INCIDENTS IN KING GEORGES WAR.
After a long interval of peace from the time of the treaty of Utrecht
in 1713, war was declared between France and England in 1744. The
Indians of the St. John river, who had been fairly quiet for some
years, took the warpath with great alacrity. The war that ensued is
known as "King George's," or the "Five Years" war. At its commencement
the Maliseets played rather a sharp trick upon the English which Paul
Mascarene and Shirley, the governor of Massachusetts, remembered
against them when peace was proclaimed five years later. On that
occasion Count de la Galissonniere wrote to Mascarene to inquire if
the Maliseets were included in the peace, "in which case," he says, "I
entreat you to have the goodness to induce Mr. Shirley to allow them
to settle again in their villages, and to leave their missionaries
undisturbed as they were before the war." The French governor
suggested that a reply might be sent through the missionary by whom he
had sent his own letter. Both Mascarene and Shirley replied at some
length to the letter of de la Galissonniere. They stated that when a
renewal of the war with France was daily expected, a deputation of the
St. John river Indians came to Annapolis professedly to make an
agreement to remain on friendly terms with the English in the event of
war with France. They were well received in consequence. But they had
come in reality as spies, and three weeks afterwards returned with
others of their tribe, the missionary le Loutre at their head,
surprised and killed as many of the English as they caught outside the
fort, destroyed their cattle, burnt their houses and continued their
acts of hostility against the garrison till the arrival of troops from
New England to check them. "For this perfidious behaviour," Shirley
says, "I caused war to be declared in his majesty's name against these
Indians in November, 1744, and so far as it depends upon me, they
shall not be admitted to terms of peace till they have made a proper
submission for their treachery."
During King George's war the Maliseet warriors did not, as in former
Indian wars, assemble at Medoctec and turn their faces westward to
devastate the settlements of New England, the scene of hostilities was
now transferred to the eastward, Annapolis Royal, Beausejour and
Louisbourg became the scene of hostilities and Aukpaque, not Medoctec,
the place of rendezvous.
Immediately after the declaration of war Paul Mascarene set to work to
repair the defences of Annapolis Royal. The French inhabitants at
first showed every readiness to assist him, but they retired to their
habitations when the Indians, to the number of about three hundred
fighting men, appeared before the fort. Among the leaders of the
savages was young Alexander le Borgne de Bellisle, who himself had
Indian blood in his veins, being the son of Anastasie de St. Castin.
The Indians failed in their attack and retired to await the arrival of
troops from Louisbourg under Du Vivier.
Some weeks later the united forces again advanced on Annapolis
but, after a siege lasting from the end of August to about the 25th of
September, they were obliged to retire without accomplishing
anything. Mascarene conducted the defence with prudence and energy
but honestly admits, in his letter to Governor Shirley, that it
was largely "to the timely succours sent from the Governor of
Massachusetts and to our French inhabitants refusing to take up arms
against us, we owe our preservation."
The people of New England cherished no good will toward the savages of
Acadia. The horrors of Indian warfare in the past were yet fresh in
their memories, and stern measures were resolved upon. Governor
Shirley, with the advice of his council, offered premiums for their
scalps, L100 currency for that of an adult male Indian, L50 for that
of a woman or child, and for a captive L5 higher than for a scalp.
After the failure of the French attack on Annapolis Royal, Shirley
planned an expedition against Louisbourg, "the Dunkirk of America."
This was indeed a formidable undertaking, for the French had spent
twenty-five years of time and about six millions and a half of dollars
in building, arming and adorning that city. The walls of its defences
were formed of bricks brought from France and they mounted two hundred
and six pieces of cannon. The leader of the expedition was William
Pepperell, a native of Kittery, Maine, a colonel of militia and a
merchant who employed hundreds of men in lumbering and fishing. His
troops comprised a motley collection of New Englanders--fishermen and
farmers, sawyers and loggers, many of them taken from his own vessels,
mills and forests. Before such men, aided by the English navy under
Commodore Warren, to the world's amazement, Louisbourg fell. The
achievement is, perhaps, the most memorable in our colonial annals,
but a description of the siege cannot be here attempted. After the
surrender of Louisbourg a banquet was prepared by Pepperell for his
officers, and Mr. Moody of New York, Mrs. Pepperell's uncle, was
called upon to ask a blessing at the feast. The old parson was apt to
be prolix on public occasions, and his temper being rather irritable,
none dared to suggest that brevity would be acceptable. The company
were therefore highly gratified by his saying grace as follows: "Good
Lord, we have so many things to thank Thee for that time will be
infinitely too short to do it. We must therefore leave it for the work
of eternity. Bless our food and fellowship upon this joyful occasion,
for the sake of Christ our Lord. Amen."
The capture of Louisbourg greatly relieved the situation at Annapolis,
and probably saved Acadia to the English. It acted as a damper on the
ardor of the Indians of the St. John river, who, under Marin, a French
officer from Quebec, had taken the warpath. They were encouraged in
their hostile attitude by their missionary Germain, lately come to
Aukpaque as Danielou's[17] successor.
[17] Jean Pierre Danielou died at Quebec, May 23, 1744. His
successor, Father Charles Germain, came to Canada in 1738 and
a few years later, probably in 1740, was sent to the St. John
River.
While the stirring events just mentioned were transpiring at
Louisbourg, Governor Mascarene was doing his best to place Annapolis
Royal in a proper state of defence and the chief engineer, John Henry
Bastide, was busily engaged in strengthening the fort. Early in the
summer of 1745 the Sieur Marin appeared before the town with a party
of six hundred French and Indians--the latter including many from the
River St. John and some of the Hurons from Canada. They captured two
Boston schooners, one of which was named the "Montague." Her captain,
William Pote, of Falmouth (now Portland) Maine, was taken to Quebec by
the Huron Indians, via the St. John river. He remained in captivity
three years. He contrived to keep a journal describing his capture and
subsequent adventures; this was concealed by one of the female
prisoners who restored it to Captain Pote after he was released. The
journal had a remarkable experience; it passed through many hands, was
discovered at Geneva in Switzerland about a dozen years ago by Bishop
John F. Hurst, and has since been printed in a sumptuous volume by
Dodd, Mead & Co., of New York. Thus after a century and a half of
obscurity this remarkable old document has at length seen the light.
We learn from its pages that Captain Pote was taken by land to
Chignecto at the head of the Bay of Fundy, where he found the captured
schooner "Montague" already arrived. The Indians called a council to
decide whether it was better to go to the River St. John in the
schooner or by land, but finally thought it better to go by land.
Accordingly on the 26th June, the "Montague" sailed with several
prisoners, including two of Pote's men and the master of the other
schooner taken at Annapolis and one of his men. Pote entreated the
Indians to be allowed to go in the schooner, but could not prevail. He
was taken by way of Shepody Bay up the River Petitcodiac in a small
schooner belonging to one of the "neutral French." The next day's
journey brought them to the carrying place between the Petitcodiac and
the Canaan river, which they crossed and encamped.
The events of the day following--Sunday, June 30--are thus recorded in
Pote's journal:
"This day in ye morning we had Intelligence that there was a priest
from ye River of Saint Johns expected to arrive at this place in a few
minutes, ye Indians made Great preparation for his Reception and at
his arrival shewed many symptoms of their Great Respect. Ye Priest was
conducted to ye Captain's camp, where after having passed many
compliments, the Priest asked ye Capt. of ye Indians who I was, and
when he Understood I was a prisoner, he asked me if I could speak
French. I told him a Little, and asked him concerning one Jonathan a
soldier that was a passenger on board of our Schooner when we was
taken, and was then at ye River of Saint Johns. Ye Priest gave me an
account of him, and told me to content myself in ye Condition that I
was then in, for I was in ye hands of a Christian nation and it might
prove very Beneficial both to my Body and Soul. I was obliged to
concur with his sentiments for fear of displeasing my masters. Ye
Indians built him a Table against a Large Tree, where he said mass,
and sung (louange au bon Dieu pour leur conservation jusqu'au present)
after they had concluded their mass, &c., the priest gave them
Permission to commence their making Connews and Took his leave of us.
This Day we was Imployed in making Connews of Elm and ash Bark."
The priest here mentioned was no doubt the Jesuit missionary, Charles
Germain, for the Governor General of Canada, the Marquis Beauharnois,
in his letter to the French minister, dated at Quebec 27 September of
this year, writes: "M. Germain, missionary on the lower part of the
River St. John, arrived here yesterday with the chief and 24 Indians
of his mission, the most of whom served in Mr. Marin's party."
The Indians with Capt. Pote made seven canoes, and in these they
proceeded down the Canaan river to Washademoak lake, thence up the St.
John river to Aukpaque. On the way several rather curious incidents
occurred. For example, on one occasion they caught some small fish,
which Pote attempted to clean, but the Indians snatched them from him
and boiled them "slime and blood and all together." "This," said Pote,
"put me in mind of ye old Proverb, God sent meat and ye D----l cooks."
On another occasion, he says, "we Incamped by ye side of ye River and
we had much difficulty to kindle a fire by Reason it Rained exceeding
fast, and wet our fire works; we was obliged to turn our connews
bottom up and Lay under them; at this time it thundered exceedingly,
and ye Indians asked me if there was not people in my Country
sometimes distroyed by ye Thunder and Lightning, yet I told them I had
known several Instances of that nature, they told me yt never any
thing hapned to ye Indians of harm neither by thunder nor Lightning,
and they said it was a Judgment on ye English and French, for
Incroaching on their Libertys in America."
On their way up the River St. John Mr. Pote and his companions passed
several French houses, and at some of these they stopped for
provisions, but found the people so "exceeding poor" they could not
supply any. When they arrived at Aukpaque, on the evening of the 6th
July, they found the schooner Montague had arrived some days before
with the other prisoners.
Pote and his friends met with an unexpectedly warm reception at the
Indian village, which we shall allow him to relate in his own quaint
fashion:
"At this place ye Squaws came down to ye Edge of ye River, Dancing and
Behaving themselves, in ye most Brutish and Indecent manner and taking
us prisoners by ye arms, one Squaw on each Side of a prisoner, they
led us up to their Village and placed themselves In a Large Circle
Round us, after they had Gat all prepared for their Dance, they made
us sit down In a Small Circle, about 18 Inches assunder and began
their frolick, Dancing Round us and Striking of us in ye face with
English Scalps, yt caused ye Blood to Issue from our mouths and Noses,
In a Very Great and plentiful manner, and Tangled their hands in our
hair, and knocked our heads Togather with all their Strength and
Vehemence, and when they was tired of this Exercise, they would take
us by the hair and some by ye Ears, and standing behind us, oblige us
to keep our Necks Strong so as to bear their weight hanging by our
hair and Ears.
"In this manner, they thumped us In ye Back and Sides, with their
knees and feet, and Twitched our hair and Ears to such a Degree, that
I am Incapable to express it, and ye others that was Dancing Round if
they saw any man falter, and did not hold up his Neck, they Dached ye
Scalps In our faces with such Violence, yt every man endeavored to
bear them hanging by their hair in this manner, Rather then to have a
Double Punishment; after they had finished their frolick, that lasted
about two hours and a half, we was carried to one of their Camps,
where we Saw Some of ye Prisoners that Came in ye montague; at this
place we Incamped yt Night with hungrey Belleys."
Unpleasant as was the reception of Pote and his fellow prisoners at
Aukpaque they were fortunate in being allowed to escape with their
lives. It chanced that the previous year Capt. John Gorham had brought
to Annapolis a company of Indian rangers--probably Mohawks--as allies
of the English. Paul Mascarene justified this proceeding on the ground
that it was necessary to set Indians against Indians, "for tho' our
men outdo them in bravery," he says, "yet, being unacquainted with
their sculking way of fighting and scorning to fight under cover they
expose themselves too much to the enemy's shot." Gorham's Indian
rangers, it appears, had killed several of the Maliseets, and Pote
learned the day after his arrival at Aukpaque "That the Indians held a
counsell amongst ym weather they should put us to Death, and ye Saint
Johns Indians almost Gained ye point for they Insisted it was but
Justice, as they Sd there had been Several of their Tribe, murdered by
Capt. John Gorham at anapolis. Our masters being Verey Desirous to
Save us alive, Used all ye arguments In their power for that purpose
but could not prevail, for they Insisted on Satisfaction; howsoever
our masters prevailed so far with ym, as to take Some Considerable
quantity of their most Valuable Goods, and Spare our Lives; this Day
they Gave us Some Boill'd Salmon which we Eat with a Verey Good
Appetite, without Either Salt or Bread, we Incamped this Night at this
afforsaid Indian Village Apog. (Aukpaque.)"
Evidently the Indians had retained the practices of their forefathers
as regards their treatment of captives, for Pote's experience at
Aukpaque was just about on a par with that of Gyles at Medoctec rather
more than half a century before. But it is only just to remember that
this was a time of war and (as Murdoch well points out) Indian laws of
war permitted not only surprises, stratagems and duplicity, but the
destruction and torture of their captives. These practices being in
harmony with the ideas and customs inherited from their ancestors did
not readily disappear even under the influence of Christianity. And
yet it is well to remember that the Indians often spared the lives of
their captives and even used them kindly and however much we may
condemn them for their cruelty on many occasions we must not forget
that there were other occasions where men of our own race forget for a
season the rules of their religion and the laws of humanity.
Captain Pote's unhappy experience at Aukpaque caused him to feel no
regret when the Huron Indians took their departure with their captives
the next day. They had now come to the "beginning of the swift water"
and their progress became more laborious. The party included
twenty-three persons. One of the prisoners, an Indian of Gorham's
Rangers, taken on Goat Island at Annapolis, Pote says
"Was exceedingly out of order and could not assist ye Indians to
paddle against ye Strong Current that Ran against us ye Greater part
of ye Day, his head was So Exceedingly Swelled, with ye Squaws beating
of him, yt he Could Scearsley See out of his Eyes. I had ye Good
fortune to be almost well in Comparison to what he was, although it
was he and I was Companions, and Sat Next to Each other, In ye Time of
their Dance, and him they alwas took for my partner to knock our heads
Together. Ye Indians asked me In what Manner ye Squaws treated us,
that his head was So Exceedingly Swelld, I Gave them an account, at
which they feigned themselves much Disgusted, and protested they was
Intierly Ignorant of ye affair, and Said they thought ye Squaws
Designed Nothing Else, but only to Dance round us for a Little
Diversion, without mollisting or hurting of us In any manner."
As they ascended the river the party encountered occasional rapids
which caused some delay, particularly the Meductic rapids below the
mouth of the Pokiok, where they were obliged to land and carry their
baggage over clefts of rocks, fallen trees and other obstacles. The
Indians told Pote they would shortly arrive at another Indian village
and he asked, with some anxiety, if the Indians there would use them
in the same manner as those at Aukpaque. This question led to an
immediate consultation among the Hurons, and, Pote says,
"I observed they Looked with a Verey Serious Countenance on me; when I
Saw a Convenient oppertunity I spoke to this affect, Gentlemen You are
all Verey Sensible, of ye Ill Usage we met with at ye other Village,
which I have Reason to believe, was Intierly Contrary to any of Your
Inclinations or permission, and as you Call your Selves Christians,
and men of honor, I hope you'l Use your prisoners accordingly, But I
think it is Verey Contrary to ye Nature of a Christian, to abuse men
In ye manner we was at ye other Village, and I am Verey Sensible there
is no Christian Nation yt Suffers their prisoners to be abused after
they have Given them quarters, In ye manner we have been; the Indians
Looked verey Serious, and approved of what I said, and Talked amongst
themselves in Indian, and my master told me when we arrived to ye
Indian Village I must mind to keep Clost by him."
On the second morning after they left Aukpaque, the party drew nigh
Medoctec, passing as they proceeded, several small spots where the
Indians had made improvements and planted corn, beans, etc. Pote
says:--
"We arrived to ye Indian village about Noon, as soon as Squaws, saw us
coming In Sight of their Village, and heard ye Cohoops, which
Signified ye Number of Prisoners, all ye Squaws In their Village,
prepared themselves with Large Rods of Briars, and Nettles &c., and
met us at their Landing, Singing and Dancing and Yelling, and making
such a hellish Noise, yt I Expected we Should meet with a worse
Reception at this place that we had at ye other. I was Verey Carefull
to observe my masters Instructions, yt he had Given me ye Day before,
and warned ye Rest to do Likewise."
The first canoe that landed was that of the captain of the Hurons who
had in his canoe but one prisoner, an Indian of Capt. Gorham's
Company. This unfortunate fellow was not careful to keep by his
master, and in consequence
"Ye Squaws Gathered themselves Round him, and Caught him by ye hair,
as many as could get hold of him, and halled him down to ye Ground,
and pound his head against ye Ground, ye Rest with Rods dancing Round
him, and wipted him over ye head and Legs, to Such a degree, that I
thought they would have killed him In ye Spot, or halled him in ye
watter and Drounded him, they was So Eager to have a Stroak at him
Each of them, that they halled him Some one way and Some another, Some
times Down towards ye water by ye hair of ye head, as fast as they
could Run, then ye other party would have ye Better and Run with him
another way, my master spoke to ye other Indians, and told ym to take
ye fellow out of their hands, for he believed they would Certainly
murther him, In a Verey Short time."
The squaws advanced towards Pote, but his master spoke something in
Indian in a very harsh manner that caused them to relinquish their
purpose. The prisoners and their Indian masters were conducted to
the camp of the captain of the village who, at their request, sent to
relieve the poor Mohawk from the abuse of the squaws, and he was
brought to them more dead than alive. At this place Pote met a
soldier that had been with him on the schooner "Montague" when she
was captured who told him how the Indians had abused him at his
arrival. Captain Pote did not entirely escape the attentions of the
"sauvagesses," witness the following entry in his journal:--
"Thursday ye 11th. This Day we Remained In ye Indian Village called
Medocatike, I observed ye Squaws could not by any means Content
themselves without having their Dance. they Continued Teasing my
master to Such a Degree, to have ye Liberty to Dance Round me, that he
Consented they might if they would Promis to not abuse me, they
Desired none of ye Rest, but me was all they aimed at for what Reason
I cannot Tell. When my masters had Given ym Liberty, which was Done in
my absence, there Came Into ye Camp, two Large Strong Squaws, and as I
was Setting by one of my masters, they Caught hold of my armes with
all their Strength, and Said Something in Indian, yt I Supposed was to
tell me to Come out of ye Camp, and halld me of my Seat. I Strugled
with ym and cleard my Self of their hold, and Set down by my master;
they Came upon me again Verey Vigorously, and as I was Striving with
them, my master ordered me to Go, and told me they would not hurt me.
At this I was obliged to Surrender and whent with ym, they Led me out
of ye Camp, Dancing and Singing after their manner, and Carried me to
one of their Camps where there was a Company of them Gathered for
their frolick, they made me Set down on a Bears Skin in ye Middle of
one of their Camps, and Gave me a pipe and Tobacoe, and Danced Round
me till the Sweat Trickled Down their faces, Verey plentyfully, I
Seeing one Squaw that was Verey Big with Child, Dancing and foaming at
ye mouth and Sweating, to Such a degree yt I Could not forbear
Smilling, which one of ye old Squaws Saw, and Gave me two or three
twitches by ye hair, otherwise I Escaped without any Punishment from
them at the time."
While he was at Medoctec one of the chiefs desired Pote to read a
contract or treaty made about fourteen years before by his tribe with
the Governor of Nova Scotia. He also had an interview with one Bonus
Castine,[18] who had just arrived at Medoctec, and who examined him
very strictly as to the cargo of the Montague and took down in writing
what he said. Castine told Pote that the Penobscot Indians were still
at peace with the English and he believed would so continue for come
time. Pote thought it not prudent to contradict him, though he was
confident there were several Penobscot Indians in the party that had
captured the Boston schooners. At his master's suggestion he remained
close in camp, as the Indians were dancing and singing the greater
part of the night, and Castine had made use of expressions that showed
his life was in great danger.
[18] In his journal Pote terms him "Bonus Castine from Pernobsquett;"
there can be little doubt that he was a descendant of Baron de
St. Castin, already mentioned in these pages.
The following day the Hurons resumed their journey and in due time
arrived at Quebec. At times the party suffered from lack of food,
though fish were usually abundant, and on one occasion they caught in
a small cove, a few miles below the mouth of the Tobique, as many as
fifty-four salmon in the course of a few hours.
Having considered, at greater length than was originally intended, the
adventures of Captain Pote, we may speak of other individuals and
incidents which figure in King George's War.
Paul Mascarene, who so gallantly and successfully defended Annapolis
Royal against the French and Indians, was born in the south of France
in 1684. His father was a Huguenot, and at the revocation of the edict
of Nantes was obliged to abandon his native country. Young Mascarene
was early thrown upon his own resources. At the age of 12 he made his
way to Geneva, where he was educated. Afterwards he went to England,
became a British subject and entered the army. He was present at the
taking of Port Royal by General Nicholson and, after serving with
credit in various capacities, was appointed Lieut.-Governor of Nova
Scotia in 1740. He eventually rose to the rank of a major general in
the English army.
Mascarene preserved his love for his native tongue and was always
disposed to deal kindly with the Acadians. Two very interesting
letters written by him in French to Madame Francoise Bellisle
Robichaux have been preserved. This lady came of rather remarkable
ancestry. She was the granddaughter of the Baron de St. Cactin, and
had as her great-grandsires on the one hand the celebrated Charles la
Tour, and on the other the famous Penobscot chieftain Madockawando.
In view of the fact that the Belleisle family lived for a considerable
time on the St. John river, where their name is preserved in that of
Belleisle Bay, it may be well to trace the lineage in fuller detail.
The eldest daughter of Charles la Tour by his second wife, the widow
of d'Aulnay Charnisay, was Marie la Tour, who was born in St. John in
1654.[19] She married when about twenty years of age Alexander le
Borgne de Belleisle, who was eleven years her senior. Their son
Alexander, born in 1679, married December 4, 1707, Anastasia St.
Castin, a daughter of the Baron, de St. Castin by his Indian wife
Melctilde, daughter of Madockawando, and as a consequence of this
alliance the younger le Borgne obtained great influence over the
Maliseets. Lieut.-Gov. Armstrong alludes to this circumstance in a
letter to the Lords of Trade, written in 1732, in which he observes,
"Madame Bellisle's son Alexander married an Indian and lived among the
tribe, being hostile to the British government." This statement is
hardly fair to Anastasie St. Castin, for, while her mother certainly
was the daughter of an Indian chief, her father was the Baron de St.
Castin and she herself a well educated woman. The genealogist of the
d'Abbadie St. Castin family, however, uses rather grandiloquent
language when he styles the mother of Anastasie St. Castin, "Mathilde
Matacawando, princess indienne, fille de Matacawando, general-en-chef
des indiens Abenakis."[20]
[19] Marie la Tour, widow of Alexander le Borgne was living at
Annapolis Royal in 1733 at the age of 79 years.
[20] See Transactions Royal Society of Canada 1895, p. 87.
In spite of the supposed hostility of Alexander le Borgne de Belleisle
to British rule in Acadia, he came before the governor and council at
Annapolis and took the oath of allegiance. He also presented a
petition requesting the restoration of the seignioral rights of his
father as one of the la Tour heirs; this was ordered to be transmitted
to the home authorities. For several years the sieur de Belleisle
lived with his family at Annapolis and the governor and council
regarded him with favor, but failed to obtain the recognition of his
seignioral rights. After a time the la Tour heirs got into litigation
among themselves, and one of their number, Agatha la Tour, who had
married an officer of the garrison, Ensign Campbell, seems to have
outwitted the other heirs and to have succeeded in selling the rights
of the la Tour family to the English crown for three thousand guineas.
This naturally was displeasing to Alexander le Borgne de Belleisle. He
retired to the St. John river about the year 1736 and settled near the
mouth of Belleisle Bay. He had a son Alexander (the third of the
name[21]), who married Marie Le Blanc and settled at Grand Pre, where
he died in 1744. Francoise Belleisle, who had the honor of being a
correspondent of Lieut.-Governor Mascarene, married Pierre Robichaux.
The wedding took place at Annapolis Royal, January 16, 1737, the
officiating priest being St. Poncy de Lavennede. The contracting
parties are described in the old church register as "Pierre Robichaux,
aged about 24 years, son of Francois Robichaux and Madeleine Terriot,
and Mademoiselle Francoise de Belle Isle, aged about 22 years,
daughter of Sieur Alexandre Le Borgne de Belle Isle and Anastasie de
St Castin of the Parish of Ste Anne." The bride signs her name
Francoise le Borgnes. It is evident that the "Parish of Ste. Anne" was
the parish or mission of that name on the St. John river from the fact
that two years later a second daughter of the Sieur de Bellisle
married a Robichaux and in her marriage certificate she figures as
"Marie Le Borgne de Belle Isle, daughter of Alexandre Le Borgne de
Belle Isle and of Anastasie St. Castin of the River St. John."
[21] The name "Alexander" descended through at least two more
generations, as I am informed by Placide P. Gaudet, who is by
all odds the best living authority in such matters. Alexander
le Borgne de Belleisle, mentioned above, left at his death a
widow and seven children, of whom six were transported with
their mother to Maryland at the time of the Acadian expulsion.
The remaining child Alexander Belleisle (the fourth) went to
L'Islet in Quebec, where he married Genevieve Cloutier in 1773
and their first son, Anthony Alexander, was baptized the year
following.--W. O. R.
The brothers Robichaux settled after their marriage near their
father-in-law on the St. John river and it was from them that the
little settlement of Robicheau, above the mouth of Belleisle Bay,
derived its name.[22]
[22] See Ganong's Historic Sites in New Brunswick: Transactions of
the Royal Society of Canada for 1899, p. 271.
[Illustration: (_From the Calnek-Savary History of Annapolis, by
permission of the Hon. Judge Savary._)]
Francoise Belleisle Robichaux wrote to Paul Mascarene early in 1741
respecting her claim to some property in dispute with her relatives at
Annapolis. The governor in his reply gives her some information and
advice, adding, "I think you too reasonable to expect any favor of me
in what concerns my conduct as a judge; but in every other thing
that is not contrary to my duty I shall have real pleasure in
testifying to you the esteem I have for you. Let me have your news
when there is an opportunity, freely and without fear."
When the war with France began, three years later, the sieur de
Belleisle and his son Alexander took sides with their countrymen. The
father evidently cherished a hope that in the course of events Acadia
might revert to France, in which case he expected to obtain the
recognition of his seignioral rights. Young Alexander le Borgne was,
as already stated, a leader of the Indians in the attack on Annapolis
early in 1744, which attack failed on account of the energy and
bravery of Mascarene. The following letter of the Lieut.-Governor to
Frances Belleisle Robichaux is of interest in thin connection.
Annapolis Royal, Oct. 13, 1744.
Madame,--When I learned that your father, in the hope of
recovering his seigneurial rights, had sided with those who came
to attack this fort, I confess I was of opinion that the whole
family participated in his feelings; and the more so, as your
brother was with the first party of savages who came here last
summer. I am agreeably surprised, however, and very glad to see by
your letter that you did not share in those sentiments, and that
you have remained true to the obligations which bind you to the
government of the King of Great Britain, I am unwilling that the
esteem which I have entertained for you should be in any manner
lessened.
With respect to the protection which you ask for your establishment
on the river St. John, it is out of my power to grant it. We
cannot protect those who trade with our declared enemies. Therefore
you must resolve to remain on this [the English] side during the
continuance of the present troubles, and to have no intercourse
with the other. Should you come and see us here, you will find
me disposed to give you all the assistance that you can reasonably
expect.
Be assured that I am, Madam,
Your friend and servant,
P. MASCARENE.
The next glimpse we get of the name of Belleisle on the River St. John
is in connection with a notable treaty made with the Indians in 1749.
In the summer of that year, peace having been proclaimed with France,
Capt. Edward How went to the St. John river in the warship "Albany,"
and had several interviews with the Indian chiefs, who agreed to send
deputies to Halifax to wait upon Governor Cornwallis and renew their
submission to the King of England. Accordingly on the 12th of August,
Francois Arodowish, Simon Sactawino, and Jean Baptiste Madounhook,
deputies from the chiefs of the St. John river, and Joannes
Pedousaghtigh, chief of Chignecto, with their attendants, arrived at
Halifax to pay their respects to the new governor, and to agree upon
"articles of a lasting peace."
Great must have been the wonder of these children of the forest at the
busy scene that met their eyes on landing at old Chebucto. A colony of
two thousand five hundred persons had settled on a spot hitherto
almost without inhabitant, and the Town of Halifax was rising, as if
by magic, from the soil which less than eight weeks before had been
covered by a dense forest. The sound of axes, hammers and saws was
heard on every hand.
Two days after their arrival the Indians were received on board the
man-of-war "Beaufort" by Cornwallis and his entire council. The
delegates announced that they were from Aukpaque, Medoctec,
Passamaquoddy and Chignecto, and that their respective chiefs were
Francois de Salle of Octpagh, Noellobig of Medoctec, Neptune
Abbadouallete of Passamaquoddy and Joannes Pedousaghtigh of Chignecto.
They brought with them a copy of the treaty made with their tribes in
1728 and expressed a desire to renew it. After the usual negotiations
the treaty was engrossed on parchment and signed by the Indians, each
man appending to his signature his private mark or "totem." Eleven
members of the council also signed the treaty as witnesses.
A few days later the Indians returned with Capt. How to the St. John
river, where the treaty was duly ratified, and thirteen chiefs signed
the following declaration:--
"The Articles of Peace concluded at Chebuckto the Fifteenth of August,
1749, with His Excellency Edward Cornwallis Esq'r, Capt. General
Governor and Commander-in-Chief of His Majesty's Province of Nova
Scotia or Acadie, and signed by our Deputies, having been communicated
to us by Edward How Esq'r, one of His Majesty's Council for said
Province, and faithfully interpreted to us by Madame De Bellisle
Inhabitant of this River nominated by us for that purpose. We the
Chiefs and Captains of the River St. Johns and places adjacent do for
ourselves and our different Tribes confirm and ratify the same to all
intents and purposes.
"Given under our hands at the River St. Johns this fourth day of
September, 1749."
At first glance it would seem that the interpreter, Madame Belleisle,
must have been Anastasie St. Castin, wife of Alexander le Borgne de
Belleisle, but as she was then more than sixty years of age it is
possible the interpreter may have been her daughter, Francoise
Belleisle Robichaux. That the latter had a position of some influence
with the Indians is shown by the fact that when the chiefs of the
River St. John went to Halifax in 1768 (nearly twenty years later)
they complained that the ornaments of their church "were taken by
Francoise Belleisle Robicheau and carried to Canada by her, and that
she refused to give them up." The natural presumption is that the
ornaments were intrusted to her care by the missionary, Germain, when
he left the mission of Ste. Anne, and that she took them with her for
safe keeping.
The English colonial authorities congratulated Cornwallis on the
treaty made with the Indians. "We are glad to find," say they, "that
the Indians of the St. John river have so willingly submitted to His
Majesty's government and renewed their treaty, and as they are the
most powerful tribe in those parts, we hope their example may either
awe or influence other inferior tribes to the like compliance."
Cornwallis in reply said, "I intend if possible to keep up a good
understanding with the St. John Indians, a warlike people, tho'
treaties with Indians are nothing, nothing but force will prevail."
Alexandre le Borgne de Belleisle was living on the River St. John as
late at least as 1754 and was regarded by the Nova Scotia authorities
as "a very good man." The site of his residence is indicated on
Charles Morris' map of 1765 and there can be little doubt that a
settlement of four houses in the same vicinity, marked "Robicheau" in
the Morris map of 1758, was the place of residence of Frances
Belleisle Robichaux.
The name Nid d'Aigle, or "The Eagle's Nest," is applied to this
locality in Bellin's map of 1744, D'Anville's map of 1755 marks at the
same place "Etabliss't Francois," or French Settlement. The place is
nearly opposite Evandale, the site of the well known summer hotel of
John O. Vanwart. Here the St. John river is quite narrow, only about a
five minutes paddle across. The British government during the war of
1812 built at Nid d'Aigle, or "Worden's," a fortification consisting
of an earthwork, or "half-moon battery," with magazine in rear and a
block-house at the crest of the hill still farther to the rear, the
ruins of which are frequently visited by tourists. The situation
commands an extensive and beautiful view of the river, both up and
down, and no better post of defence could be chosen, since the
narrowness of the channel would render it well nigh impossible for an
enemy to creep past either by day or night without detection. There is
some reason to believe that the French commander, Boishebert,
established a fortified post of observation here in 1756.
[Illustration: OLD FORT AT WORDEN'S]
It is altogether probable that the name "Nid d'Aigle" was given to the
place by the sieur de Belleisle or some member of his family, and one
could wish that it might be restored either in its original form, or
in its Saxon equivalent, "The Eagle's Nest."
Colonel Monckton, by direction of Governor Lawrence, ravaged the
French Settlements on the lower St. John in 1758, and in the report of
his operations mentions "a few Houses that were some time past
inhabited by the Robicheaus," which he burnt. It is possible that
Francoise Belleisle Robichaux went with her family to l'Islet in
Quebec to escape the threatened invasion of which they may have had
timely notice, but it is more probable the removal occurred a little
earlier. The situation of the Acadians on the River St. John in 1757
was pitiable in the extreme. They were cut off from every source of
supply and lived in fear of their lives. The Marquis de Vaudreuil says
that in consequence of the famine prevailing on the river, many
Acadian families were forced to fly to Quebec and so destitute were
the wretched ones in some instances that children died at their
mother's breast. The parish records of l'Islet[23] show that Pierre
Robichaux and his wife lived there in 1759.
[23] A child of Pierre Robichaud and Francoise Belleisle his wife was
interred at l'Islet, December 10, 1759.
Francoise Belleisle Robichaux died at l'Islet January 28, 1791, at the
age of 79 years, having outlived her husband six years. They had a
number of children, one of whom, Marie Angelique, married Jean
Baptiste d'Amour, de Chaufour, and had a daughter, Marguerite d'Amour,
whose name seems very familiar to us.
The parish records at l'Islet give considerable information concerning
the descendants of the families d'Amours, Robichaux and Belleisle, but
the space at our disposal will allow us to follow them no further.