been attended with difficulties which even now can only be overcome by
legislative aid. The selection of officers, the payment and discharge of
the troops enlisted for the war, the payment of the retained troops and
their reunion from detached and distant stations, the collection and
security of the public property in the Quartermaster, Commissary, and
Ordnance departments, and the constant medical assistance required in
hospitals and garrisons rendered a complete execution of the act
impracticable on the 1st of May, the period more immediately contemplated.
As soon, however, as circumstances would permit, and as far as it has been
practicable consistently with the public interests, the reduction of the
Army has been accomplished; but the appropriations for its pay and for
other branches of the military service having proved inadequate, the
earliest attention to that subject will be necessary; and the expediency of
continuing upon the peace establishment the staff officers who have
hitherto been provisionally retained is also recommended to the
consideration of Congress.
In the performance of the Executive duty upon this occasion there has not
been wanting a just sensibility to the merits of the American Army during
the late war; but the obvious policy and design in fixing an efficient
military peace establishment did not afford an opportunity to distinguish
the aged and infirm on account of their past services nor the wounded and
disabled on account of their present sufferings.
The extent of the reduction, indeed, unavoidably involved the exclusion of
many meritorious officers of every rank from the service of their country;
and so equal as well as so numerous were the claims to attention that a
decision by the standard of comparative merit could seldom be attained.
Judged, however, in candor by a general standard of positive merit, the
Army Register will, it is believed, do honor to the establishment, while
the case of those officers whose names are not included in it devolves with
the strongest interest upon the legislative authority for such provisions
as shall be deemed the best calculated to give support and solace to the
veteran and the invalid, to display the beneficence as well as the justice
of the Government, and to inspire a martial zeal for the public service
upon every future emergency.
Although the embarrassments arising from the want of an uniform national
currency have not been diminished since the adjournment of Congress, great
satisfaction has been derived in contemplating the revival of the public
credit and the efficiency of the public resources. The receipts into the
Treasury from the various branches of revenue during the nine months ending
on the 30th of September last have been estimated at $12.5 millions; the
issues of Treasury notes of every denomination during the same period
amounted to the sum of $14 millions, and there was also obtained upon loan
during the same period a sum of $9 millions, of which the sum of $6
millions was subscribed in cash and the sum of $3 millions in Treasury
notes.
With these means, added to the sum of $1.5 millions, being the balance of
money in the Treasury on the 1st day of January, there has been paid
between the 1st of January and the 1st of October on account of the
appropriations of the preceding and of the present year (exclusively of
the amount of the Treasury notes subscribed to the loan and of the amount
redeemed in the payment of duties and taxes) the aggregate sum of $33.5
millions, leaving a balance then in the Treasury estimated at the sum of
$3 millions. Independent, however of the arrearages due for military
services and supplies, it is presumed that a further sum of $5 millions,
including the interest on the public debt payable on the 1st of January
next, will be demanded at the Treasury to complete the expenditures of
the present year, and for which the existing ways and means will
sufficiently provide.
The national debt, as it was ascertained on the 1st of October last,
amounted in the whole to the sum of $120 millions, consisting of the
unredeemed balance of the debt contracted before the late war ($39
millions), the amount of the funded debt contracted in consequence of the
war ($64 millions), and the amount of the unfunded and floating debt,
including the various issues of Treasury notes, $17 millions, which is in
gradual course of payment.
There will probably be some addition to the public debt upon the
liquidation of various claims which are depending, and a conciliatory
disposition on the part of Congress may lead honorably and advantageously
to an equitable arrangement of the militia expenses incurred by the several
States without the previous sanction or authority of the Government of the
United States; but when it is considered that the new as well as the old
portion of the debt has been contracted in the assertion of the national
rights and independence, and when it is recollected that the public
expenditures, not being exclusively bestowed upon subjects of a transient
nature, will long be visible in the number and equipments of the American
Navy, in the military works for the defense of our harbors and our
frontiers, and in the supplies of our arsenals and magazines the amount
will bear a gratifying comparison with the objects which have been
attained, as well as with the resources of the country.
The arrangements of the finances with a view to the receipts and
expenditures of a permanent peace establishment will necessarily enter into
the deliberations of Congress during the present session. It is true that
the improved condition of the public revenue will not only afford the means
of maintaining the faith of the Government with its creditors inviolate,
and of prosecuting successfully the measures of the most liberal policy,
but will also justify an immediate alleviation of the burdens imposed by
the necessities of the war.
It is, however, essential to every modification of the finances that the
benefits of an uniform national currency should be restored to the
community. The absence of the precious metals will, it is believed, be a
temporary evil, but until they can again be rendered the general medium of
exchange it devolves on the wisdom of Congress to provide a substitute
which shall equally engage the confidence and accommodate the wants of the
citizens throughout the Union. If the operation of the State banks can not
produce this result, the probable operation of a national bank will merit
consideration; and if neither of these expedients be deemed effectual it
may become necessary to ascertain the terms upon which the notes of the
Government (no longer required as an instrument of credit) shall be issued
upon motives of general policy as a common medium of circulation.
Notwithstanding the security for future repose which the United States
ought to find in their love of peace and their constant respect for the
rights of other nations, the character of the times particularly inculcates
the lesson that, whether to prevent or repel danger, we ought not to be
unprepared for it. This consideration will sufficiently recommend to
Congress a liberal provision for the immediate extension and gradual
completion of the works of defense, both fixed and floating, on our
maritime frontier, and an adequate provision for guarding our inland
frontier against dangers to which certain portions of it may continue to be
exposed.
As an improvement in our military establishment, it will deserve the
consideration of Congress whether a corps of invalids might not be so
organized and employed as at once to aid in the support of meritorious
individuals excluded by age or infirmities from the existing establishment,
and to procure to the public the benefit of their stationary services and
of their exemplary discipline.
I recommend also an enlargement of the Military Academy already
established, and the establishment of others in other sections of the
Union; and I can not press too much on the attention of Congress such a
classification and organization of the militia as will most effectually
render it the safeguard of a free state. If experience has shewn in the
recent splendid achievements of militia the value of this resource for the
public defense, it has shewn also the importance of that skill in the use
of arms and that familiarity with the essential rules of discipline which
can not be expected from the regulations now in force.
With this subject is intimately connected the necessity of accommodating
the laws in every respect to the great object of enabling the political
authority of the Union to employ promptly and effectually the physical
power of the Union in the cases designated by the Constitution.
The signal services which have been rendered by our Navy and the capacities
it has developed for successful cooperation in the national defense will
give to that portion of the public force its full value in the eyes of
Congress, at an epoch which calls for the constant vigilance of all
governments. To preserve the ships now in a sound state, to complete those
already contemplated, to provide amply the imperishable materials for
prompt augmentations, and to improve the existing arrangements into more
advantageous establishments for the construction, the repairs, and the
security of vessels of war is dictated by the soundest policy.
In adjusting the duties on imports to the object of revenue the influence
of the tariff on manufactures will necessarily present itself for
consideration. However wise the theory may be which leaves to the sagacity
and interest of individuals the application of their industry and
resources, there are in this as in other cases exceptions to the general
rule. Besides the condition which the theory itself implies of reciprocal
adoption by other nations, experience teaches that so many circumstances
must concur in introducing and maturing manufacturing establishments,
especially of the more complicated kinds, that a country may remain long
without them, although sufficiently advanced and in some respects even
peculiarly fitted for carrying them on with success. Under circumstances
giving a powerful impulse to manufacturing industry it has made among us a
progress and exhibited an efficiency which justify the belief that with a
protection not more than is due to the enterprising citizens whose
interests are now at stake it will become at an early day not only safe
against occasional competitions from abroad, but a source of domestic
wealth and even of external commerce.
In selecting the branches more especially entitled to the public patronage
a preference is obviously claimed by such as will relieve the United States
from a dependence on foreign supplies, ever subject to casual failures, for
articles necessary for the public defense or connected with the primary
wants of individuals. It will be an additional recommendation of particular
manufactures where the materials for them are extensively drawn from our
agriculture, and consequently impart and insure to that great fund of
national prosperity and independence an encouragement which can not fail to
be rewarded.
Among the means of advancing the public interest the occasion is a proper
one for recalling the attention of Congress to the great importance of
establishing throughout our country the roads and canals which can best be
executed under the national authority. No objects within the circle of
political economy so richly repay the expense bestowed on them; there are
none the utility of which is more universally ascertained and acknowledged;
none that do more honor to the governments whose wise and enlarged
patriotism duly appreciates them. Nor is there any country which presents a
field where nature invites more the art of man to complete her own work for
his accommodation and benefit.
These considerations are strengthened, moreover, by the political effect of
these facilities for intercommunication in bringing and binding more
closely together the various parts of our extended confederacy. Whilst the
States individually, with a laudable enterprise and emulation, avail
themselves of their local advantages by new roads, by navigable canals, and
by improving the streams susceptible of navigation, the General Government
is the more urged to similar undertakings, requiring a national
jurisdiction and national means, by the prospect of thus systematically
completing so inestimable a work; and it is a happy reflection that any
defect of constitutional authority which may be encountered can be supplied
in a mode which the Constitution itself has providently pointed out.
The present is a favorable season also for bringing again into view the
establishment of a national seminary of learning within the District of
Columbia, and with means drawn from the property therein, subject to the
authority of the General Government. Such an institution claims the
patronage of Congress as a monument of their solicitude for the advancement
of knowledge, without which the blessings of liberty can not be fully
enjoyed or long preserved; as a model instructive in the formation of other
seminaries; as a nursery of enlightened preceptors, and as a central resort
of youth and genius from every part of their country, diffusing on their
return examples of those national feelings, those liberal sentiments, and
those congenial manners which contribute cement to our Union and strength
to the great political fabric of which that is the foundation.
In closing this communication I ought not to repress a sensibility, in
which you will unite, to the happy lot of our country and to the goodness
of a superintending Providence, to which we are indebted for it. Whilst
other portions of mankind are laboring under the distresses of war or
struggling with adversity in other forms, the United States are in the
tranquil enjoyment of prosperous and honorable peace. In reviewing the
scenes through which it has been attained we can rejoice in the proofs
given that our political institutions, founded in human rights and framed
for their preservation, are equal to the severest trials of war, as well
adapted to the ordinary periods of repose.
As fruits of this experience and of the reputation acquired by the American
arms on the land and on the water, the nation finds itself possessed of a
growing respect abroad and of a just confidence in itself, which are among
the best pledges for its peaceful career. Under other aspects of our
country the strongest features of its flourishing condition are seen in a
population rapidly increasing on a territory as productive as it is
extensive; in a general industry and fertile ingenuity which find their
ample rewards, and in an affluent revenue which admits a reduction of the
public burdens without withdrawing the means of sustaining the public
credit, of gradually discharging the public debt, of providing for the
necessary defensive and precautionary establishments, and of patronizing in
every authorized mode undertakings conducive to the aggregate wealth and
individual comfort of our citizens.
It remains for the guardians of the public welfare to persevere in that
justice and good will toward other nations which invite a return of these
sentiments toward the United States; to cherish institutions which
guarantee their safety and their liberties, civil and religious; and to
combine with a liberal system of foreign commerce an improvement of the
national advantages and a protection and extension of the independent
resources of our highly favored and happy country.
In all measures having such objects my faithful cooperation will be
afforded.
***
State of the Union Address
James Madison
December 3, 1816
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
In reviewing the present state of our country, our attention cannot be
withheld from the effect produced by peculiar seasons which have very
generally impaired the annual gifts of the earth and threatened scarcity in
particular districts. Such, however, is the variety of soils, of climates,
and of products within our extensive limits that the aggregate resources
for subsistence are more than sufficient for the aggregate wants. And as
far as an economy of consumption, more than usual, may be necessary, our
thankfulness is due to Providence for what is far more than a compensation,
in the remarkable health which has distinguished the present year.
Amidst the advantages which have succeeded the peace of Europe, and that of
the United States with Great Britain, in a general invigoration of industry
among us and in the extension of our commerce, the value of which is more
and more disclosing itself to commercial nations, it is to be regretted
that a depression is experienced by particular branches of our manufactures
and by a portion of our navigation. As the first proceeds in an essential
degree from an excess of imported merchandise, which carries a check in its
own tendency, the cause in its present extent can not be very long in
duration. The evil will not, however, be viewed by Congress without a
recollection that manufacturing establishments, if suffered to sink too low
or languish too long, may not revive after the causes shall have ceased,
and that in the vicissitudes of human affairs situations may recur in which
a dependence on foreign sources for indispensable supplies may be among the
most serious embarrassments.
The depressed state of our navigation is to be ascribed in a material
degree to its exclusion from the colonial ports of the nation most
extensively connected with us in commerce, and from the indirect operation
of that exclusion.
Previous to the late convention at London between the United States and
Great Britain the relative state of the navigation laws of the two
countries, growing out of the treaty of 1794, had given to the British
navigation a material advantage over the American in the intercourse
between the American ports and British ports in Europe. The convention of
London equalized the laws of the two countries relating to those ports,
leaving the intercourse between our ports and the ports of the British
colonies subject, as before, to the respective regulations of the parties.
The British Government enforcing now regulations which prohibit a trade
between its colonies and the United States in American vessels, whilst they
permit a trade in British vessels, the American navigation loses
accordingly, and the loss is augmented by the advantage which is given to
the British competition over the American in the navigation between our
ports and British ports in Europe by the circuitous voyages enjoyed by the
one and not enjoyed by the other.
The reasonableness of the rule of reciprocity applied to one branch of the
commercial intercourse has been pressed on our part as equally applicable
to both branches; but it is ascertained that the British cabinet declines
all negotiation on the subject, with a disavowal, however, of any
disposition to view in an unfriendly light whatever countervailing
regulations the United States may oppose to the regulations of which they
complain. The wisdom of the Legislature will decide on the course which,
under these circumstances, is prescribed by a joint regard to the amicable
relations between the two nations and to the just interests of the United
States.
I have the satisfaction to state, generally, that we remain in amity with
foreign powers.
An occurrence has indeed taken place in the Gulf of Mexico which, if
sanctioned by the Spanish Government, may make an exception as to that
power. According to the report of our naval commander on that station, one
of our public armed vessels was attacked by an over-powering force under a
Spanish commander, and the American flag, with the officers and crew,
insulted in a manner calling for prompt reparation. This has been demanded.
In the mean time a frigate and a smaller vessel of war have been ordered
into that Gulf for the protection of our commerce. It would be improper to
omit that the representative of His Catholic Majesty in the United States
lost no time in giving the strongest assurances that no hostile order could
have emanated from his Government, and that it will be as ready to do as to
expect whatever the nature of the case and the friendly relations of the
two countries shall be found to require.
The posture of our affairs with Algiers at the present moment is not known.
The Dey, drawing pretexts from circumstances for which the United States
were not answerable, addressed a letter to this Government declaring the
treaty last concluded with him to have been annulled by our violation of
it, and presenting as the alternative war or a renewal of the former
treaty, which stipulated, among other things, an annual tribute. The
answer, with an explicit declaration that the United States preferred war
to tribute, required his recognition and observance of the treaty last
made, which abolishes tribute and the slavery of our captured citizens. The
result of the answer has not been received. Should he renew his warfare on
our commerce, we rely on the protection it will find in our naval force
actually in the Mediterranean.
With the other Barbary States our affairs have undergone no change.
The Indian tribes within our limits appear also disposed to remain at
peace. From several of them purchases of lands have been made particularly
favorable to the wishes and security of our frontier settlements, as well
as to the general interests of the nation. In some instances the titles,
though not supported by due proof, and clashing those of one tribe with the
claims of another, have been extinguished by double purchases, the
benevolent policy of the United States preferring the augmented expense to
the hazard of doing injustice or to the enforcement of justice against a
feeble and untutored people by means involving or threatening an effusion
of blood.
I am happy to add that the tranquillity which has been restored among the
tribes themselves, as well as between them and our own population, will
favor the resumption of the work of civilization which had made an
encouraging progress among some tribes, and that the facility is increasing
for extending that divided and individual ownership, which exists now in
movable property only, to the soil itself, and of thus establishing in the
culture and improvement of it the true foundation for a transit from the
habits of the savage to the arts and comforts of social life.
As a subject of the highest importance to the national welfare, I must
again earnestly recommend to the consideration of Congress a reorganization
of the militia on a plan which will form it into classes according to the
periods of life more or less adapted to military services. An efficient
militia is authorized and contemplated by the Constitution and required by
the spirit and safety of free government. The present organization of our
militia is universally regarded as less efficient than it ought to be made,
and no organization can be better calculated to give to it its due force
than a classification which will assign the foremost place in the defense
of the country to that portion of its citizens whose activity and animation
best enable them to rally to its standard. Besides the consideration that a
time of peace is the time when the change can be made with most convenience
and equity, it will now be aided by the experience of a recent war in which
the militia bore so interesting a part.
Congress will call to mind that no adequate provision has yet been made for
the uniformity of weights and measures also contemplated by the
Constitution. The great utility of a standard fixed in its nature and
founded on the easy rule of decimal proportions is sufficiently obvious. It
led the Government at an early stage to preparatory steps for introducing
it, and a completion of the work will be a just title to the public
gratitude.