It is a pity indeed that thus far women vigorously striving for liberation

from those mediaeval institutions are rare exceptions in Mohammedan

countries. Were Mohammedan women capable of the violent tactics of

suffragettes, they would rather try to blow up the houses of feminists than

those of the patrons of the old régime. The ordinary Mohammedan woman looks

upon the endeavour of her husband to induce her to partake freely in public

life as a want of consideration; it makes on her about the same impression

as that which a respectable woman in our society would receive from her

husband encouraging her to visit places generally frequented by people of

bad reputation. It is the girls' school that will awaken those sleeping

ones and so, slowly and gradually, prepare a better future, when the Moslim

woman will be the worthy companion of her husband and the intelligent

educator of her children. This will be due, then, neither to the Prophet's

Sunnah nor to the infallible Agreement of the Community of the first

centuries of Islâm, but to the irresistible power of the evolution of human

society, which is merciless to laws even of divine origin and transfers

them, when their time is come, from the treasury of everlasting goods to a

museum of antiquities.

Slavery, and in its consequence free intercourse of a man with his own

female slaves without any limitation as to their number, has also been

incorporated into the sacred law, and therefore has been placed on the

wrong side of the border that is to divide eternal things from temporal

ones. This should not be called a mediaeval institution; the most civilized

nations not having given it up before the middle of the nineteenth century.

The law of Islâm regulated the position of slaves with much equity, and

there is a great body of testimony from people who have spent a part of

their lives among Mohammedan nations which does justice to the benevolent

treatment which bondmen generally receive from their masters there. Besides

that, we are bound to state that in many Western countries or countries

under Western domination whole groups of the population live under

circumstances with which those of Mohammedan slavery may be compared to

advantage.

The only legal cause of slavery in Islâm is prisonership of war or birth

from slave parents. The captivity of enemies of Islâm has not at all

necessarily the effect of enslaving them; for the competent authorities

may dispose of them in any other way, also in the way prescribed by modern

international law or custom. In proportion to the realization of the

political ideal of Islâm the number of its enemies must diminish and the

possibilities of enslaving men must consequently decrease. Setting slaves

free is one of the most meritorious pious works, and, at the same time,

the regular atonement for certain transgressions of the sacred law. So,

according to Mohammedan principles, slavery is an institution destined

to disappear. When, in the last century, Mohammedan princes signed

international treaties for the suppression of slavery, from their point of

view this was a premature anticipation of a future political and social

development--a step which they felt obliged to take out of consideration

for the great powers. In Arabia, every effort of the Turkish Government to

put such international agreements into execution has thus far given rise to

popular sedition against the Ottoman authority. Therefore, the promulgation

of decrees of abolition was stopped; and slavery continued to exist. The

import of slaves from Africa has, in fact, considerably diminished; but I

am not quite sure of the proportional increase of the liberty which the

natives of that continent enjoy at home.

Slavery as well as polygamy is in a certain sense to Mohammedans a sacred

institution, being incorporated in their Holy Law; but the practice of

neither of the two institutions is indispensable to the integrity of Islâm.

All those antiquated institutions, if considered from the point of view of

modern international intercourse, are only a trifle in comparison with the

legal prescriptions of Islâm concerning the attitude of the Mohammedan

community against the parts of the world not yet subject to its authority,

"the Abode of War" as they are technically called. It is a principal duty

of the Khalif, or of the chiefs considered as his substitutes in different

countries, to avail themselves of every opportunity to extend by force the

dominion of Allah and His Messenger. With unsubdued unbelievers _peace_

is not _allowed_; a _truce_ for a period not exceeding ten years may be

concluded if the interest of Islâm requires it.

The chapters of the Mohammedan law on holy war and on the conditions on

which the submission of the adherents of tolerated religions is to be

accepted seem to be a foolish pretension if we consider them by the light

of the actual division of political power in the world. But here, too, to

understand is better than to ridicule. In the centuries in which the system

of Islâm acquired its maturity, such an aspiration after universal dominion

was not at all ridiculous; and many Christian states of the time were

far from reaching the Mohammedan standard of tolerance against heterodox

creeds. The delicate point is this, that the petrification or at least the

process of stiffening that has attacked the whole spiritual life of Islâm

since about 1000 A.D. makes its accommodation to the requirements of modern

intercourse a most difficult problem.

But it is not only the Mohammedan community that needed misfortune and

humiliation before it was able to appreciate liberty of conscience; or that

took a long time to digest those painful lessons of history. There

are still Christian Churches which accept religious liberty only in

circumstances that make supreme authority unattainable to them; and which,

elsewhere, would not disdain the use of material means to subdue spirits to

what they consider the absolute truth.

To judge such things with equity, we must remember that every man possessed

of a firm conviction of any kind is more or less a missionary; and the

belief in the possibility of winning souls by violence has many adherents

everywhere. One of my friends among the young-Turkish state officials,

who wished to persuade me of the perfect religious tolerance of Turkey of

today, concluded his argument by the following reflection: "Formerly men

used to behead each other for difference of opinion about the Hereafter.

Nowadays, praise be to Allah, we are permitted to believe what we like; but

people continue to kill each other for political or social dissension. That

is most pitiful indeed; for the weapons in use being more terrible and more

costly than before, mankind lacks the peace necessary to enjoy the liberty

of conscience it has acquired."

The truthful irony of these words need not prevent us from considering the

independence of spiritual life and the liberation of its development from

material compulsion as one of the greatest blessings of our civilization.

We feel urged by missionary zeal of the better kind to make the Mohammedan

world partake in its enjoyment. In the Turkish Empire, in Egypt, in many

Mohammedan countries under Western control, the progressive elements of

Moslim society spontaneously meet us half-way. But behind them are the

millions who firmly adhere to the old superstition and are supported by

the canonists, those faithful guardians of what the infallible Community

declared almost one thousand years ago to be the doctrine and rule of life

for all centuries to come. Will it ever prove possible to move in one

direction a body composed of such different elements, or will this body be

torn in pieces when the movement has become irresistible?

We have more than once pointed to the catholic character of orthodox Islâm.

In fact, the diversity of spiritual tendencies is not less in the Moslim

world than within the sphere of Christian influence; but in Islâm, apart

from the political schisms of the first centuries, that diversity has not

given rise to anything like the division of Christianity into sects. There

is a prophetic saying, related by Tradition, which later generations have

generally misunderstood to mean that the Mohammedan community would be

split into seventy-three different sects. Moslim heresiologists have been

induced by this prediction to fill up their lists of seventy-three numbers

with all sorts of names, many of which represent nothing but individual

opinions of more or less famous scholars on subordinate points of doctrine

or law. Almost ninety-five per cent. of all Mohammedans are indeed bound

together by a spiritual unity that may be compared with that of the Roman

Catholic Church, within whose walls there is also room for religious and

intellectual life of very different origin and tendency. In the sense of

broadness, Islâm has this advantage, that there is no generally recognized

palpable authority able to stop now and then the progress of modernism or

similar deviations from the trodden path with an imperative "Halt!" There

is no lack indeed of mutual accusation of heresy; but this remains without

serious consequences because of the absence of a high ecclesiastical

council competent to decide once for all. The political authorities, who

might be induced by fanatical theologians to settle disputes by violent

inquisitorial means, have been prevented for a long time from such

interference by more pressing affairs.

A knowledge alone of the orthodox system of Islâm, however complete, would

give us an even more inadequate idea of the actual world of catholic Islâm

than the notion we should acquire of the spiritual currents moving the

Roman Catholic world by merely studying the dogma and the canonical law of

the Church of Rome.

Nevertheless, the unity of Islamic thought is by no means a word void of

sense. The ideas of Mohammedan philosophers, borrowed for a great part from

Neoplatonism, the pantheism and the emanation theory of Mohammedan mystics

are certainly still further distant from the simplicity of Qorânic

religion than the orthodox dogmatics; but all those conceptions alike show

indubitable marks of having grown up on Mohammedan soil. In the works even

of those mystics who efface the limits between things human and divine,

who put Judaism, Christianity, and Paganism on the same line with the

revelation of Mohammed, and who are therefore duly anathematized by the

whole orthodox world, almost every page testifies to the relation of the

ideas enounced with Mohammedan civilization. Most of the treatises on

science, arts, or law written by Egyptian students for their doctor's

degree at European universities make no exception to this rule; the manner

in which these authors conceive the problems and strive for their solution

is, in a certain sense, in the broadest sense of course, Mohammedan. Thus,

if we speak of Mohammedan thought, civilization, spirit, we have to bear in

mind the great importance of the system which, almost unchanged, has been

delivered for about one thousand years by one generation of doctors of

Islâm to the other, although it has become ever more unfit to meet the

needs of the Community, on whose infallible Agreement it rests. But, at the

same time, we ought to consider that beside the agreement of canonists,

of dogmatists, and of mystics, there are a dozen more agreements, social,

political, popular, philosophical, and so on, and that however great may be

the influence of the doctors, who pretend to monopolize infallibility for

the opinions on which they agree, the real Agreement of Islâm is the least

common measure of all the agreements of the groups which make up the

Community.

It would require a large volume to review the principal currents of thought

pervading the Moslim world in our day; but a general notion may be acquired

by a rapid glance at two centres, geographically not far distant from each

other, but situated at the opposite poles of spiritual life: Mecca and

Cairo.

In Mecca yearly two or three hundred thousand Moslims from all parts of the

world come together to celebrate the hajj, that curious set of ceremonies

of pagan Arabian origin which Mohammed has incorporated into his religion,

a durable survival that in Islâm makes an impression as singular as that

of jumping processions in Christianity. Mohammed never could have foreseen

that the consequence of his concession to deeply rooted Arabic custom

would be that in future centuries Chinese, Malays, Indians, Tatars, Turks,

Egyptians, Berbers, and negroes would meet on this barren desert soil and

carry home profound impressions of the international significance of Islâm.

Still more important is the fact that from all those countries young people

settle here for years to devote themselves to the study of the sacred

science. From the second to the tenth month of the Mohammedan lunar year,

the Haram, _i.e._, the mosque, which is an open place with the Ka'bah in

its midst and surrounded by large roofed galleries, has free room enough

between the hours of public service to allow of a dozen or more circles of

students sitting down around their professors to listen to as many lectures

on different subjects, generally delivered in a very loud voice. Arabic

grammar and style, prosody, logic, and other preparatory branches, the

sacred trivium; canonic law, dogmatics, and mysticism, and, for the more

advanced, exegesis of Qorân and Tradition and some other branches of

supererogation, are taught here in the mediaeval way from mediaeval

text-books or from more modern compilations reproducing their contents and

completing them more or less by treating modern questions according to the

same methods.

It is now almost thirty years since I lived the life of a Meccan student

during one university year, after having become familiar with the matter

taught by the professors of the temple of Mecca, the Haram, by privately

studying it, so that I could freely use all my time in observing the

mentality of people learning those things not for curiosity, but in order

to acquire the only true direction for their life in this world and the

salvation of their souls in the world to come. For a modern man there could

hardly be a better opportunity imagined for getting a true vision of the

Middle Ages than is offered to the Orientalist by a few months' stay in

the Holy City of Islâm. In countries like China, Tibet, or India there

are spheres of spiritual life which present to us still more interesting

material for comparative study of religions than that of Mecca, because

they are so much more distant from our own; but, just on that account,

the Western student would not be able to adapt his mind to their mental

atmospheres as he may do in Mecca. No one would think for one moment of

considering Confucianism, Hinduism, or Buddhism as specially akin to

Christianity, whereas Islâm has been treated by some historians of the

Christian Church as belonging to the heretical offspring of the Christian

religion. In fact, if we are able to abstract ourselves for a moment from

all dogmatic prejudice and to become a Meccan with the Meccans, one of the

"neighbours of Allah," as they call themselves, we feel in their temple,

the Haram, as if we were conversing with our ancestors of five or six

centuries ago. Here scholasticism with a rabbinical tint forms the great

attraction to the minds of thousands of intellectually highly gifted men of

all ages.

The most important lectures are delivered during the forenoon and in the

evening. A walk, at one of those hours, through the square and under the

colonnades of the mosque, with ears opened to all sides, will enable you to

get a general idea of the objects of mental exercise of this international

assembly. Here you may find a sheikh of pure Arab descent explaining to his

audience, composed of white Syrians or Circassians, of brown and yellow

Abyssinians and Egyptians, of negroes, Chinese, and Malays, the probable

and improbable legal consequences of marriage contracts, not excepting

those between men and genii; there a negro scholar is explaining the

ontological evidence of the existence of a Creator and the logical

necessity of His having twenty qualities, inseparable from, but not

identical with, His essence; in the midst of another circle a learned

_muftî_ of indeterminably mixed extraction demonstrates to his pupils from

the standard work of al-Ghazâlí the absolute vanity of law and doctrine to

those whose hearts are not purified from every attachment to the world.

Most of the branches of Mohammedan learning are represented within the

walls of this temple by more or less famous scholars; and still there are a

great number of private lectures delivered at home by professors who do not

like to be disturbed by the unavoidable noise in the mosque, which during

the whole day serves as a meeting place for friends or business men, as an

exercise hall for Qorân reciters, and even as a passage for people going

from one part of the town to the other.

In order to complete your mediaeval dream with a scene from daily life, you

have only to leave the mosque by the Bâb Dereybah, one of its twenty-two

gates, where you may see human merchandise exhibited for sale by the

slave-brokers, and then to have a glance, outside the wall, at a camel

caravan, bringing firewood and vegetables into the town, led by Beduins

whose outward appearance has as little changed as their minds since the day

when Mohammed began here to preach the Word of Allah.

To the greater part of the world represented by this international

exhibition of Islâm, as a modern Musulman writer calls it, our modern

world, with all its problems, its emotions, its learning and science,

hardly exists. On the other hand, the average modern man does not

understand much more of the mental life of the two hundred millions to whom

the barren Mecca has become the great centre. In former days, other centres

were much more important, although Mecca has always been the goal of

pilgrimage and the cherished abode of many learned men. Many capitals of

Islâm offered the students an easier life and better accommodations for

their studies; while in Mecca four months of the year are devoted to the

foreign guests of Allah, by attending to whose various needs all Meccans

gain their livelihood. For centuries Cairo has stood unrivalled as a seat

of Mohammedan learning of every kind; and even now the Uaram of Mecca is

not to be compared to the Azhar-mosque as regards the number and the fame

of its professors and the variety of branches cultivated.

In the last half-century, however, the ancient repute of the Egyptian

metropolis has suffered a good deal from the enormous increase of European

influence in the land of the Pharaohs; the effects of which have made

themselves felt even in the Azhar. Modern programs and methods of

instruction have been adopted; and, what is still worse, modernism itself,

favoured by the late Muftî Muhammed Abduh, has made its entrance into the

sacred lecture-halls, which until a few years ago seemed inaccessible to

the slightest deviation from the decrees of the Infallible Agreement of the

Community. Strenuous efforts have been made by eminent scholars to liberate

Islâm from the chains of the authority of the past ages on the basis of

independent interpretation of the Qorân; not in the way of the Wahhâbî

reformers, who tried a century before to restore the institutions of

Mohammed's time in their original purity, but on the contrary with the

object of adapting Islâm by all means in their power to the requirements of

modern life.

Official protection of the bold innovators prevented their conservative

opponents from casting them out of the Azhar, but the assent to their

doctrines was more enthusiastic outside its walls than inside. The ever

more numerous adherents of modern thought in Egypt do not generally proceed

from the ranks of the Azhar students, nor do they generally care very much

in their later life for reforming the methods prevailing there, although

they may be inclined to applaud the efforts of the modernists. To the

intellectuals of the higher classes the Azhar has ceased to offer great

attraction; if it were not for the important funds (_wagf_) for the

benefit of professors and students, the numbers of both classes would have

diminished much more than is already the case, and the faithful cultivators

of mediaeval Mohammedan science would prefer to live in Mecca, free from

Western influence and control. Even as it is, the predilection of foreign

students of law and theology is turning more and more towards Mecca.

As one of the numerous interesting specimens of the mental development

effected in Egypt in the last years, I may mention a book that appeared in

Cairo two years ago[1], containing a description of the present Khedive's

pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina, performed two years before. The author

evidently possesses a good deal of the scholastic learning to be gathered

in the Azhar and no European erudition in the stricter sense of the word.

In an introductory chapter he gives a summary of the geography and history

of the Arabian peninsula, describes the Hijâz in a more detailed manner,

and in his very elaborate account of the journey, on which he accompanied

his princely master, the topography of the holy cities, the peculiarities

of their inhabitants and of the foreign visitors, the political

institutions, and the social conditions are treated almost as fully and

accurately as we could desire from the hand of the most accomplished

European scholar. The work is illustrated by good maps and plans and by a

great number of excellent photographs expressly taken for this purpose by

the Khedive's order. The author intersperses his account with many witty

remarks as well as serious reflections on religious and political topics,

thus making it very readable to those of us who are familiar with the

Arabic language. He adorns his description of the holy places and of the

pilgrimage-rites with the unctuous phrases used in handbooks for the hajji,

and he does not disturb the mind of the pious reader by any historical

criticism of the traditions connected with the House of Allah, the Black

Stone, and the other sanctuaries, but he loses no opportunity to show his

dislike of all superstition; sometimes, as if to prevent Western readers

from indulging in mockery, he compares Meccan rites or customs with

superstitious practices current amongst Jews or Christians of today.

[Footnote 1: _Ar-rihlah al-Hijaziyyah_, by Muhammed Labib al-Batanunf, 2d

edition, Cairo, 1329 Hijrah.]

This book, at whose contents many a Meccan scholar of the old style will

shake his head and exclaim: "We seek refuge near Allah from Satan, the

cursed!" has been adopted by the Egyptian Department of Public Instruction

as a reading-book for the schools.

What surprised me more than anything else was the author's quoting as his

predecessors in the description of Mecca and Medina, Burckhardt, Burton,

and myself, and his sending me, although personally unacquainted with him,

a presentation copy with a flattering dedication. This author and his book

would have been impossible in the Moslim world not more than thirty years

ago. In Egypt such a man is nowadays already considered as one of those

more conservative moderns, who prefer the rationalistic explanation of the

Azhar lore to putting it aside altogether. Within the Azhar, his book is

sure to meet with hearty approval from the followers of Muhammed Abduh, but

not less hearty disapproval from the opponents of modernism who make up the

majority of the professors as well as of the students.

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