp at Rockfish, Feb. 19, 1776."
General Moore, on the succeeding day sent the following to General
MacDonald:
"Sir: Agreeable to my promise of yesterday, I have consulted the
officers under my command respecting your letter, and am happy in
finding them unanimous in opinion with me. We consider ourselves
engaged in a cause the most glorious and honourable in the world, the
defense of the liberties of mankind, in support of which we are
determined to hazard everything dear and valuable and in tenderness
to the deluded people under your command, permit me, Sir, through you
to inform them, before it is too late, of the dangerous and
destructive precipice on which they stand, and to remind them of the
ungrateful return they are about to make for their favorable
reception in this country. If this is not sufficient to recall them
to the duty which they owe themselves and their posterity inform them
that they are engaged in a cause in which they cannot succeed as not
only the whole force of this country, but that of our neighboring
provinces, is exerting and now actually in motion to suppress them,
and which much end in their utter destruction. Desirous, however, of
avoiding the effusion of human blood, I have thought proper to send
you a test recommended by the Continental Congress, which if they
will yet subscribe we are willing to receive them as friends and
countrymen. Should this offer be rejected, I shall consider them as
enemies to the constitutional liberties of America, and treat them
accordingly.
I cannot conclude without reminding you, Sir, of the oath which you
and some of your officers took at Newbern on your arrival to this
country, which I imagine you will find is difficult to reconcile to
your present conduct. I have no doubt that the bearer, Capt. James
Walker, will be treated with proper civilty and respect in your camp.
I am, Sir, your most obedient and very humble servant,
James Moore.
Camp at Rockfish, Feb. 20, 1776."
General MacDonald returned the following reply:
"Sir: I received your favor by Captain James Walker, and observed
your declared sentiments of revolt, hostility and rebellion to the
King, and to what I understand to be the constitution of the country.
If I am mistaken future consequences must determine; but while I
continue in my present sentiment, I shall consider myself embarked in
a cause which must, in its consequences, extricate this country from
anarchy and licentiousness. I cannot conceive that the Scottish
emigrants, to whom I imagine you allude, can be under greater
obligations to this country than to the King, under whose gracious
and merciful government they alone could have been enabled to visit
this western region: And I trust, Sir, it is in the womb of time to
say, that they are not that deluded and ungrateful people which you
would represent them to be. As a soldier in his Majesty's service, I
must inform you, if you are to learn, that it is my duty to conquer,
if I cannot reclaim, all those who may be hardy enough to take up
arms against the best of masters, as of Kings. I have the honor to
be, in behalf of the army under my command,
Sir, your most obedient servant,
Don. McDonald.
To the Commanding Officer at Rockfish."[50]
MacDonald realized that he was unable to put his threat into execution,
for he was informed that the minute-men were gathering in swarms all
around him; that Colonel Caswell, at the head of the minute men of
Newbern, nearly eight hundred strong, was marching through Duplin
county, to effect a junction with Moore, and that his communication with
the war ships had been cut off. Realizing the extremity of his danger,
he resolved to avoid an engagement, and leave the army at Rockfish in
his rear, and by celerity of movement, and crossing rivers at
unsuspected places, to disengage himself from the larger bodies and fall
upon the command of Caswell. Before marching he exhorted his men to
fidelity, expressed bitter scorn for the "base cravens who had deserted
the night before," and continued by saying:
"If any amongst you is so faint-hearted as not to serve with the
resolution of conquering or dying, this is the time for such to
declare themselves."
The speech was answered by a general huzza for the king; but from
Cotton's corps about twenty laid down their arms. He decamped, with his
army at midnight, crossed the Cape Fear, sunk his boats, and sent a
party fifteen miles in advance to secure the bridge over South river,
from Bladen into Hanover, pushing with rapid pace over swollen streams,
rough hills, and deep morasses, hotly pursued by General Moore.
Perceiving the purpose of the enemy General Moore detached Colonels
Lillington and Ashe to reinforce Colonel Caswell, or if that could not
be effected, then they were to occupy Widow Moore's Creek bridge.
Colonel Caswell designing the purpose of MacDonald changed his own
course in order to intercept his march. On the 23rd the Highlanders
thought to overtake him, and arrayed themselves in the order of battle,
with eighty able-bodied men, armed with broadswords, forming the center
of the army; but Colonel Caswell being posted at Corbett's Ferry could
not be reached for want of boats. The royalists were again in extreme
danger; but at a point six miles higher up the Black river they
succeeded in crossing in a broad shallow boat while MacLean and Fraser,
left with a few men and a drum and a pipe, amused the corps of Caswell.
Colonel Lillington, on the 25th took post on the east side of Moore's
Creek bridge; and on the next day Colonel Caswell reached the west side,
threw up a slight embankment, and destroyed a part of the bridge. A
royalist, who had been sent into his camp under pretext of summoning him
to return to his allegiance, brought back the information that he had
halted on the same side of the river as themselves, and could be
assaulted with advantage. Colonel Caswell was not only a good woodman,
but also a man of superior ability, and believing he had misled the
enemy, marched his column to the east side of the stream, removed the
planks from the bridge, and placed his men behind trees and such
embankments as could be thrown up during the night. His force now
amounted to a thousand men, consisting of the Newbern minute-men, the
militia of Craven, Dobbs, Johnston, and Wake counties, and the
detachment under Colonel Lillington. The men of the Neuse region, their
officers wearing silver crescents upon their hats, inscribed with the
words, "Liberty or Death," were in front. The situation of General
MacDonald was again perilous, for while facing this army, General Moore,
with his regulars was close upon his rear.
The royalists, expecting an easy victory, decided upon an immediate
attack. General MacDonald was confined to his tent by sickness, and the
command devolved upon Major Donald MacLeod, who began the march at one
o'clock on the morning of the 27th; but owing to the time lost in
passing an intervening morass, it was within an hour of daylight when
they reached the west bank of the creek. They entered the ground without
resistance. Seeing Colonel Caswell was on the opposite side they reduced
their columns and formed their line of battle in the woods. Their
rallying cry was, "King George and broadswords," and the signal for
attack was three cheers, the drum to beat and the pipes to play. While
it was still dark Major MacLeod, with a party of about forty advanced,
and at the bridge was challenged by the sentinel, asking, "Who goes
there?" He answered, "A friend." "A friend to whom?" "To the king." Upon
this the sentinels bent their faces down to the ground. Major MacLeod
thinking they might be some of his own command who had crossed the
bridge, challenged them in Gaelic; but receiving no reply, fired his own
piece, and ordered his party to fire also. All that remained of the
bridge were the two logs, which had served for sleepers, permitting only
two persons to pass at a time. Donald MacLeod and Captain John Campbell
rushed forward and succeeded in getting over. The Highlanders who
followed were shot down on the logs and fell into the muddy stream
below. Major MacLeod was mortally wounded, but was seen to rise
repeatedly from the ground, waving his sword and encouraging his men to
come on, till twenty-six balls penetrated his body. Captain Campbell
also was shot dead, and at that moment a party of militia, under
Lieutenant Slocum, who had forded the creek and penetrated a swamp on
its western bank, fell suddenly upon the rear of the royalists. The loss
of their leader and the unexpected attack upon their rear threw them
into confusion, when they broke and fled. The battle lasted but ten
minutes. The royalists lost seventy killed and wounded, while the
patriots had but two wounded, one of whom recovered. The victory was
lasting and complete. The Highland power was thoroughly broken. There
fell into the hands of the Americans besides eight hundred and fifty
prisoners, fifteen hundred rifles, all of them excellent pieces, three
hundred and fifty guns and short bags, one hundred and fifty swords and
dirks, two medicine chests, immediately from England, one valued at £300
sterling, thirteen wagons with horses, a box of Johannes and English
guineas, amounting to about $75,000.
Some of the Highlanders escaped from the battlefield by breaking down
their wagons and riding away, three upon a horse. Many who were taken
confessed that they were forced and persuaded contrary to their
inclinations into the service.[51] The soldiers taken were disarmed, and
dismissed to their homes.
On the following day General MacDonald and nearly all the chief men were
taken prisoners, amongst whom was MacDonald of Kingsborough and his son
Alexander. A partial list of those apprehended is given in a report of
the Committee of the Provincial Congress, reported April 20th and May
10th on the guilt of the Highland and Regulator officers then confined
in Halifax gaol, finding the prisoners were of four different classes,
viz.:
First, Prisoners who had served in Congress.
Second, Prisoners who had signed Tests or Associations.
Third, Prisoners who had been in arms without such circumstances.
Fourth, Prisoners under suspicious circumstances.
The Highlanders coming under the one or the other of these classes are
given in the following order:
Farquhard Campbell, Cumberland county.
Alexander McKay, Capt. of 38 men. Cumberland county.
Alexander McDonald (Condrach), Major of a regiment.
Alexander Morrison. Captain of a company of 35 men.
Alexander MacDonald, son of Kingsborough, a volunteer, Anson county.
James MacDonald, Captain of a company of 25 men.
Alexander McLeod, Captain of a company of 32 men.
John MacDonald, Captain of a company of 40 men.
Alexander McLeod, Captain of a company of 16 men.
Murdoch McAskell, Captain of a company of 34 men.
Alexander McLeod, Captain of a company of 16 men.
Angus McDonald, Captain of a company of 30 men.
Neill McArthur, Freeholder of Cross Creek, Captain of a company of 55 men.
Francis Frazier, Adjutant to General MacDonald's Army.
John McLeod, of Cumberland county, Captain of company of 35 men.
John McKinzie, of Cumberland county, Captain of company of 43 men.
Kennith Macdonald, Aide-de-camp to General Macdonald.
Murdoch McLeod, of Anson county, Surgeon to General Macdonald's Army.
Donald McLeod, of Anson county, Lieutenant in Captain Morrison's Company.
Norman McLeod, of Anson county, Ensign in James McDonald's company.
John McLeod, of Anson county, Lieutenant in James McDonald's company.
Laughlin McKinnon, freeholder in Cumberland county, Lieutenant in Col.
Rutherford's corps.
James Munroe, freeholder in Cumberland county, Lieutenant in Capt. McKay's
company.
Donald Morrison, Ensign to Capt. Morrison's company.
John McLeod, Ensign to Capt. Morrison's company.
Archibald McEachern, Bladen county, Lieutenant to Capt. McArthur's company.
Rory McKinnen, freeholder Anson county, volunteer.
Donald McLeod, freeholder Cumberland county, Master to two Regiments,
General McDonald's Army.
Donald Stuart, Quarter Master to Col. Rutherford's Regiment.
Allen Macdonald of Kingsborough, freeholder of Anson county, Col. Regiment.
Duncan St. Clair.
Daniel McDaniel, Lieutenant in Seymore York's company.
Alexander McRaw, freeholder Anson county, Capt. company 47 men.
Kenneth Stuart, Lieutenant Capt Stuart's company.
Collin McIver, Lieutenant Capt. Leggate's company.
Alexander Maclaine, Commissary to General Macdonald's Army.
Angus Campbell, Captain company 30 men.
Alexander Stuart, Captain company 30 men.
Hugh McDonald, Anson county, volunteer.
John McDonald, common soldier.
Daniel Cameron, common soldier.
Daniel McLean, freeholder, Cumberland county, Lieutenant to Angus
Campbell's company.
Malcolm McNeill, recruiting agent for General Macdonald's
Army, accused of using compulsion.[52]
The following is a list of the prisoners sent from North Carolina to
Philadelphia, enclosed in a letter of April 22, 1776:
"1 His Excellency Donald McDonald Esqr Brigadier General
of the Tory Army and Commander in Chief in North Carolina.
2 Colonel Allen McDonald (of Kingsborough) first in
Commission of Array and second in Command
3 Alexander McDonald son of Kingsborough
4 Major Alexander McDonald (Condrack)
5 Capt Alexander McRay
6 Capt John Leggate
7 Capt James McDonald
8 Capt Alexr. McLeod
9 Capt Alexr. Morrison
10 Capt John McDonald
11 Capt Alexr. McLeod
12 Capt Murdoch McAskell
13 Capt Alexander McLeod
14 Capt Angus McDonald
15 Capt Neil McArthur[53]
16 Capt James Mens of the light horse.
17 Capt John McLeod
18 Capt Thos. Wier
19 Capt John McKenzie
20 Lieut John Murchison
21 Kennith McDonald, Aid de Camp to Genl McDonald
22 Murdock McLeod, Surgeon
23 Adjutant General John Smith
24 Donald McLeod Quarter Master
25 John Bethune Chaplain
26 Farquhard Campbell late a delegate in the provincial
Congress--Spy and Confidential Emissary of Governor Martin."[54]
Some of the prisoners were discharged soon after their arrest, by making
and signing the proper oath, of which the following is taken from the
Records:
"Oath of Malcolm McNeill and Joseph Smith. We Malcolm McNeil and
Joseph Smith do Solemnly Swear on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty
God that we will not on any pretence whatsoever take up or bear Arms
against the Inhabitants of the United States of America and that we
will not disclose or make known any matters within our knowledge now
carrying on within the United States and that we will not carry out
more than fifty pounds of Gold & Silver in value to fifty pounds
Carolina Currency. So help us God.
Malcolm McNeill,
Halifax, 13th Augt, 1776. Joseph Smith."[55]
The North Carolina Provincial Congress on March 5, 1776, "Resolved, That
Colonel Richard Caswell send, under a sufficient guard, Brigadier
General Donald McDonald, taken at the battle of Moore's Creek Bridge, to
the Town of Halifax, and there to have him committed a close prisoner in
the jail of the said Town, until further orders."[56]
The same Congress, held in Halifax April 5th, "Resolved, That General
McDonald be admitted to his parole upon the following conditions: That
he does not go without the limits of the Town of Halifax; that he does
not directly or indirectly, while a prisoner, correspond with any person
or persons who are or may be in opposition to American measures, or by
any manner or means convey to them intelligence of any sort; that he
take no draft, nor procure them to be taken by any one else, of any
place or places in which he may be, while upon his parole, that shall
now, or may hereafter give information to our enemies which can be
injurious to us, or the common cause of America; but that without
equivocation, mental evasion, or secret reservation, he pay the most
exact and faithful attention to the intent and meaning of these
conditions, according to the rules and regulations of war; and that he
every day appear between the hours of ten and twelve o'clock to the
Officer of the Guard."[57]
On April 11th, the same parole was offered to Allan MacDonald of
Kingsborough.[58]
The Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, at its session in Philadelphia,
held May 25, 1776, ordered the Highland prisoners, mentioned on page
219, naming each one separately to be "safely kept in close confinement
until discharged by the honorable Congress or this Committee."[59] Four
days later, General MacDonald addressed a letter to the Continental
Congress, in which he said,
"That he was, by a party of horsemen, upon the 28th day of February
last, taken prisoner from sick quarters, eight miles from Widow
Moor's Creek, where he lay dangerously ill, and carried to Colonel
Caswell's camp, where General Moore then commanded, to whom he
delivered his sword as prisoner of war, which General Moore was
pleased to deliver back in a genteel manner before all his officers
then present, according to the rules and customs of war practised in
all nations; assuring him at the same time that he would be well
treated, and his baggage and property delivered to him, &c. Having
taken leave of General Moore and Colonel Caswell, Lieutenant-Colonel
Bryant took him under his care; and after rummaging his baggage for
papers, &c., conducted him to Newbern, from thence with his baggage
to Halifax, where the Committee of Safety there thought proper to
commit him to the common jail; his horses, saddles, and pistols, &c.,
taken from him, and never having committed any act of violence
against the person or property of any man; that he remained in this
jail near a month, until General Howe arrived there, who did him the
honour to call upon him in jail; and he has reason to think that
General Howe thought this treatment erroneous and without a
precedent; that upon this representation to the Convention, General
McDonald was, by order of the Convention, permitted, upon parole, to
the limits of the town of Halifax, until the 25th of April last, when
he was appointed to march, with the other gentlemen prisoners,
escorted from the jail there to this place. General McDonald would
wish to know what crime he has since been guilty of, deserving his
being recommitted to the jail of Philadelphia, without his bedding or
baggage, and his sword and his servant detained from him. The other
gentlemen prisoners are in great want for their blankets and other
necessaries.
Donald McDonald."[60]
The Continental Congress, on September 4th, "Resolved, That the proposal
made by General Howe, as delivered by General Sullivan, of exchanging
General Sullivan for General Prescot, and Lord Stirling for
Brigadier-General, be complied with."[61]
This being communicated to General McDonald he addressed, to the
Secretary of War the following:
"Philadelphia Gaol, September 6, 1776.
To the Secretary of War:
General McDonald's compliments to the Secretary of War. He is obliged
to him for his polite information, that the Congress have been
pleased to agree that Generals Prescott and McDonald shall be
exchanged for the Generals Sullivan and Stirling. General McDonald is
obliged to the Congress for the reference to the Board of War for his
departure: The indulgence of eight or ten days will, he hopes, be
sufficient to prepare him for his journey. His baggage will require a
cart to carry it. He is not provided with horses--submits it to the
Congress and Board how he may be conducted with safety to his place
of destination, not doubting his servant will be permitted to go
along with him, and that his sword may be returned to him, which he
is informed the Commissary received from his servant on the 25th of
May last.
General McDonald begs leave to acquaint the Secretary and the Board
of War, for the information of Congress, that when he was brought
prisoner from sick quarters to General Moore's camp, at Moore's
Creek, upon the 28th of February last, General Moore treated him with
respect to his rank and commission in the King of Great Britain's
service. He would have given him a parole to return to his sick
quarters, as his low state of health required it much at that time,
but Colonel Caswell objected thereto, and had him conducted prisoner
to Newbern, but gently treated all the way by Colonel Caswell and his
officers.
From Newbern he was conducted by a guard of Horse to Halifax, and
committed on his arrival, after forty-five miles journey the last
day, in a sickly state of health, and immediately ushered into a
common gaol, without bed or bedding, fire or candles, in a cold,
long night, by Colonel Long, who did not appear to me to behave like
a gentleman. That notwithstanding the promised protection for person
and property he had from General Moore, a man called Longfield Cox, a
wagonmaster to Colonel Caswell's army, seized upon his horse, saddle,
pistols, and other arms, and violently detained the same by refusing
to deliver them up to Colonel Bryan, who conducted him to Newbern.
Colonel Long was pleased to detain his mare at Halifax when sent
prisoner from thence to here. Sorry to dwell so long upon so
disagreeable a subject."[62]
This letter was submitted to the Continental Congress on September 7th,
when it "Resolved, That he be allowed four days to prepare for his
journey; That a copy of that part of his Letter respecting his treatment
in North Carolina, be sent to the Convention of that State."[63]
Notwithstanding General Sir William Howe had agreed to make the
specified exchange of prisoners, yet in a letter addressed to
Washington, September 21, 1776, he states:
"The exchange you propose of Brigadier-General Alexander, commonly
called Lord Stirling, for Mr. McDonald, cannot take place, as he has
only the rank of Major by my commission; but I shall readily send any
Major in the enclosed list of prisoners that you will be pleased to
name in exchange for him."[64]
As Sir William Howe refused to recognize the rank conferred on General
McDonald, by the governor of North Carolina, Washington was forced,
September 23, to order his return, with the escort, to Philadelphia.[65]
But on the same day addressed Sir William Howe, in which he said:
"I had no doubt but Mr. McDonald's title would have been
acknowledged, having understood that he received his commission from
the hands of Governor Martin; nor can I consent to rank him as a
Major till I have proper authority from Congress, to whom I shall
state the matter upon your representation."[65] That body, on
September 30th, declared "That Mr. McDonald, having a commission of
Brigadier-General from Governor Martin, be not exchanged for any
officer under the rank of Brigadier-General in the service either of
the United States or any of them."[66]
On the way from North Carolina to Philadelphia, while resting at
Petersburg, May 2, 1776, Kingsborough indited the following letter:
"Sir: Your kind favor I had by Mr. Ugin (?) with the Virginia money
enclosed, which shall be paid if ever I retourn with thanks, if not I
shall take to order payment. Colonel Eliot who came here to receive
the prisoners Confined the General and me under a guard and sentries
to a Roome; this he imputes to the Congress of North Carolina not
getting Brigadier Lewes (who commands at Williamsburg) know of our
being on parole by your permission when at Halifax. If any
opportunity afford, it would add to our happiness to write something
to the above purpose to some of the Congress here with directions (if
such can be done) to forward said orders after us. I have also been
depressed of the horse I held, and hath little chance of getting
another. To walk on foot is what I never can do the length of
Philadelphia. What you can do in the above different affairs will be
adding to your former favors. Hoping you will pardon freedom wrote in
a hurry. I am with real Esteem and respect
Honble Sir,
Your very obedt. Servt.
Allen MacDonald."[67]
June 28, 1776, Allen MacDonald of Kingsborough, was permitted, after
signing a parole and word of honor to go to Reading, in Berks
county.[68] At the same time the Committee of Safety
"Resolved, That such Prisoners from North Carolina as choose, may be
permitted to write to their friends there; such letters to be
inspected by this Committee; and the Jailer is to take care that all
the paper delivered in to the Prisoners, be used in such Letters, or
returned him."[68]
The action of the Committee of Safety was approved by the Continental
Congress on July 9th, by directing Kingsborough to be released on
parole;[69] and on the 15th, his son Alexander was released on parole
and allowed to reside with him.
Every attempt to exchange the prisoners was made on the part of the
Americans, and as they appear to have been so unfortunate as to have no
one to intercede for them among British officers, Kingsborough was
permitted to go to New York and effect his own exchange, which he
succeeded in doing during the month of November, 1777, and then
proceeded to Halifax, Nova Scotia.[70]
The Highland officers confined in prison became restive, and on October
31, 1776, presented a memorial, addressed to the North Carolina members
of the Continental Congress, which at once met with the approval of
William Hooper:
"Gentlemen: After a long separation of eight months from our Families
& Friends, We the undersubscribers, Prisoners of war from North
Carolina now in Philadelphia Prison, think ourselves justifiable at
this period in applying to your Honours for permission to return to
our Families; which indulgence we will promise on the Faith & honour
of gentlemen not to abuse, by interfering in the present disputes, or
aiding or assisting your enemies by word, writing, or action.
This request we have already laid before Congress who are willing to
grant it, provided they shall have your approbation.
Hoping therefore, that you have no particular intention to distress
us more than others whom you have treated with Indulgence, we flatter
ourselves that your determinations will prove no obstruction to our
Enlargement on the above terms; and have transmitted to you the
enclosed Copy of the Resolve of Congress in our favor, which if you
countenance; it will meet with the warmest acknowledgement of Gentn.
Your most obedt. humble Servts.,
Alexander Morison, Ferqd. Campbell, Alexr. Macleod,
Alexr. McKay, James Macdonald, John McDonald, Murdoch
Macleod, John Murchison, John Bethune, Neill McArthur, John
Smith, Murdo MacCaskill, John McLeod, Alexr. McDonald, Angus
McDonald, John Ligett."[71]
It was fully apparent to the Americans that so long as the leaders were
prisoners there was no danger of another uprising among the Highlanders.
This was fully tested by earl Cornwallis, who, after the battle of
Guilford Courthouse, retreated towards the seaboard, stopping on the way
at Cross Creek[72] hoping then to gain recruits from the Highlanders,
but very few of whom responded to his call. In a letter addressed to Sir
Henry Clinton, dated from his camp near Wilmington, April 10, 1781, he
says:
"On my arrival there (Cross Creek), I found, to my great
mortification, and contrary to all former accounts, that it was
impossible to procure any considerable quantity of provisions, and
that there was not four days' forage within twenty miles. The
navigation of Cape Fear, with the hopes of which I had been flattered
was totally impracticable, the distance from Wilmington by water
being one hundred and fifty miles, the breadth of the river seldom
exceeding one hundred yards, the banks generally high, and the
inhabitants on each side almost universally hostile. Under these
circumstances I determined to move immediately to Wilmington. By this
measure the Highlanders have not had so much time as the people of
the upper country, to prove the sincerity of their former professions
of friendship. But, though appearances are rather more favorable
among them, I confess they are not equal to my expectations."[73]
The Americans did not rest matters simply by confining the officers, but
every precaution was taken to overawe them, not only by their parole,
which nearly all implicitly obeyed, but also by armed force, for some
militia was at once stationed at Cross Creek, which remained there until
the Provincial Congress, on November 21, 1776, ordered it
discharged.[74] General Charles Lee, who had taken charge of the
Southern Department, on June 6, 1776, ordered Brigadier-General Lewis to
take "as large a body of the regulars as can possibly be spared to march
to Cross Creek, in North Carolina."[75]
Notwithstanding the fact that many of the Highlanders who had been in
the battle of Moore's Creek Bridge afterwards engaged in the service
with the Americans, the community was regarded with suspicion, and that
not without some cause. On July 28, 1777, it was reported that there
were movements among the royalists that caused the patriots to be in
arms and watch the Highlanders at Cross Creek. On August 3rd it was
again reported that there were a hundred in arms with others coming.[76]
As might be anticipated the poor Highlanders also were subjected to fear
and oppression. They remained at heart, true to their first love. In
June, 1776, a report was circulated among them that a company of light
horse was coming into the settlement, and every one thought he was the
man wanted, and hence all hurried to the swamps and other fastnesses in
the forest.[77]
From the poor Highland women, who had lost father, husband, brother in
battle, or whose menfolk were imprisoned in the gaol at Halifax, there
arose such a wail of distress as to call forth the attention of the
Provincial Congress, which at once put forth a proclamation, and ordered
it translated into the "Erse tongue," in which it was declared that they
"warred not with those helpless females, but sympathized with them in
their sorrow," and recommended them to the compassion of all, and to the
"bounty of those who had aught to spare from their necessities."
One of the remarkable things, and one which cannot be accounted for, is,
that although the North Carolina Highland emigrants were deeply
religious, yet no clergyman accompanied them to the shores of America,
until 1770, when Reverend John McLeod came direct from Scotland and
ministered to them for some time; and they were entirely without a
minister prior to 1757, when Reverend James Campbell commenced to preach
for them, and continued in active work until 1770. He was the first
ordained minister who took up his abode among the Presbyterian
settlements in North Carolina. He pursued his labors among the
outspreading neighborhoods in what are now Cumberland and Robeson
counties. This worthy man was born in Campbelton, on the peninsula of
Kintyre, in Argyleshire, Scotland. Of his early history but little is
known, and by far too little of his pioneer labors has been preserved.
About the year 1730 he emigrated to America, landing at Philadelphia.
His attention having been turned to his countrymen on the Cape Fear, he
removed to North Carolina, and took up his residence on the left bank of
the above river, a few miles north of Cross Creek. He died in 1781. His
preaching was in harmony with the tenets of his people, being
presbyterian. He had three regular congregations on the Sabbath, besides
irregular preaching, as occasion demanded. For some ten years he
preached on the southwest side of the river at a place called "Roger's
meeting-house." Here Hector McNeill ("Bluff Hector") and Alexander
McAlister acted as elders. About 1758 he began to preach at the
"Barbacue Church,"--the building not erected until about the year 1765.
It was at this church where Flora MacDonald worshipped. The first elders
of this church were Gilbert Clark, Duncan Buie, Archibald Buie, and
Donald Cameron.
[Illustration: BARBACUE CHURCH, WHERE FLORA MACDONALD WORSHIPPED.]
Another of the preaching stations was at a place now known as "Long
Street." The building was erected about 1766. The first elders were
Malcolm Smith, Archibald McKay and Archibald Ray.
There came, in the same ship, from Scotland, with Reverend John McLeod,
a large number of Highland families, all of whom settled upon the upper
and lower Little Rivers, in Cumberland county. After several years'
labor, proving himself a man of genuine piety, great worth, and popular
eloquence, he left America, with a view of returning to his native land;
having never been heard of afterwards, it was thought that he found a
watery grave.
With the exception of the Reverend John McLeod, it is not known that
Reverend James Campbell had any ministerial brother residing in
Cumberland or the adjoining counties, who could assist him in preaching
to the Gaels. Although McAden preached in Duplin county, he was unable
to render assistance because he was unfamiliar with the language of the
Highlanders.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 21: North Carolina Colonial Records, Vol. IV, p. 931.]
[Footnote 22: _Ibid_, p. 447.]
[Footnote 23: _Ibid_, p. 490.]
[Footnote 24: _Ibid_, p. 533.]
[Footnote 25: _Ibid_, p.453.]
[Footnote 26: See Appendix, Note C.]
[Footnote 27: _Ibid_, Vol. VIII. p. 708.]
[Footnote 28: _Ibid_, Vol. IX. p. 79.]
[Footnote 29: _Ibid_, p. 544.]
[Footnote 30: _Ibid_, Vol. VIII, p. XXIII.]
[Footnote 31: _Ibid_, Vol. X. p. 577.]
[Footnote 32: _Ibid_, p. 173.]
[Footnote 33: See Appendix, Note D.]
[Footnote 34: _Ibid_, p. 45.]
[Footnote 35: _Ibid_, p. 325.]
[Footnote 36: _Ibid_, p. 190.]
[Footnote 37: _Ibid_, p. 266.]
[Footnote 38: _Ibid_, p. 326.]
[Footnote 39: _Ibid_, p. 595.]
[Footnote 40: _Ibid_, Vol. XI. p. 403.]
[Footnote 41: _Ibid_, p. 324.]
[Footnote 42: American Archives, 4th Series, Vol. IV, p. 84.]
[Footnote 43: See Appendix, Note E.]
[Footnote 44: North Carolina Colonial Records, Vol. X, p. 65.]
[Footnote 45: _Ibid_, p, 117.]
[Footnote 46: American Archives, 4th Series, Vol. IV. p, 981]
[Footnote 47: _Ibid_, p, 982.]
[Footnote 48: _Ibid_, p. 983.]
[Footnote 49: _Ibid_, p. 1129.]
[Footnote 50: N.C. Colonial Records, Vol. XI, pp. 276-279.]
[Footnote 51: _Ibid_, Vol. X, p. 485.]
[Footnote 52: _Ibid_, pp. 594-603.]
[Footnote 53: See Appendix, Note H.]
[Footnote 54: _Ibid_, Vol. XI. p. 294.]
[Footnote 55: _Ibid_, Vol. X. p. 743.]
[Footnote 56: American Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. V, p. 69.]
[Footnote 57: _Ibid_, Vol. V, p. 1317.]
[Footnote 58: _Ibid_, p. 1320.]
[Footnote 59: _Ibid_, Vol. VI, p. 663.]
[Footnote 60: _Ibid_, p. 613.]
[Footnote 61: _Ibid_, Fifth Series, Vol. II. p. 1330.]
[Footnote 62: _Ibid_, p. 191.]
[Footnote 63: _Ibid_, p. 1333.]
[Footnote 64: _Ibid_, p. 437.]
[Footnote 65: _Ibid_, p. 464.]
[Footnote 66: _Ibid_, p. 1383]
[Footnote 67: North Carolina Colonial Records, Vol. XI. p. 295.]
[Footnote 68: Am. Archives, 5th Series, Vol. I. p. 1291.]
[Footnote 69: _Ibid_, p. 1570.]
[Footnote 70: "Letter Book of Captain A. MacDonald," p. 387.]
[Footnote 71: N.C. Colonial Records, Vol. X. p. 888.]
[Footnote 72: See Appendix Note F.]
[Footnote 73: "Earl Cornwallis' Answer to Sir Henry Clinton," p. 10.]
[Footnote 74: N.C. Colonial Records, Vol. XI. p. 927.]
[Footnote 75: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. VI, p. 721.]
[Footnote 76: N.C. Colonial Records, Vol. XI. pp 546, 555.]
[Footnote 77: _Ibid_, p. 829.]