CHAPTER IV.

THE DARIEN SCHEME.

The first body of Highlanders to arrive in the New World was as much

military as civil. Their lines were cast in evil waters, and disaster

awaited them. They formed a very essential part of a colony that engaged

in what has been termed the Darien Scheme, which originated in 1695, and

so mismanaged as to involve thousands in ruin, many of whom had enjoyed

comparative opulence. Although this project did not materially affect

the Highlands of Scotland, yet as Highland money entered the enterprise,

and as quite a body of Highlanders perished in the attempted

colonization of the isthmus of Panama, more than a passing notice is

here demanded.

Scottish people have ever been noted for their caution, frugality, and

prudence, and not prone to engage in any speculation unless based on the

soundest business principles. Although thus characterized, yet this

people engaged in the most disastrous speculation on record; established

by act of the Scottish parliament, and begun by unprecedented

excitement. The leading cause which impelled the people headlong into

this catastrophe was the ruination of the foreign trade of Scotland by

the English Navigation Act of 1660, which provided that all trade with

the English colonies should be conducted in English ships alone. Any

scheme plausibly presented was likely to catch those anxious to regain

their commercial interests, as well as those who would be actuated to

increase their own interests. The Massacre of Glencoe had no little

share in the matter. This massacre, which occurred February 13, 1692, is

the foulest blot in the annals of crime. It was deliberately planned by

Sir John Dalrymple and others, ordered by king William, and executed by

Captain Robert Campbell of Glenlyon, in the most treacherous, brutal,

atrocious, and bloodthirsty manner imaginable, and perpetrated without

the shadow of a reasonable excuse--infancy and old age, male and female

alike perished. The bare recital of it is awful; and the barbarity of

the American savage pales before it. In every quarter, even at court,

the account of the massacre was received with horror and indignation.

The odium of the nation rose to a great pitch, and demanded that an

inquiry be made into this atrocious affair. The appointment of a

commission was not wrung from the unwilling king until April 29, 1695.

The commission, as a whole, acted with great fairness, although they put

the best possible construction on the king's order, and threw the whole

blame on Secretary Dalrymple. The king was too intimately connected with

the crime to make an example of any one, although through public

sentiment he was forced to dismiss Secretary Dalrymple. Not one of those

actually engaged in the perpetration of the crime were dismissed from

the army, or punished for the butchery, otherwise than by the general

hatred of the age in which they lived, and the universal execration of

posterity. The tide of feeling set in against king William, and before

it had time to ebb the Darien Scheme was projected. The friends of

William seized the opportunity to persuade him that some freedom and

facilities of trade should be granted the Scotch, and that would divert

public attention from the Glencoe massacre. Secretary Dalrymple also was

not slow to give it the support of his eloquence and interest, in hopes

to regain thereby a part of his lost popularity.

The originator of the Darien Scheme was William Paterson, founder of the

Bank of England, a man of comprehensive views and great sagacity, born

in Scotland, a missionary in the Indies, and a buccaneer among the West

India islands. During his roving course of life he had visited the

isthmus of Panama--then called Darien--and brought away only pleasant

recollections of that narrow strip of land that unites North and South

America. On his return to Europe his first plan was the national

establishment of the Bank of England. For a brief period he was admitted

as a director in that institution, but it befell to Paterson that others

possessed of wealth and influence, interposed and took advantage of his

ideas, and then excluded him from the concern. Paterson next turned his

thoughts to the plan of settling a colony in America, and handling the

trade of the Indies and the South Seas. The trade of Europe with the

remote parts of Asia had been carried on by rounding the Cape of Good

Hope. Paterson believed that the shorter, cheaper, and more expeditious

route was by the isthmus of Panama, and, as he believed, that section of

the country had not been occupied by any of the nations of Europe; and

as it was specially adapted for his enterprise it should be colonized.

He averred that the havens were capacious and secure; the sea swarmed

with turtle; the country so mountainous, that though within nine degrees

of the equator, the climate was temperate; and yet roads could be easily

constructed along which a string of mules, or a wheeled carriage might

in the course of a single day pass from sea to sea. Fruits and a

profusion of valuable herbs grew spontaneously, on account of the rich

black soil, which had a depth of seven feet; and the exuberant fertility

of the soil had not tainted the purity of the atmosphere. As a place of

residence alone, the isthmus was a paradise; and a colony there could

not fail to prosper even if its wealth depended entirely on agriculture.

This, however, would be only a secondary matter, for within a few years

the entire trade between India and Europe would be drawn to that spot.

The merchant was no longer to expose his goods to the capricious gales

of the Antarctic Seas, for the easier, safer, cheaper route must be

navigated, which was shortly destined to double the amount of trade.

Whoever possessed that door which opened both to the Atlantic and

Pacific, as the shortest and least expensive route would give law to

both hemispheres, and by peaceful arts would establish an empire as

splendid as that of Cyrus or Alexander. If Scotland would occupy Darien

she would become the one great free port, the one great warehouse for

the wealth that the soil of Darien would produce, and the greater wealth

which would be poured through Darien, India, China, Siam, Ceylon, and

the Moluccas; besides taking her place in the front rank among nations.

On all the vast riches that would be poured into Scotland a toll should

be paid which would add to her capital; and a fabulous prosperity would

be shared by every Scotchman from the peer to the cadie. Along the

desolate shores of the Forth Clyde villas and pleasure grounds would

spring up; and Edinburgh would vie with London and Paris. These glowing

prospects at first were only partially disclosed to the public, and the

name of Darien was unpronounced save only to a few of Paterson's most

confidential friends. A mystery pervaded the enterprise, and only enough

was given out to excite boundless hopes and desires. He succeeded

admirably in working up a sentiment and desire on the part of the people

to become stockholders in the organization. The hour for action had

arrived; so on June 26, 1695, the Scottish parliament granted a statute

from the Crown, for creating a corporate body or stock company, by name

of the Company of Scotland trading to Africa and the Indies, with power

to plant colonies and build forts in places not possessed by other

European nations, the consent of the inhabitants of the places they

settled being obtained. The amount of capital was not fixed by charter,

but it was stipulated that at least one-half the stock must be held by

Scotchmen resident in Scotland, and that no stock originally so held

should ever be transferred to any but Scotchmen resident in Scotland. An

entire monopoly of the trade with Asia, Africa, and America was granted

for a term of thirty-one years, and all goods imported by the company

during twenty-one years, should be admitted duty free, except sugar and

tobacco, unless grown on the company's plantations. Every member and

servant of the company were privileged against arrest and imprisonment,

and if placed in durance, the company was authorized to invoke both the

civil and military power. The Great Seal was affixed to the Act; the

books were opened; the shares were fixed at £100 sterling each; and

every man from the Pentland Firth to the Galway Firth who could command

the amount was impatient to put down his name. The whole kingdom

apparently had gone mad. The number of shareholders were about fourteen

hundred. The books were opened February 26, 1696, and the very first

subscriber was Anne, dutchess of Hamilton. On that day there was

subscribed £50,400. By the end of March the greater part of the amount

had been subscribed. On March 5th, a separate book was opened in Glasgow

and on it was entered £56,325. The books were closed August 3rd of the

same year, and on the last day of subscriptions there was entered

£14,125, reaching the total of £400,000, the amount apportioned to

Scotland. The cities of Edinburgh and Glasgow, in their corporate

capacity, each took £3,000 and Perth £2,000. Of the subscriptions there

were eight of £3,000 each; eight of £2,000 each; two of £1,500, and one

each of £1,200 and £1,125; ninety-seven of £1,000 each; but the great

majority consisted of £100 or £200 each. The whole amount actually paid

up was £220,000. This may not seem to be a large amount for such a

country as Scotland, but as already noted, the country had been ruined

by the English Act of 1660. There were five or six shires which did not

altogether contain as many guineas and crowns as were tossed about every

day by the shovels of a single goldsmith in Lombard street. Even the

nobles had but very little money, for a large part of their rents was

taken in kind; and the pecuniary remuneration of the clergy was such as

to move the pity of the most needy, of the present; yet some of these

had invested their all in hopes that their children might be benefited

when the golden harvest should come. Deputies in England received

subscriptions to the amount of £300,000; and the Dutch and Hamburgers

subscribed £200,000.

Those Highland chiefs who had been considered as turbulent, and are so

conspicuous in the history of the day have no place in this record of a

species of enterprise quite distinct from theirs. The houses of Argyle,

Athol, and Montrose appear in the list, as families who, besides their

Highland chiefships, had other stakes and interests in the country; but

almost the only person with a Highland patronymic was John MacPharlane

of that ilk, a retired scholar who followed antiquarian pursuits in the

libraries beneath the Parliament House. The Keltic prefix of "Mac" is

most frequently attached to merchants in Inverness, who subscribed their

hundred.

It is probable that a list of Highlanders who subscribed stock may be of

interest in this connection. Only such names as are purely Highland are

here subjoined with amounts given, and also in the order as they appear

on the books:

26 February, 1696:

John Drummond of Newtoun £600

Adam Gordon of Dalphollie 500

Master James Campbell, brother-german to the Earle

of Argyle 500

John McPharlane of that ilk 200

Sir Robert Gordon of Gordonstown 400

Sir Colin Campbell of Ardkinlass 500

Mr. Gilbert Campbell, son to Colin Campbell of Soutar

houses 400

27 February, 1696:

John Robertson, merchant in Edinburgh 300

Matthew St. Clair, Doctor of Medicine 500

Daniel Mackay, Writer in Edinburgh 200

Mr. Francis Grant of Cullen, Advocate 100

Duncan Forbes of Culloden 200

Arthur Forbes, younger of Echt 200

George Southerland, merchant in Edinburgh 200

Kenneth McKenzie of Cromartie 500

Major John Forbes 200

28 February, 1696:

William Robertsone of Gladney 1,000

Mungo Graeme of Gorthie 500

Duncan Campbell of Monzie 500

James Mackenzie, son to the Viscount of Tarbat 1,000

2 March, 1696:

Jerome Robertson, periwig maker, burgess of Edinburgh 100

3 March 1696:

David Robertsone, Vintner in Edinburgh 200

William Drummond, brother to Thomas Drummond of

Logie Almond 500

4 March, 1696:

Sir Humphrey Colquhoun of Luss 400

5 March, 1696:

James Robertson, tylor in Canonget 100

Sir Thomas Murray of Glendoick 1,000

6 March, 1696:

Alexander Murray, son to John Murray of Touchadam,

and deputed by him 300

7 March 1696:

John Gordon, Captain in Lord Stranraer's Regiment 100

Samuell McLelland, merchant in Edinburgh 500

11 March 1696:

Aeneas McLeod, Town-Clerk of Edinburgh, in name and

behalfe of George Viscount of Tarbat, and as having

commission from him £1000

17 March, 1696:

John Menzies, Advocate 200

William Menzies, merchant in Edinburgh 1000

19 March, 1696:

James Drummond, Writer in Edinburgh, deputed by Mr.

John Graham of Aberuthven 100

Gilbert Campbell, merchant in Edinburgh, son to Colline

Campbell of Soutar Houses 200

Gilbert Campbell, merchant in Edinburgh, son to Colline

Campbell of Soutar Houses 100

Daniel McKay, Writer in Edinburgh, deputed by Captain

Hugh McKay, younger of Borley 300

Patrick Campbell, Writer in Edinburgh, deputed by Captain

Leonard Robertsone of Straloch 100

20 March, 1696:

Alexander Murray, son to George Murray of Touchadam,

deputed by him 200

Sir Colin Campbell of Aberuchill, one of the Senators of

the Colledge of Justice 500

Andrew Robertson, chyrurgeon in Edinburgh, deputed

by George Robertstone, younger, merchant in Glasgow 100

Andrew Robertson, chyrurgeon in Edinburgh 100

James Gregorie, student 100

George Earle of Southerland 1000

21 March, 1696:

John McFarlane, Writer to the Signet 200

23 March, 1696:

John Forbes, brother-german to Samuell Forbes of Fovrain,

deputed by the said Samuell Forbes 1000

John Forbes, brother-german to Samuell Forbes of Fovrain 500

James Gregory, Professor of Mathematiques in the Colledge

of Edinburgh 200

24 March 1696:

Patrick Murray of Livingstoun 600

Ronald Campbell, Writer to his Majesty's Signet, as having

deputation from Alexander Gordoun, son to

Alexander Gordoun, minister at Inverary 100

William Graham, merchant in Edinburgh 200

David Drummond, Advocate, deputed by Thomas Graeme

of Balgowan 600

David Drummond, Advocate, deputed by John Drummond

of Culqupalzie £600

25 March, 1696:

John Murray of Deuchar 800

Sir Robert Sinclair of Stevenstoun 400

John Sinclair of Stevenstoun 400

26 March, 1696:

Helen Drummond, spouse to Colonel James Ferguson as

commissionate by him 200

James Murray of Sundhope 100

John Drummond of Newtoun 400

John Drummond of Newtoun, for John Stewart of Dalguis,

conform to deputation 100

March 27:

Alexander Johnstoune of Elshieshells 400

John Forbes, brother-german to Samuell Forbes of Fovrain,

conform to one deputation by Captain James

Stewart, in Sir John Hill's regiment. Governor of

Fort William 100

Thomas Forbes of Watertoun 200

William Ross, merchant in Edinburgh 100

Rachell Johnstoun, relict of Mr. Robert Baylie of Jerviswood 200

March 28:

John Fraser, servitor to Alexander Innes, merchant 100

Mr. John Murray, Senior Advocate 100

John Stewart, Writer in Clerk Gibsone's chamber 100

Mr. Gilbert Campbell, merchant in Edinburgh, son to Colline

Campbell of Soutar Houses 200

Mr. Gilbert Campbell, merchant in Edinburgh, son to Colline

Campbell of Soutar Houses, (more) 100

James Gordon, Senior, merchant in Aberdeen 250

Thomas Gordon, skipper in Leith 100

Adam Gordon of Dulpholly 500

Colin Campbell of Lochlan 200

Thomas Graeme of Balgowane, by virtue of a deputation

from David Graeme of Kilor 200

Patrick Coutts, merchant in Edinburgh, being deputed by

Alexander Robertsone, merchant in Dundie 200

David Drummond, of Cultimalindie 600

John Drummond, brother of David Drummond of Cultimalindie 200

30 March, 1696:

James Marquess of Montrose 1000

John Murray, doctor of medicine, for Mr. James Murray,

Chirurgeon in Perth, conform to a deputation £200

William Stewart, doctor of medicine at Perth 100

Patrick Campbell, Writer in Edinburgh, being depute by

Helen Steuart, relict of Doctor Murray 100

James Drummond, one of the Clerks to the Bills, being

deputed by James Meinzies of Shian 100

Robert Stewart, Junior, Advocate 300

Master Donald Robertsone, minister of the Gospel 100

Duncan Campbell of Monzie, by deputation from John

Drummond of Culquhalzie 100

John Marquesse of Athole 500

John Haldane of Gleneagles, deputed by James Murray

at Orchart Milne 100

Thomas Johnstone, merchant in Edinburgh 100

William Meinzies, merchant in Edinburgh 1000

Alexander Forbes of Tolquhon 500

Robert Murray, merchant in Edinburgh 200

Walter Murray, merchant in Edinburgh 100

Master Arthur Forbes, son of the Laird of Cragivar 100

Robert Fraser, Advocate 100

Barbara Fraser, relict of George Stirling, Chirurgeon

apothecary in Edinburgh 200

Alexander Johnston, merchant in Edinburgh 100

Sir Robert Sinclair of Stevenstoun, for Charles Sinclair,

Advocate, his son 100

The said Thomas Scott, deputed by Patrick Ogilvie of Balfour 400

The said Thomas Scott, deputed by Thomas Robertson,

merchant there (i.e. Dundee) 125

The said Thomas Scott, deputed by David Drummond,

merchant in Dundee 100

Mrs. Anne Stewart, daughter to the deceased John Stewart

of Kettlestoun 100

31 March, 1696:

Sir Archibald Murray of Blackbarrony 500

William Stewart, clerk to his Majesty's Customs at Leith 100

Christian Grierson, daughter to the deceast John Grierson 100

Jesper Johnstoune of Waristoun 500

Alexander Forbes, goldsmith in Edinburgh 200

Master John Campbell, Writer to the Signet 200

Thomas Campbell, flesher in Edinburgh 200

Archibald Earle of Argyll 1500

James Campbell, brother-german to the Earle of Argyll 200

William Johnston, postmaster of Hadingtoun £100

Sir James Murray of Philiphaugh 500

Andrew Murray, brother to Sundhope 100

William McLean, master of the Revelles 100

John Cameron, son to the deceast Donald Cameron, merchant

in Edinburgh 100

David Forbes, Advocate 200

Captain John Forbes of Forbestoune 200

Afternoon:

Sir Alexander Monro of Bearcrofts 200

James Gregorie, student of medicine 100

Mungo Campbell of Burnbank 400

John Murray, junior, merchant in Edinburgh 400

Robert Murray, burges in Edinburgh 150

Dougall Campbell of Sadell 100

Ronald Campbell, Writer to his Majesty's Signet 200

Alexander Finlayson, Writer in Edinburgh 100

John Steuart, Writer in Edinburgh 100

William Robertson, one of the sub-clerks of the Session 100

Lady Neil Campbell 200

Mary Murray, Lady Enterkin, elder 200

Sir George Campbell of Cesnock 1000

7 April:

Thomas Robertson of Lochbank 400

Robert Fraser, Advocate, for Hugh Robertson, Provost of

Inverness, conform to deputation 100

Robert Fraser, Advocate, for James McLean, baillie of

Invernes, conform to deputation 100

Robert Fraser. Advocate, for John McIntosh, baillie of Invernes,

conform to deputation 100

Robert Fraser, Advocate, for Alexander McLeane, merchant

of Invernes, conform to deputation 150

Robert Fraser, Advocate, for Robert Rose, late baillie of

Invernes, conform to deputation 140

Robert Fraser, Advocate, for Alexander Stewart, skipper

at Invernes, conform to deputation 150

Robert Fraser, Advocate, for William Robertson of Inshes, 100

9 April, 1696:

James Drummond, one of the Clerks of the Bills, for Robert

Menzies, in Aberfadie, conform to deputation 100

John Drummond of Newtoun, depute by John Menzies of

Camock, Advocate 200

Archibald Sinclair, Advocate 100

Patrick Campbell, Writer in Edinburgh £100

John Murray, doctor of medicine, for William Murray of

Arbony, by virtue of his deputation 200

Colen Campbell of Bogholt 100

William Gordone, Writer in Edinburgh 100

14 Apryle:

The said Thomas Halliday, Conform to deputation from

William Ogilvie in Todshawhill 100

16 Aprill:

Patrick Murray, lawful son to Patrick Murray of Killor 100

Walter Murray, servitor to George Clerk, junior, merchant

in Edinburgh, deputed by Robert Murray of

Levelands 150

John Campbell, Writer to the Signet, for Alexander Campbell,

younger of Calder, conform to deputation 500

Captain James Drummond of Comrie 200

April 21:

James Cuming, merchant in Edinburgh 100

James Campbell of Kinpout 100

James Drummond, Under-Clerk to the Bills, depute by

Archibald Meinzies of Myln of Kiltney 100

Robert Blackwood, deputed by John Gordon of Collistoun,

doctor of medicine 100

Robert Blackwood, merchant in Edinburgh, deputed by

Charles Ogilvy, merchant and late baillie of Montrose 200

James Ramsay, writer in Edinburg, commission at by Duncan

Campbell of Duneaves 100

Captain Patrick Murray, of Lord Murray's regiment of foot 100

May 5, 1696.

John Haldane of Gleneagles, conform to deputation from

Thomas Grahame in Auchterarder 100

John Drummond of Newtoun, depute by David Graeme of

Jordanstoun 100

Samuel McLellan, merchant in Dundee, conform to deputation

from William Stewart of Castle Stewart 100

May 14, 1696.

Andrew Robertsone, chirurgeon in Edinburgh, conform

to deputation by George Robertsone, Writer in Dunblane 100

May 21, 1696.

John Drummond of Newtoun, for Lodovick Drummond,

chamberland to my Lord Drummond 100

May 26, 1696.

Thomas Drummond of Logie Almond £500

June 2, 1696.

Robert Fraser, Advocate, by virtue of a deputation from

Robert Cuming of Relugas, merchant of Inverness 100

Robert Fraser, Advocate, in name of William Duff of

Dyple, merchant of Inverness 100

Robert Fraser, Advocate, in name of Alexander Duffe of

Drumuire, merchant of Inverness 100

June 4, 1696.

John Haldane of Gleneagles, depute by John Graham, son

to John Graham, clerk to the chancellary 100

Adam Drummond of Meginch 200

18.

Agnes Campbell, relict of Andrew Anderson, his Majesty's

printer 100

July 10.

John Drummond of Newtoun, for Dame Margaret Graham,

Lady Kinloch 200

John Drummond of Newtoun 200

James Menzies of Schian 100

Mungo Graeme of Garthie 200

21.

Sir Alexander Cumyng of Culter 200

31.

Mr. George Murray, doctor of physick 200

Patrick Campbell, brother to Monzie 100

August 1.

James Lord Drummond 1000

Friday, 6 March, 1696.

John Drummond of Newtoune 1125

Saturday, 7 March, 1696.

John Graham, younger of 1000

Daniel Campbell, merchant in Glasgow 1000

George Robinsoune, belt-maker in Glasgow 100

John Robinsoune, hammerman in Glasgow 100

John Robertson, junior, merchant in Glasgow 500

Munday, 9 March, 1696.

Mattheu Cuming, junior, merchant in Glasgow 1000

William Buchanan, merchant in Glasgow 100

Marion Davidson, relict of Mr. John Glen, Minister of the

Gospel 100

James Johnstoun, merchant in Glasgow 200

Thomas Johnstoun, merchant in Glasgow 200

George Johnston, merchant in Glasgow £200

John Buchanan, merchant in Glasgow 100

John Grahame, younger of Dougaldstoun 1,000

Tuesday, 10 March, 1696.

Neill McVicar, tanner in Glasgow 100

George Buchanan, Maltman in Glasgow 100

Saturday, 21 March, 1696.

Archibald Cambell, merchant in Glasgow 100

Tuesday, 24 March, 1696.

John Robertsone, younger, merchant in Glasgow, for Robert

Robertsone, second lawfull sone to Umqll James

Robertsone, merchant in Glasgow 100

Tuesday, March 31, 1696.

Mungo Campbell of Nether Place 100

Hugh Campbell, merchant, son to deceast Sir Hugh Campbell

of Cesnock 100

Matthew Campbell of Waterhaugh 100

Thursday, Agr the 2d of Aprille.

Mungo Campbell, merchant in Ayr 100

David Fergursone, merchant in Ayr 100

Wednesday the 15th day, 1696.

Captain Charles Forbes, of Sir John Hill's regiment 200

Captain James Menzies, of Sir John Hill's regiment 100

Captain Francis Ferquhar, of Sir John Hill's regiment 100

Thursday, 16 Aprile, 1696.

Captain Charles Forbes, of Sir John Hill's regiment 200

Fryday, 17 Aprile.

Lieutenant Charles Ross, of Sir John Hill's regiment 100[13]

It is more than probable that some names should not be inserted above,

as the name Graeme, for it may belong to the clan Graham of the

Highlands, or else to the debateable land, near Carlisle, which is more

likely. We know that where they had made themselves adverse to both

sides, they were forced to emigrate in large numbers. Some of them

settled near Bangor, in the county of Down, Ireland. How large a per

cent, of the subscribers who lived in the lowlands, and born out of the

Highlands, would be impossible to determine. Then names of parties, born

in the Highlands and of Gaelic blood have undoubtedly been omitted owing

to change of name. By the change in spelling of the name, it would

indicate that some had left Ulster where their forefathers had settled,

and taken up their residence in Scotland. It will also be noticed that

the clans bordering the Grampians were most affected by the excitement

while others seemingly did not even feel the breeze.

The Darien Scheme at best was but suppositious, for no experiment had

been tried in order to forecast a realization of what was expected.

There was, it is true, a glitter about it, but there were materials

within the reach of all from which correct data might have been

obtained. It seems incredible that men of sound judgment should have

risked everything, when they only had a vague or general idea of

Paterson's plans. It was also a notorious fact that Spain claimed

sovereignty over the Isthmus of Panama, and, even if she had not, it was

unlikely that she would tolerate such a colony, as was proposed, in the

very heart of her transatlantic dominions. Spain owned the Isthmus both

by the right of discovery and possession; and the very country which

Paterson had described in such radiant colors had been found by the

Castilian settlers to be a land of misery and of death; and on account

of the poisonous air they had been compelled to remove to the

neighboring haven of Panama. All these facts, besides others, might

easily have been ascertained by members of the Company.

As has already been intimated, the Scots alone were not drawn into this

vortex of wild excitement, and are no more to be held responsible for

the delusion than some of other nationalities. The English people were

seized with the dread of Scottish prosperity resulting from the

enterprise, and England's jealousy of trade at once interfered to crush

an adventure which seemed so promising. The English East India Company

instigated a cry, echoed by the city of London, and taken up by the

nation, which induced their parliament, when it met for the first time,

after the elections of 1695, to give its unequivocal condemnation to the

scheme. One peer declared, "If these Scots are to have their way I shall

go and settle in Scotland, and not stay here to be made a beggar." The

two Houses of Parliament went up together to Kensington and represented

to the king the injustice of requiring England to exert her power in

support of an enterprise which, if successful, must be fatal to her

commerce and to her finances. William replied in plain terms that he had

been illy-treated in Scotland, but that he would try to find a remedy

for the evil which had been brought to his attention. At once he

dismissed Lord High Commissioner Tweeddale and Secretary Johnston; but

the Act which had been passed under their management still continued to

be law in Scotland.

The Darien Company might have surmounted the opposition of the English

parliament and the East India Company, had not the Dutch East India

Company--a body remarkable for its monopolizing character--also joined

in the outcry against the Scottish enterprise; incited thereto by the

king through Sir Paul Rycaut, the British resident at Hamburg, directing

him to transmit to the senate of that commercial city a remonstrance on

the part of king William, accusing them of having encouraged the

commissioners of the Darien Company; requesting them to desist from

doing so; intimating that the plan had not the king's support; and a

refusal to withdraw their countenance from the scheme would threaten an

interruption to his friendship with the good city of Hamburg. The result

of this interference was the almost total withdrawal of the Dutch and

English subscriptions, which was accelerated by the threatened

impeachment, by the English parliament, of such persons who had

subscribed to the Company; and, furthermore, were compelled to renounce

their connection with the Company, besides misusing some native-born

Scotchmen who had offended the House by subscribing their own money to a

company formed in their own country, and according to their own laws.

The managers of the scheme, supported by the general public of Scotland,

entered a strong protest against the king's hostile interference of his

Hamburg envoy. In his answer the king evaded what he was resolved not to

grant, and yet could not in equity refuse. By the double dealing of the

monarch the Company lost the active support of the subscribers in

Hamburg and Holland.

In spite of the desertion of her English and foreign subscribers the

Scots, encouraged in their stubborn resolution, and flattered by hopes

that captivated their imaginations, decided to enter the project alone.

A stately house in Milne Square, then the most modern and fashionable

part of Edinburgh, was purchased and fitted up for an office and

warehouse. It was called the Scottish India House. Money poured faster

than ever into the coffers of the Company. Operations were actively

commenced during the month of May, 1696. Contracts were rapidly let and

orders filled--smith and cutlery work at Falkirk; woollen stockings at

Aberdeen; gloves and other leather goods at Perth; various metallic

works, hats, shoes, tobacco-pipes, serges, linen cloth, bobwigs and

periwigs, at Edinburgh; and for home-spun and home-woven woollen checks

or tartan, to various parts of the Highlands.

[Illustration: SCOTTISH INDIA HOUSE]

As the means for building ships in Scotland did not then exist, recourse

was had to the dockyards of Amsterdam and Hamburg. At an expense of

£50,000 a few inferior ships were purchased, and fitted out as ships of

war; for their constitution authorized them to make war both by land and

sea. The vessels were finally fitted out at Leith, consisting of the

Caledonia, the St. Andrew, the Unicorn, and the Dolphin, each armed with

fifty guns and two tenders, the Endeavor and Pink, afterwards sunk at

Darien; and among the commodities stored away were axes, iron wedges,

knives, smiths', carpenters' and coopers' tools, barrels, guns, pistols,

combs, shoes, hats, paper, tobacco-pipes, and, as was supposed,

provisions enough to last eight months. The value of the cargo of the

St. Andrew was estimated at £4,006. The crew and colonists consisted of

twelve hundred picked men, the greater part of whom were veterans who

had served in king William's wars, and the remainder of Highlanders and

others who had opposed the revolution, and three hundred gentlemen of

family, desirous of trying their fortunes.

It was on July 26, 1698, that the vessels weighed anchor and put out to

sea. A wild insanity seized the entire population of Edinburgh as they

came to witness the embarkation. Guards were kept busy holding back the

eager crowd who pressed forward, and, stretching out their arms to their

departing countrymen, clamored to be taken on board. Stowaways, when

ordered on shore, madly clung to rope and mast, pleading in vain to be

allowed to serve without pay on board the ships. Women sobbed and gasped

for breath; men stood uncovered, and with downcast head and choked

utterance invoked the blessing of the Beneficent Being. The banner of

St. Andrew was hoisted at the admiral's mast; and as a light wind caught

the sails, the roar of the vast multitude was heard far down the waters

of the frith.

The actual destination of the fleet was still a profound secret, save to

a few. The supreme direction of the expedition was entrusted to a

council of seven, to whom was entrusted all power, both civil and

military. The voyage was long and the adventurers suffered much; the

rations proved to be scanty, and of poor quality; and the fleet, after

passing the Orkneys and Ireland, touched at Madeira, where those who had

fine clothes were glad to exchange them for provisions and wines. Having

crossed the Atlantic, they first landed on an uninhabited islet lying

between Porto Rico and St. Thomas, which they took possession of in the

name of their country, and hoisted the white cross of St. Andrew. Being

warned off for trespassing on the territory of the king of Denmark, and

having procured the services of an old buccaneer, under whose pilotage

they departed, on November 1st they anchored close to the Isthmus of

Panama, having lost fifteen of their number during the voyage. On the

4th they landed at Acla; founded there a settlement to which they gave

the name of New St. Andrews; marked out the site for another town and

called it New Edinburgh. The weather was genial and climate pleasant at

the time of their arrival; the vegetation was luxuriant and promising;

the natives were kind; and everything presaged a bright future for the

fortune-seekers. They cut a canal through the neck of land that divided

one side of the harbor from the ocean, and there constructed a fort,

whereon they mounted fifty cannon. On a mountain, at the opposite side

of the harbor, they built a watchhouse, where the extensive view

prevented all danger of a surprise. Lands were purchased from the

Indians, and messages of friendship were sent to the governors of the

several Spanish provinces. As the amount of funds appropriated for the

sustenance of the colony had been largely embezzled by those having the

matter in charge, the people were soon out of provisions. Fishing and

the chase were now the only sources, and as these were precarious, the

colonists were soon on the verge of starvation. As the summer drew near

the atmosphere became stifling, and the exhalations from the steaming

soil, added to other causes, wrought death among the settlers. The

mortality rose gradually to ten a day. Both the clergymen who

accompanied the expedition were dead; one of them, Rev. Thomas James,

died at sea before the colonists landed, and soon after the arrival Rev.

Adam Scot succumbed. Paterson buried his wife in that soil, which, as he

had assured his too credulous countrymen, exhaled health and vigor. Men

passed to the hospital, and from thence to the grave, and the survivors

were only kept alive through the friendly offices of the Indians.

Affairs continued daily to grow worse. The Spaniards on the isthmus

looked with complacency on the distress of the Scotchmen. No relief, and

no tidings coming from Scotland, the survivors on June 22, 1699, less

than eight months after their arrival, resolved to abandon the

settlement. They re-embarked in three vessels, a weak and hopeless

company, to sail whithersoever Providence might direct. Paterson, the

first to embark at Leith, was the last to re-embark at Darien. He begged

hard to be left behind with twenty or more companions to keep up a show

of possession, and to await the next arrival from Scotland. His

importunities were disregarded, and, utterly helpless, he was carried on

board the St. Andrew, and soon after the vessels stood out to sea. The

voyage was horrible. It might be compared to the horrors of a slave

ship.

The ocean kept secret the sufferings on board these pestilential ships

until August 8th, when the Caledonia, commanded by Captain Robert

Drummond, drifted into Sandy Hook, New York, having lost one hundred and

three men since leaving Darien, and twelve more within four days after

arrival, leaving but sixty-five men on board fit for handling ropes. The

three ships, on leaving Darien, had three hundred each, including

officers, crew and colonists. On August 13th, the Unicorn, commanded by

Captain John Anderson, came into New York in a distressed condition,

having lost her foremast, fore topmast, and mizzen mast. She lost one

hundred and fifty men on the way. It appears that Captain Robert

Pennicuik of the St. Andrew knew of the helpless condition of the

Unicorn, and accorded no assistance.[14] As might be expected, passion

was engendered amidst this scene of misery. The squalid survivors, in

the depths of their misery, raged fiercely against one another. Charges

of incapacity, cruelty, brutal insolence, were hurled backward and

forward. The rigid Presbyterians attributed the calamities to the

wickedness of Jacobites, Prelatists, Sabbath-breakers and Atheists, as

they denominated some of their fellow-sufferers. The accused parties, on

the other hand, complained bitterly of the impertinence of meddling

fanatics and hypocrites. Paterson was cruelly reviled, and was unable to

defend himself. He sunk into a stupor, and became temporarily insane.

The arrival of the two ships in New York awakened different emotions.

There certainly was no danger of these miserable people doing any harm,

and yet their appearance awakened apprehension, on account of orders

received from the king. After the proclamations which had been issued

against these miserable fugitives, it became a question of difficulty,

since the governor of New York was absent in Boston, whether it was

safe to provide the dying men with harborage and necessary food. Natural

feelings overcame the difficulty; the more selfish and timid would have

stood aloof and let fate take its course: there being a sufficient

number of them to make the more generous feel that their efforts to save

life were not made without risks. Even putting the most favorable

construction on the act of the earl of Bellomont, governor of Rhode

Island, who was appealed to for advice, by the lieutenant governor of

New York, the colonists were provoked by the actions of those in

authority. Bellomont, in his report to the Lords of Trade, under date of

October 20, 1699, states that the sufferers drew up a memorial to the

lieutenant governor for permission to buy provisions; would not act

until Bellomont gave his instructions; latter thinks the colonists

became insolent after being refreshed; and "your Lordships will see that

I have been cautious enough in my orders to the lieutenant governor of

New York, not to suffer the Scotch to buy more provisions, than would

serve to carry them home to Scotland."[15] On October 12th the Caledonia

set sail from Sandy Hook, made the west coast of Ireland, November 11th,

and on the 20th of same month anchored in the Sound of Islay, Scotland.

The story of the Unicorn is soon told. "John Anderson, a Scotch

Presbyterian, who commanded a ship to Darien in the Scottish expedition

thither and on his return in at Amboy, N. Jersey, & let his ship rot &

plundered her & with ye plunder bought land."[16]

The St. Andrew parted company with the Caledonia the second day after

leaving the settlement, and two nights later saw the Unicorn almost

wholly dismasted, and on the following day was pursued by the Baslavento

fleet. They put into Jamaica, but were denied assistance, in obedience

to king William's orders; and a British admiral, Bembo, refused to give

them some men to assist in bringing the ship to the isle of Port Royal.

During the voyage to Port Royal, they lost the commander, Captain

Pennicuik, most of the officers and one hundred and thirty of the men,

before landing, on August 9, 1699.[17]

The Dolphin, Captain Robert Pincarton, commander, used as a supply and

trading ship, of fourteen guns, on February 5, 1699, struck a rock and

ran ashore at Carthagena, the crew seized by the Spaniards, and in irons

were put in dungeons as pirates. The Spaniards congratulated themselves

on having captured a few of "the ruffians" who had been the terror and

curse of their settlements for a century. They were formally condemned

to death, but British interference succeeded in preventing the sentence

on the crew from being executed.

On the week following the departure of the expedition from Leith, the

Scottish parliament met and unanimously adopted an address to the king,

asking his support and countenance to the Darien colony. Notwithstanding

this memorial the British monarch ordered the governors of Jamaica,

Barbadoes and New York to refuse all supplies to the settlers. Up to

this time the king had partly concealed his policy. No time was lost by

the East India Companies in bringing every measure to bear in order to

ruin the colony. To such length did rancor go that the Scotch commanders

who should presume to enter English ports, even for repairs after a

storm, were threatened with arrest. In obedience to the king's orders

the governors issued proclamations, which they attempted strictly to

enforce; and every species of relief, not only that which countrymen can

claim of their fellow-subjects, and Christians of their

fellow-Christians, and such as the veriest criminal has a right to

demand, was denied the colonists of Darien. On May 12, 1699, there

sailed from Leith the Olive Branch, Captain William Johnson, commander,

and the Hopeful, under Captain Alexander Stark, with ample stores of

provisions, and three hundred recruits, but did not arrive at Darien

until eight weeks after the departure of the colonists. Finding that the

settlement had been abandoned, and leaving six of their number, who

preferred to remain, but were afterwards brought away, the Hopeful

sailed for Jamaica, where she was seized and condemned as a prize. "The

Olive Branch was unfortunately blown up at Caledonia" (Darien).[18]

The Spaniards had not only become aggressive by seizing the Dolphin and

incarcerating the officers and crew, but their government made no

remonstrance against the invasion of its territory until May 3, 1699,

when a memorial was presented to William by the Spanish ambassador

stating that his sovereign looked on the proceedings as a rupture of the

alliance between the two countries, and as a hostile invasion, and would

take such measures as he thought best against the intruders. It is

possible that at this time Spain would not have taken any action

whatever, if William had pursued a different course; and seeing that the

colonists had been abandoned and disowned by their own king, as if they

had been vagabonds or outlaws, the Spaniards, in a manner, felt

themselves invited to precipitate a crisis, which they accomplished.

In the meantime the directors of the Darien Company were actively

organizing another expedition and hastily sent out four more

vessels--the Rising Sun, Captain James Gibson; the Hope, Captain James

Miller; the Hope of Barrowstouness, Captain Richard Daling; and the Duke

of Hamilton, Captain Walter Duncan; with thirteen hundred "good men well

appointed," besides materials of war. This fleet left Greenock August

18, 1699, but having been delayed by contrary winds, did not leave the

Bay of Rothsay, Isle of Bute, until Sunday, September 24th. On Thursday,

November 30, the fleet reached its destination, after considerable

suffering and some deaths on board. These vessels contained engineers,

fire-workers, bombardiers, battery guns of twenty-four pounds, mortars

and bombs. The number of men mentioned included over three hundred

Highlanders, chiefly from the estate of Captain Alexander Campbell of

Fonab, most of whom had served under him, in Flanders, in Lorn's

regiment. During the voyage the Hope was cast away. Captain Miller

loaded the long boat very deep with provisions, goods and arms, and

proceeded towards Havana. He arrived safely at Darien.

A large proportion of the second expedition belonged to the military,

and were organized. Among the Highland officers are noticed the

following names: Captains Colin Campbell, Thomas McIntosh, James

Urquhart, Alexander Stewart, ---- Ferquhar, and ---- Grant; Lieutenants

Charles Stewart, Samuel Johnston, John Campbell and Walter Graham;

Ensigns Hugh Campbell and Robert Colquhon, and Sergeant Campbell.

The members of this expedition were greatly disappointed on their

arrival. They fully expected to find a secure fortification, a

flourishing town, cultivated fields, and a warm reception. Instead they

found a wilderness; the castle in ruins; the huts burned, and grass

growing over the ruins. Their hearts sank within them; for this fleet

had not been fitted out to found a colony, but to recruit and protect

one already in a flourishing condition. They were worse provided with

the necessaries of life than their predecessors had been. They made

feeble attempts to restore the ruins. They constructed a fort on the old

grounds; and within the ramparts built a hamlet consisting of about

eighty-five cabins, generally of twelve feet by ten. The work went

slowly on, without hope or encouragement. Despondency and discontent

pervaded all ranks. The provisions became scanty, and unfair dealing

resorted to. There were plots and factions formed, and one malcontent

hanged. Nor was the ecclesiastical part happily arranged. The provision

made by the General Assembly was as defective as the provision for the

temporal wants had been made by the directors of the company. Of the

four divines, one of them, Alexander Dalgleish, died at sea, on board of

Captain Duncan's vessel. They were all of the established church of

Scotland, who had the strongest sympathy with the Cameronians. They were

at war with almost all the colonists. The antagonisms between priest and

people were extravagant and fatal. They described their flocks as the

most profligate of mankind, and declared it was most impossible to

constitute a presbytery, for it was impossible to find persons fit to be

ruling elders of a Christian church. This part of the trouble can easily

be accounted for. One-third of the people were Highlanders, who did not

understand a word of English, and not one of the pastors knew a word of

Gaelic; and only through interpreters could they converse with this

large body of men. It is also more than probable that many of these men,

trained to war, had more or less of a tendency to fling off every

corrective band. Both Rev. John Borland and Rev. Alexander Shiels,

author of the "Hynd let Loose," were stern fanatics who would tolerate

nothing diverging a shade from their own code of principles. They

treated the people as persons under their spiritual authority, and

required of them fastings, humiliations, and long attendance on sermons

and exhortations. Such pastors were treated with contempt and ignominy

by men scarcely inclined to bear ecclesiastical authority, even in its

lightest form. They mistook their mission, which was to give Christian

counsel, and to lead gently and with dignity from error into rectitude.

Instead of this they fell upon the flock like irritated schoolmasters

who find their pupils in mutiny. They became angry and dominative; and

the more they thus exhibited themselves, the more scorn and contumely

they encountered. Meanwhile two trading sloops arrived in the harbor

with a small stock of provisions; but the supply was inadequate; so five

hundred of the party were ordered to embark for Scotland.

The news of the abandonment of the settlement by the first expedition

was first rumored in London during the middle of September, 1699.

Letters giving such accounts had been received from Jamaica. The report

reached Edinburgh on the 19th, but was received with scornful

incredulity. It was declared to be an impudent lie devised by some

Englishmen who could not endure the sight of Scotland waxing great and

opulent. On October 4th the whole truth was known, for letters had been

received from New York announcing that a few miserable men, the remains

of the colony, had arrived in the Hudson. Grief, dismay, and rage seized

the nation. The directors in their rage called the colonists

white-livered deserters. Accurate accounts brought the realization of

the truth that hundreds of families, once in comparative opulence, were

now reduced almost to beggary, and the flower of the nation had either

succumbed to hardships, or else were languishing in prisons in the

Spanish settlements, or else starving in English colonies. The

bitterness of disappointment was succeeded by an implacable hostility to

the king, who was denounced in pamphlets of the most violent and

inflammatory character, calling him a hypocrite, and a deceiver of those

who had shed their best blood in his cause, and the author of the

misfortunes of Scotland. Indemnification, redress, and revenge were

demanded by every mouth, and each hand was ready to vouch for the claim.

Never had just such a feeling existed in Scotland. It became a useless

possession to the king, for he could not wring one penny from that

kingdom for the public service, and, what was more important to him, he

could not induce one recruit for his continental wars. William continued

to remain indifferent to all complaints of hardships and petitions of

redress, unless when he showed himself irritated by the importunity of

the suppliants, and hurt at being obliged to evade what it was

impossible for him, with the least semblance of justice to refuse. The

feeling against William long continued in Scotland. As late as November

5, 1788, when it was proposed that a monument should be erected in

Edinburgh to his memory, there appeared in one of the papers an

anonymous communication ironically applauding the undertaking, and

proposing as two subjects of the entablature, for the base of the

projected column, the massacre of Glencoe and the distresses of the

Scottish colonists in Darien. On the appearance of this article the

project was very properly and righteously abandoned. The result of the

Darien Scheme and the cold-blooded policy of William made the Scottish

nation ripe for rebellion. Had there been even one member of the exiled

house of Stuart equal to the occasion, that family could then have

returned to Scotland amid the joys and acclamations of the nation.

Amidst the disasters of the first expedition the directors of the

company were not unmindful of the fate of those who had sailed in the

last fleet. These people must be promptly succored. The company hired

the ship Margaret, commanded by Captain Leonard Robertson, which sailed

from Dundee, March 9, 1700; but what was of greater importance was the

commission given to Captain Alexander Campbell of Fonab, under date of

October 10, 1699, making him a councillor of the company and investing

him with "the chief and supreme command, both by sea and by land, of all

ships, men, forts, settlements, lands, possessions, and others

whatsoever belonging to the said company in any part or parts of

America,"[19] with instructions to lose no time in taking passage for

Jamaica, or the Leeward Islands and there secure a vessel, with three or

four months' provisions for the colony. Arriving at the Barbadoes, he

then purchased a vessel with a cargo of provisions, and on January 24,

1700, sailed for Darien, which he reached February 5th, and just in time

to be of active service; for intelligence had reached the colony that

fifteen hundred Spaniards lay encamped on the Rio Santa Maria, waiting

the arrival of an armament of eleven ships, with troops on board,

destined to attack Ft. St. Andrew. Captain Campbell of Fonab, who had

gained for himself great reputation in Flanders as an approved warrior,

resolved to anticipate the enemy, and at once mustering two hundred of

his veteran troops, accompanied by sixty Indians, marched over the

mountains, and fell on the Spanish camp by night, and dispersed them

with great slaughter, with a loss to the colony of nine killed and

fourteen wounded, among the latter being their gallant commander. The

Spaniards could not withstand the tumultuous rush of the Highlanders,

and in precipitate flight left a large number of their dead upon the

field. The little band, among the spoils, brought back the Spanish

commander's decoration of the "Golden Fleece." When they recrossed the

mountains it was to find their poor countrymen blockaded by five Spanish

men-of-war. Campbell, and others, believing that no inequalities

justified submission to such an enemy, determined on resistance, but

soon discovered that resistance was in vain, when they could only depend

on diseased, starving and broken-hearted men. As the Spaniards would not

include Captain Campbell in the terms of capitulation, he managed, with

several companions, dexterously to escape in a small vessel, sailed for

New York, and from thence to Scotland. The defence of the colony under

Fonab's genius had been heroic. When ammunition had given out, their

pewter dishes were fashioned into cannon balls. On March 18, 1700, the

colonists capitulated on honorable terms. It was a received popular

opinion in Scotland that none of those who were concerned in the

surrender ever returned to their native country. So weak were the

survivors, and so few in numbers, that they were unable to weigh the

anchor of their largest ship until the Spaniards came to their

assistance. What became of them? Their melancholy tale is soon told.

The Earl of Bellomont, writing to the Lords of the Admiralty, under

date, New York, October 15, 1700, says:[20]

"Some Scotchmen are newly come hither from Carolina that belonged to

the ship Rising Sun (the biggest ship they set out for their

Caledonia expedition) who tell me that on the third of last month a

hurricane happened on that coast, as that ship lay at anchor, within

less than three leagues of Charles Town in Carolina with another

Scotch ship called the Duke of Hamilton, and three or four others;

that the ships were all shattered in pieces and all the people lost,

and not a man saved. The Rising Sun had 112 men on board. The Scotch

men that are come hither say that 15 of 'em went on shore before the

storm to buy fresh provisions at Charles Town by which means they

were saved. Two other of their ships they suppose were lost in the

Gulph of Florida in the same storm. They came all from Jamaica and

were bound hither to take in provisions on their way to Scotland. The

Rising Sun had 60 guns mounted and could have carryed many more, as

they tell me."

The colonists found a watery grave. No friendly hand nor sympathizing

tear soothed their dying moments; no clergyman eulogized their heroism,

self-sacrifice and virtues; no orator has pronounced a panegyric; no

poet has embalmed their memory in song, and no novelist has taken their

record for a fanciful story. Since their mission was a failure their

memory is doomed to rest without marble monument or graven image. To the

merciful and the just they will be honored as heroes and pioneers.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 13: The Darien Papers, pp. 371-417.]

[Footnote 14: "Darien Papers," pp 195, 275.]

[Footnote 15: "Documentary and Colonial History of New York," Vol. IV,

p. 591.]

[Footnote 16: _Ibid_, Vol. V, p. 335.]

[Footnote 17: "Darien Papers," p. 150.]

[Footnote 18: "Darien Papers," p. 160.]

[Footnote 19: "Darien Papers," p. 176.]

[Footnote 20: "Documents Relating to Colonial History of New York," Vol.

IV, p. 711.]

An Historical Account of the Settlements of Scotch Highlanders in America · 第 4 / 17 章