CHAPTER IX

THE DISPOSITION OF CAVALRY IN A CAMPAIGN

FIRST PART

It is related that its owner tried as an experiment to find out what

was the smallest amount on which a horse could work. When he had

reduced the animal to one straw per diem, the experiment ceased, as the

horse died.

The reader, constantly bearing in mind the above anecdote (since, if

great generals have overlooked in the past the moral of the tale, there

is no reason why others should not do so in future), may proceed to the

subject of this chapter, but not without the recurrent thought, that,

however dashing the conception of the use of cavalry in a campaign,

this one point must be foremost. What will the cavalry horses live

on? Horses cannot live on nothing. Few survive if put for a prolonged

period on ½-grain rations and no hay or grazing, if such is followed by

work.

How far motor vehicles carrying supplies have changed the aspect

of affairs in regard to this question is at present a moot point.

Undoubtedly the effect of the domination of the air by man has

materially affected the question of obtaining information.

The principle, “that an army should place in its front the whole of

its available cavalry forces from the very beginning of a campaign,”

to some extent arises from the desirability of an undisturbed

concentration for one’s own army, and also the advantage of checking

that of the enemy.

Next in order will be the desire of the commander-in-chief of the

army to have definite information of the enemy’s movements whilst at

the same time his own movements are covered. This will enable him to

direct the movements of his army, whilst still at a distance from the

enemy’s advanced guards, and effect concentration for battle neither

too soon nor too late (since both of these contingencies entail grave

inconveniences), but at the right moment.

But when it comes to practical politics, it is plain, and must be

regarded as a principle, that a cavalry brigade, division or corps

cannot be relied upon to perform efficiently the duties of policeman

and detective at one and the same time. The duty of the latter would

carry the former away from his beat.

The French cavalry in 1870, though they possessed what Ardant du Picq

describes as the true “Casse cou”[47] readiness to charge (and by the

bye, that _is_ a portion of the _cavalry spirit_), almost entirely

lacked skilled direction by the higher leaders. This fault was no

doubt due, in some degree, to the three arms training each in separate

water-tight compartments, and not on a large and comprehensive scale

in peace, precisely as Langlois says of us in reference to our army’s

work in South Africa: “The English took no steps in peace to create and

strengthen any union between the arms, and evil overtook them.”

Direction by the higher leaders will always be lacking, where those

leaders, in peace time, are unable to divorce themselves from the

surroundings and prejudices of their own particular arm, whatever it

may be, and to enter whole-heartedly and unreservedly into the spirit

of the Napoleonic maxim (No. 47): “Infantry, cavalry, and artillery

_are nothing without each other_.”

Be that as it may, after the 1870-71 war the French cavalry had a

moving spirit in General Galliffet, and he was well supported by some

of the cleverest French military writers. They dissected French and

German cavalry action in 1870-71 (and that of cavalry in other wars),

laying bare the mistakes and failures of the cavalry of both armies.

They saw what was wanted, higher direction and co-ordination of the

work of cavalry, so that the two functions of cavalry, information and

security (prior to its rôle on the battlefield), might be realized to

their full extent. Their deduction from the campaigns of the Napoleonic

period was, that that great leader and organizer had discerned the

impossibility of co-ordinating these duties; that in his earlier

campaigns there were two great units of war, the cavalry of army corps

and a corps of reserve cavalry;[48] the latter was composed of numerous

light cavalry, acting about a day in front of the columns of the main

body. Again, that in 1812, corresponding with the formation of groups

of armies, the corps of cavalry was created to act independently, in

advance of the general movement of the armies, making a third great

unit. They arrived at the conclusion that war brings into play three

great units, each of which requires its special cavalry.

1. In front of armies under the generalissimo an independent cavalry,

in one or more bodies, to insure liberty of offensive action to the

generalissimo.

2. In each army a division of cavalry to ensure to it the liberty of

defensive action by giving time to concentrate and take up favourable

positions.

3. In each army corps a regiment or half-regiment to ensure

tranquillity and freedom from surprise.

Nor did they fail to bring to notice that Napoleon’s system was to find

a cavalry leader, and let him organize his cavalry to help the plan of

campaign, and not to waste his cavalry in a sort of insurance policy.

The essence of cavalry is offence, “offensive résolue, offensive quand

même offensive à outrance, qui fut le plus souvent la seule règle de

tactique,” not defence and shepherding infantry divisions;[49] this

latter work does not demand the most highly trained cavalry.

By these steps gradually the principle, which is clearly stated in our

F.S. Regulations, was arrived at, viz.:

The main force of cavalry will usually be organized in one

or more cavalry divisions, and retained as the instrument of

strategical reconnaissance under the immediate orders of the

commander-in-chief.--Part II., British F.S.R., 1909, p. 25.

At the present date the French, German, and Austrian organization is

practically identical in this respect. All recognize that “we must

fight to reconnoitre, and fight to screen.”[50]

The rôle of cavalry, as defined at p. 182 of the French _Service de la

Cavalerie_, 1909, is as follows:

1. _The Cavalry of Exploration_ (answering to our own independent

cavalry), the personal agent of the generalissimo, is sent where he

wishes, in quest of the news he desires. This news the leader of

this cavalry must send in good time; his independence is limited to

the means he employs to get news. The cavalry of exploration may

also be sent on special missions against the columns or convoys

of the enemy, and ought, _whilst observing its instructions and

carrying out its_ important rôle, to seize any opportunity of

destroying the enemy’s cavalry.

Cavalry is the arm, above all, of surprise, and consequently may

often obtain the greatest results by a sudden attack on the wings

or rear of the adversary.

2. _The Cavalry of the Army Corps_ (answering to our protective

cavalry) and the divisional cavalry find out and inform their

commander what is happening in the zone allotted to them.

They must keep off the enemy’s cavalry, guard the columns against

surprise, cover their deployment, and seek every opportunity of

intervening with effect in the combat.

3. _The Divisional Cavalry_ may, in the combat, be the only troops

on whom the divisional general can depend for safety from surprise:

their commander must, accordingly, not only seek opportunities to

use the bulk of his troops opportunely in the combat, but also give

information and guard the division against surprise on its flanks

and rear.

What use, then, does the generalissimo make of his independent cavalry?

He sends it forward to tear the veil from his adversary’s armies;

whilst thus engaged it may, in fact almost certainly will, meet the

enemy’s independent cavalry similarly employed, when, with a view to

carrying out its orders, it will probably be compelled to fight--to

fight for information.

Let us suppose it successful and the squadrons of the enemy’s

independent cavalry dispersed, unable to face their adversary. Our

independent cavalry push on to the enemy and meet the screen of

cavalry, the service of security which covers his army. This again

they must tear aside, and lay bare the heads of the enemy’s infantry

columns. Even then their mission is not complete; they must direct

their energies against the flanks of the enemy’s columns and

demoralize them. It is plain, then, that on the successful action of

the independent cavalry great issues may depend.

With regard to the movement of these forces, whenever cavalry are

moving in the direction of an enemy (whether they are the independent

cavalry or the protective cavalry), it is obvious that they will

endeavour to pass quickly through ground which is for any reason

unfavourable to them and advantageous to the enemy for attack, whilst

they will dwell in positions which present obvious advantages to them.

The result is, that from large forces of cavalry down to the smallest

unit there is a tendency to move forward in bounds.

The protective cavalry will further be influenced by the desire to

forestall the enemy in gaining positions for the infantry columns

following them, and in taking up for the night a line of outposts on

some natural obstacle, which will give them some security whilst they

are halted.

It is quite a debatable question whether the evolution of cavalry into

three classes as at present is not largely due to the arming of cavalry

with a good rifle, and to rendering them consequently able to protect

themselves, and able to turn out small parties of the enemy who hold

defiles, railway stations, etc., against them. The new German Cavalry

Regulations, para. 391, state: “Thus cavalry, owing to its great

adaptability, is capable of independent action in practically every

eventuality of the battlefield.”

In any case horse artillery, machine guns, and the rifle have added

enormously to the defensive power of cavalry; when, therefore, the

protective cavalry are thrown back on the infantry, by the enterprise

of the enemy’s independent squadrons, the latter may lightly, and

without warning, find themselves attacking infantry in position, by

mistake for dismounted cavalry, and consequently suffer very severely.

Not only that, but the mixed detachments of all arms likely to be met

with at this juncture, possess a power and length of resistance, which

our cavalry may perhaps successfully simulate, and thus hold back and

delay the advance of the enemy’s cavalry.

SECOND PART

“A writer upon strategy and tactics ought to treat his subjects as

national strategy and tactics; for only such teaching can be of

real service to his country.”--VON DER GOLTZ, _Nation in Arms_, p.

143.

Instead of labouring the point as to the rôle of cavalry under these

circumstances, perhaps one may be permitted to recall to the reader’s

mind that, unless we go back to Napoleonic precedent, there are no

actual experiences in modern times of the effect to be obtained by

using cavalry in the manner prescribed at present. The whole is pure

theory, but we can say from our own experience that the protective

cavalry may fail if they attempt to be strong everywhere on the old

“pepper-box” system.

The drives in South Africa, in which we were strong nowhere and

weak everywhere, proved, as indeed was expected, that a strong and

determined enemy can always break through the long weak line unless the

latter follows the line of some serious obstacle.

It is also a matter of easy demonstration and universal agreement that

the cavalry which dominates in the first great cavalry struggle has

already gained an enormous advantage for its side.

What is the logical outcome? It is, that unless (1) our cavalry force

is redundant, or (2) there are difficulties in feeding our independent

cavalry, or (3) the enemy’s cavalry is very weak, or (4) our cavalry

comprises squadrons, which we cannot, from reasons of want of training

or armament, oppose to the enemy’s cavalry, we shall see every

available squadron taken from the protective cavalry and handed over

to the independent cavalry. Intelligence comes before security.[51]

Meanwhile the protective rôle will be carried out by divisional mounted

troops, cyclists, and infantry detachments (see sec. 92, F.S.R.).

_Ceteris paribus_, the first advantage will be with the side which can

put the greatest number of squadrons into the corps of independent

cavalry, and, in view of this, a fact plainly spoken of and counted

upon in all strategical conceptions of future campaigns on the

Continent, the preponderance of well-trained squadrons is clearly the

object to be aimed at.

Generally speaking, the ideas which are promulgated as to the rôle

for the weaker cavalry, by which a cavalry, worse trained, worse

armed, and proportionately less in numbers will compensate for these

shortcomings by superior tactics, are purely Utopian. This “fond thing

vainly invented” may interest or beguile the mind of the unfortunate

tax-payer, but does not belong to the regions of plain military common

sense, which, in its preparation for war, has no place for chance work,

and must have no weak link in the chain.

Let those with whom the wish is master of the thought read General von

Bernardi’s most recent statement in _Cavalry in Peace and War_, p. 356,

where speaking of the German force of trained cavalry, enormous as it

already is, he says:

I have repeatedly stated that I consider our cavalry to be of

itself too weak. The more I study modern warfare, the more

convinced do I feel that the value of the arm, when handled

according to modern ideas, has increased.

Let us remember that cavalry cannot be improvised, and that even

squadrons of the best class of mounted rifles, formed entirely of

natural horsemen and fairly good shots, are very heavily penalized,

apart from their armament and training, unless they have professional

brigade, regimental, and squadron leaders, and know how to work with

horse artillery. They cannot be expected to face trained and properly

organized cavalry brigades on anything like equal terms. At the same

time, if reliance is placed on numbers, one is at once faced (i.) by

the forage supply and its carriage, (ii.) by the enormous item of

expense in remounting, already referred to in the chapter on “The

horse.”

The outcome is that one arrives at this plain and simple

proposition.[52] Only the most highly trained cavalry soldier is worth

a horse and food for his horse when a nation is engaged against an

enemy of modern continental type. This point is undoubtedly grasped

on the Continent, where the proposal to use cyclists as a reserve of

riflemen with cavalry is generally accepted.

Every one, practically, can now ride and look after a bicycle, and

given passable roads, cyclists can travel farther and faster than

horses, and carry more days’ reserve rations. In war in a civilized and

well-roaded country they cannot fail to be a most useful adjunct to

cavalry: (1) as a reserve of rifles, (2) as despatch-riders, (3) as an

accessory in outpost and reconnoitring duty.

It is not the scheme of this book to enter into the question of

training other than regular cavalry, nor to enter into any discussion

as to the precise value in war of hastily raised mounted troops;

since in doing so one might say something which had the appearance

of discouraging the volunteer; whereas there is no question that the

spirit, which animated for instance those yeomanry and colonial troops

who came out early in the operations in South Africa, 1899-1902, is a

great national and imperial asset.

At the same time it is right to make it perfectly plain that the

non-professional cavalry soldier has an exceedingly hard task before

him, and one requiring very exceptional qualities such as are not

usually found in those who do not possess the initial asset of being

constantly in the saddle and out in the open. Even these must find

it extremely difficult to train to anything but a very mediocre

standard, unless they possess (i.) sufficient leisure to prepare

themselves amidst the surroundings of regular troops, and (ii.) the

large amount of patriotism and right feeling which induces a man

voluntarily to place himself under and endure the irksome restraints of

discipline.[53] Ten times more does this apply to the officer; purely

amateur officers are poison (the virus being in direct proportion to

their rank), and entirely out of place in war. To imagine that it is

patriotism to wait till war begins, and then aspire to lead others, is

an idea that should be crushed once for all. It is not patriotism, it

is murder.

Few amateurs would aspire to conduct the operations in a London

hospital, and the operations of war are, in their way, no less

intricate, and perhaps entail more loss of life and limb when conducted

by the unskilled. The amateur who comes out to the war, with the

courage of ignorance, and finds how helpless he is, how useless are his

best efforts, how complete the disillusionment of those under him as to

his power to keep or get them out of trouble, let alone hurt the enemy,

will, if he survives, have learnt a very useful and painful lesson, but

no nation can afford to give lessons on the field of battle.

The cavalry of an army are a part of a machine, in which reliance must

be placed, and in which every nut or screw of doubtful metal is a

danger. Cherfils rightly says: “Three-quarters of the strategy of war

lies in the method of employment of the cavalry.” Why? Because of the

supreme importance to the generalissimo of _Liberty of Manœuvre_. But

this liberty can only be gained by a thrusting forward of masses of

cavalry, _which must go on_ and get the greatest share of the terrain

intervening between the two armies. As an instance of this, in the

Ulm Campaign on the 4th October Napoleon in his orders to Murat makes

it plain that he wants him to push aside the enemy’s patrols and make

plenty of prisoners; he tells him to take _three_ divisions of cavalry

and do so, leaving _one_ division only to watch his left flank, that

on which Napoleon was making his main infantry advance. He left the

initiative to Murat.

Does any one imagine that these cavalry masses could, solely by means

of musketry fire, drive the enemy out of the positions which they will

take up, on finding a stronger force of cavalry in front of them? We

believe certain people do reckon on this, though it has never occurred

in actual combat, and (in the opinion of those who have witnessed

attempts at it) will not do so in the immediate future. Across the open

plains the weaker, worse armed and equipped cavalry will keep falling

back rapidly to the next defensive line. If this is a river or range of

hills, experience shows that the stronger cavalry will soon cross it

and move forward.

Too much emphasis can hardly be laid on the value of success in the

first great cavalry combat, in “initial ascendancy.”[54] Let those who

doubt this inquire of any who have been on stricken fields and have

learnt the great lessons only taught by defeat.

But these lessons are not to be confused with the tendency to say “A”

nation beat “B” nation, therefore “A” nation’s methods are right, and

forthwith slavishly follow their methods, even carrying this so far as

to follow the fashion of some pelisse or _pickelhaube_ as well.

Occasionally the Boers read us a lesson, and, as Kipling says, “a

jolly good lesson too”; at once there is a great rush to imitate their

methods, by those impressed by them, as though these were applicable

to every possible case. To take one case--they are certainly not

suitable for mounted troops who wish to advance. In that case we want

the resolute offensive, with a thorough understanding in all ranks that

they must be prepared to fight for information and liberty of manœuvre.

Now spectators of any large fight in South Africa cannot claim to have

seen this resolute offensive on the part of the Boers. They never

pushed us back, partly, no doubt, from difficulties of command, but

chiefly from defective armament and training, and consequent inability

to bring the combat to a hand-to-hand fight. On the other hand, they

fell back fighting whenever we attacked resolutely. Exactly what a

generalissimo could not permit his cavalry to do. Why? Because he, by

doing so, surrenders his share of liberty of manœuvre, of which there

is a limited amount between the armies, to his adversary.

Our conclusion is that _the trained cavalry masses which have a

personal weapon and good support from horse artillery will push back

any improvised or worse-armed cavalry with the utmost rapidity across

all open ground, and that the moral ascendancy thus established will

render the enemy’s defeat in rough ground an easy task_.

Our Cavalry · 第 9 / 20 章