security for free states, and the Constitution having wisely committed to
the national authority a use of that force as the best provision against an
unsafe military establishment, as well as a resource peculiarly adapted to
a country having the extent and the exposure of the United States, I
recommend to Congress a revision of the militia laws for the purpose of
securing more effectually the services of all detachments called into the
employment and placed under the Government of the United States.
It will deserve the consideration of Congress also whether among other
improvements in the militia laws justice does not require a regulation,
under due precautions, for defraying the expense incident to the first
assembling as well as the subsequent movements of detachments called into
the national service.
To give to our vessels of war, public and private, the requisite advantage
in their cruises, it is of much importance that they should have, both for
themselves and their prizes, the use of the ports and markets of friendly
powers. With this view, I recommend to Congress the expediency of such
legal provisions as may supply the defects or remove the doubts of the
Executive authority, to allow to the cruisers of other powers at war with
enemies of the United States such use of the American ports as may
correspond with the privileges allowed by such powers to American
cruisers.
During the year ending on the 30th of September last the receipts into the
Treasury have exceeded $37.5 millions, of which near $24 millions were the
produce of loans. After meeting all demands for the public service there
remained in the Treasury on that day near $7 millions. Under the
authority contained in the act of the 2nd of August last for borrowing
$7.5 millions, that sum has been obtained on terms more favorable to the
United States than those of the preceding loans made during the present
year. Further sums to a considerable amount will be necessary to be
obtained in the same way during the ensuing year, and from the increased
capital of the country, from the fidelity with which the public
engagements have been kept and the public credit maintained, it may be
expected on good grounds that the necessary pecuniary supplies will
not be wanting.
The expenses of the current year, from the multiplied operations falling
within it, have necessarily been extensive; but on a just estimate of the
campaign in which the mass of them has been incurred the cost will not be
found disproportionate to the advantages which have been gained. The
campaign has, indeed, in its latter stages in one quarter been less
favorable than was expected, but in addition to the importance of our naval
success the progress of the campaign has been filled with incidents highly
honorable to the American arms.
The attacks of the enemy on Craney Island, on Fort Meigs, on Sacketts
Harbor, and on Sandusky have been vigorously and successfully repulsed; nor
have they in any case succeeded on either frontier excepting when directed
against the peaceable dwellings of individuals or villages unprepared or
undefended.
On the other hand, the movements of the American Army have been followed by
the reduction of York, and of Forts George, Erie, and Malden; by the
recovery of Detroit and the extinction of the Indian war in the West, and
by the occupancy or command of a large portion of Upper Canada. Battles
have also been fought on the borders of the St. Lawrence, which, though not
accomplishing their entire objects, reflect honor on the discipline and
prowess of our soldiery, the best auguries of eventual victory. In the same
scale are to be placed the late successes in the South over one of the most
powerful, which had become one of the most hostile also, of the Indian
tribes.
It would be improper to close this communication without expressing a
thankfulness in which all ought to unite for the abundance; for the
preservation of our internal tranquillity, and the stability of our free
institutions, and, above all, for the light of divine truth and the
protection of every man's conscience in the enjoyment of it. And although
among our blessings we can not number an exemption from the evils of war,
yet these will never be regarded as the greatest of evils by the friends of
liberty and of the rights of nations. Our country has before preferred them
to the degraded condition which was the alternative when the sword was
drawn in the cause which gave birth to our national independence, and none
who contemplate the magnitude and feel the value of that glorious event
will shrink from a struggle to maintain the high and happy ground on which
it placed the American people.
With all good citizens the justice and necessity of resisting wrongs and
usurpations no longer to be borne will sufficiently outweigh the privations
and sacrifices inseparable from a state of war. But it is a reflection,
moreover, peculiarly consoling, that, whilst wars are generally aggravated
by their baneful effects on the internal improvements and permanent
prosperity of the nations engaged in them, such is the favored situation of
the United States that the calamities of the contest into which they have
been compelled to enter are mitigated by improvements and advantages of
which the contest itself is the source.
If the war has increased the interruptions of our commerce, it has at the
same time cherished and multiplied our manufactures so as to make us
independent of all other countries for the more essential branches for
which we ought to be dependent on none, and is even rapidly giving them an
extent which will create additional staples in our future intercourse with
foreign markets.
If much treasure has been expended, no inconsiderable portion of it has
been applied to objects durable in their value and necessary to our
permanent safety.
If the war has exposed us to increased spoliations on the ocean and to
predatory incursions on the land, it has developed the national means of
retaliating the former and of providing protection against the latter,
demonstrating to all that every blow aimed at our maritime independence is
an impulse accelerating the growth of our maritime power.
By diffusing through the mass of the nation the elements of military
discipline and instruction; by augmenting and distributing warlike
preparations applicable to future use; by evincing the zeal and valor with
which they will be employed and the cheerfulness with which every necessary
burden will be borne, a greater respect for our rights and a longer
duration of our future peace are promised than could be expected without
these proofs of the national character and resources.
The war has proved moreover that our free Government, like other free
governments, though slow in its early movements, acquires in its progress a
force proportioned to its freedom, and that the union of these States, the
guardian of the freedom and safety of all and of each, is strengthened by
every occasion that puts it to the test.
In fine, the war, with all its vicissitudes, is illustrating the capacity
and the destiny of the United States to be a great, a flourishing, and a
powerful nation, worthy of the friendship which it is disposed to cultivate
with all others, and authorized by its own example to require from all an
observance of the laws of justice and reciprocity. Beyond these their
claims have never extended, and in contending for these we behold a subject
for our congratulations in the daily testimonies of increasing harmony
throughout the nation, and may humbly repose our trust in the smiles of
Heaven on so righteous a cause.
***
State of the Union Address
James Madison
September 20, 1814
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
Notwithstanding the early day which had been fixed for your session of the
present year, I was induced to call you together still sooner, as well that
any inadequacy in the existing provisions for the wants of the Treasury
might be supplied as that no delay might happen in providing for the result
of the negotiations on foot with Great Britain, whether it should require
arrangements adapted to a return of peace or further and more effective
provisions for prosecuting the war.
That result is not yet known. If, on the one hand, the repeal of the orders
in council and the general pacification in Europe, which withdrew the
occasion on which impressments from American vessels were practiced,
suggest expectations that peace and amity may be reestablished, we are
compelled, on the other hand, by the refusal of the British Government to
accept the offered mediation of the Emperor of Russia, by the delays in
giving effect to its own proposal of a direct negotiation, and, above all,
by the principles and manner in which the war is now avowedly carried on to
infer that a spirit of hostility is indulged more violent than ever against
the rights and prosperity of this country.
This increased violence is best explained by the two important
circumstances that the great contest in Europe for an equilibrium
guaranteeing all its States against the ambition of any has been closed
without any check on the over-bearing power of Great Britain on the ocean,
and it has left in her hands disposable armaments, with which, forgetting
the difficulties of a remote war with a free people, and yielding to the
intoxication of success, with the example of a great victim to it before
her eyes, she cherishes hopes of still further aggrandizing a power already
formidable in its abuses to the tranquillity of the civilized and
commercial world.
But whatever may have inspired the enemy with these more violent purposes,
the public councils of a nation more able to maintain than it was to
require its independence, and with a devotion to it rendered more ardently
by the experience of its blessings, can never deliberate but on the means
most effectual for defeating the extravagant views or unwarrantable
passions with which alone the war can now be pursued against us.
In the events of the present campaign the enemy, with all his augmented
means and wanton use of them, has little ground for exultation, unless he
can feel it in the success of his recent enterprises against this
metropolis and the neighboring town of Alexandria, from both of which his
retreats were as precipitate as his attempts were bold and fortunate. In
his other incursions on our Atlantic frontier his progress, often checked
and chastised by the martial spirit of the neighboring citizens, has had
more effect in distressing individuals and in dishonoring his arms than in
promoting any object of legitimate warfare; and in the two instances
mentioned, however deeply to be regretted on our part, he will find in his
transient success, which interrupted for a moment only the ordinary
business at the seat of Government, no compensation for the loss of
character with the world by his violations of private property and by his
destruction of public edifices protected as monuments of the arts by the
laws of civilized warfare.
On our side we can appeal to a series of achievements which have given new
luster to the American arms. Besides the brilliant incidents in the minor
operations of the campaign, the splendid victories gained on the Canadian
side of the Niagara by the American forces under Major-General Brown and
Brigadiers Scott and Gaines have gained for these heroes and their
emulating companions the most unfading laurels, and, having triumphantly
tested the progressive discipline of the American soldiery, have taught the
enemy that the longer he protracts his hostile efforts the more certain and
decisive will be his final discomfiture.
On our southern border victory has continued also to follow the American
standard. The bold and skillful operations of Major-General Jackson,
conducting troops drawn from the militia of the States least distant,
particularly Tennessee, have subdued the principal tribes of hostile
savages, and, by establishing a peace with them, preceded by recent and
exemplary chastisement, has best guarded against the mischief of their
cooperations with the British enterprises which may be planned against that
quarter of our country. Important tribes of Indians on our northwestern
frontier have also acceded to stipulations which bind them to the interests
of the United States and to consider our enemy as theirs also.
In the recent attempt of the enemy on the city of Baltimore, defended by
militia and volunteers, aided by a small body of regulars and sea men, he
was received with a spirit which produced a rapid retreat to his ships,
whilst concurrent attack by a large fleet was successfully resisted by the
steady and well-directed fire of the fort and batteries opposed to it.
In another recent attack by a powerful force on our troops at Plattsburg,
of which regulars made a part only, the enemy, after a perseverance for
many hours, was finally compelled to seek safety in a hasty retreat, with
our gallant bands pressing upon them.
On the Lakes, so much contested throughout the war, the great exertions for
the command made on our part have been well repaid. On Lake Ontario our
squadron is now and has been for some time in a condition to confine that
of the enemy to his own port, and to favor the operations of our land
forces on that frontier.
A part of the squadron on Lake Erie has been extended into Lake Huron, and
has produced the advantage of displaying our command on that lake also. One
object of the expedition was the reduction of Mackinaw, which followed with
the loss of a few brave men, among whom was an officer justly distinguished
for his gallant exploits. The expedition, ably conducted by both the land
and the naval commanders, was otherwise highly valuable in its effects.
On Lake Champlain, where our superiority had for some time been undisputed,
the British squadron lately came into action with the American, commanded
by Captain Macdonough. It issued in the capture of the whole of the enemy's
ships. The best praise for this officer and his intrepid comrades is in the
likeness of his triumph to the illustrious victory which immortalized
another officer and established at a critical moment our command of another
lake.
On the ocean the pride of our naval arms had been amply supported. A second
frigate has indeed fallen into the hands of the enemy, but the loss is
hidden in the blaze of heroism with which she was defended. Captain Porter,
who commanded her, and whose previous career had been distinguished by
daring enterprise and by fertility of genius, maintained a sanguinary
contest against two ships, one of them superior to his own, and under other
severe disadvantages, 'til humanity tore down the colors which valor had
nailed to the mast. This officer and his brave comrades have added much to
the rising glory of the American flag, and have merited all the effusions
of gratitude which their country is ever ready to bestow on the champions
of its rights and of its safety.
Two smaller vessels of war have also become prizes to the enemy, but by a
superiority of force which sufficiently vindicates the reputation of their
commanders, whilst two others, one commanded by Captain Warrington, the
other by Captain Blakely, have captured British ships of the same class
with a gallantry and good conduct which entitle them and their companions
to a just share in the praise of their country.
In spite of the naval force of the enemy accumulated on our coasts, our
private cruisers also have not ceased to annoy his commerce and to bring
their rich prizes into our ports, contributing thus, with other proofs, to
demonstrate the incompetency and illegality of a blockade the proclamation
of which is made the pretext for vexing and discouraging the commerce of
neutral powers with the United States.
To meet the extended and diversified warfare adopted by the enemy, great
bodies of militia have been taken into service for the public defense, and
great expenses incurred. That the defense everywhere may be both more
convenient and more economical, Congress will see the necessity of
immediate measures for filling the ranks of the Regular Army and of
enlarging the provision for special corps, mounted and unmounted, to be
engaged for longer periods of service than are due from the militia. I
earnestly renew, at the same time, a recommendation of such changes in the
system of the militia as, by classing and disciplining for the most prompt
and active service the portions most capable of it, will give to that great
resource for the public safety all the requisite energy and efficiency.
The moneys received into the Treasury during the nine months ending on the
30th day of June last amounted to $32 millions, of which near $11 millions
were the proceeds of the public revenue and the remainder derived from
loans. The disbursements for public expenditures during the same period
exceeded $34 millions, and left in the Treasury on the first day of July
near $5 millions. The demands during the remainder of the present year
already authorized by Congress and the expenses incident to an extension
of the operations of the war will render it necessary that large sums
should be provided to meet them.
From this view of the national affairs Congress will be urged to take up
without delay as well the subject of pecuniary supplies as that of military
force, and on a scale commensurate with the extent and the character which
the war has assumed. It is not to be disguised that the situation of our
country calls for its greatest efforts.
Our enemy is powerful in men and in money, on the land and on the water.
Availing himself of fortuitous advantages, he is aiming with his undivided
force a deadly blow at our growing prosperity, perhaps at our national
existence. He has avowed his purpose of trampling on the usages of
civilized warfare, and given earnests of it in the plunder and wanton
destruction of private property. In his pride of maritime dominion and in
his thirst of commercial monopoly he strikes with peculiar animosity at the
progress of our navigation and of our manufactures. His barbarous policy
has not even spared those monuments of the arts and models of taste with
which our country had enriched and embellished its infant metropolis. From
such an adversary hostility in its greatest force and in its worst forms
may be looked for.
The American people will face it with the undaunted spirit which in their
revolutionary struggle defeated his unrighteous projects. His threats and
his barbarities, instead of dismay, will kindle in every bosom an
indignation not to be extinguished but in the disaster and expulsion of
such cruel invaders.
In providing the means necessary the National Legislature will not distrust
the heroic and enlightened patriotism of its constituents. They will
cheerfully and proudly bear every burden of every kind which the safety and
honor of the nation demand. We have seen them everywhere paying their
taxes, direct and indirect, with the greatest promptness and alacrity. We
see them rushing with enthusiasm to the scenes where danger and duty call.
In offering their blood they give the surest pledge that no other tribute
will be withheld.
Having forborne to declare war until to other aggressions had been added
the capture of near one thousand American vessels and the impressment of
thousands of American sea faring citizens, and until a final declaration
had been made by the Government of Great Britain that her hostile orders
against our commerce would not be revoked but on conditions as impossible
as unjust, whilst it was known that these orders would not otherwise
cease but with a war which had lasted nearly twenty years, and which,
according to appearances at that time, might last as many more; having
manifested on every occasion and in every proper mode a sincere desire to
arrest the effusion of blood and meet our enemy on the ground of justice
and reconciliation, our beloved country, in still opposing to his
persevering hostility all its energies, with an undiminished disposition
toward peace and friendship on honorable terms, must carry with it the
good wishes of the impartial world and the best hopes of support from an
omnipotent and kind Providence.
***
State of the Union Address
James Madison
December 5, 1815
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
I have the satisfaction on our present meeting of being able to communicate
the successful termination of the war which had been commenced against the
United States by the Regency of Algiers. The squadron in advance on that
service, under Commodore Decatur, lost not a moment after its arrival in
the Mediterranean in seeking the naval force of the enemy then cruising in
that sea, and succeeded in capturing two of his ships, one of them the
principal ship, commanded by the Algerine admiral. The high character of
the American commander was brilliantly sustained on the occasion which
brought his own ship into close action with that of his adversary, as was
the accustomed gallantry of all the officers and men actually engaged.
Having prepared the way by this demonstration of American skill and
prowess, he hastened to the port of Algiers, where peace was promptly
yielded to his victorious force.
In the terms stipulated the rights and honor of the United States were
particularly consulted by a perpetual relinquishment on the part of the Dey
of all pretensions to tribute from them. The impressions which have thus
been made, strengthened as they will have been by subsequent transactions
with the Regencies of Tunis and of Tripoli by the appearance of the larger
force which followed under Commodore Bainbridge, the chief in command of
the expedition, and by the judicious precautionary arrangements left by him
in that quarter, afford a reasonable prospect of future security for the
valuable portion of our commerce which passes within reach of the Barbary
cruisers.
It is another source of satisfaction that the treaty of peace with Great
Britain has been succeeded by a convention on the subject of commerce
concluded by the plenipotentiaries of the two countries. In this result a
disposition is manifested on the part of that nation corresponding with the
disposition of the United States, which it may be hoped will be improved
into liberal arrangements on other subjects on which the parties have
mutual interests, or which might endanger their future harmony. Congress
will decide on the expediency of promoting such a sequel by giving effect
to the measure of confining the American navigation to American sea men--a
measure which, at the same time that it might have that conciliatory
tendency, would have the further advantage of increasing the independence
of our navigation and the resources for our maritime defense.
In conformity with the articles in the treaty of Ghent relating to the
Indians, as well as with a view to the tranquillity of our western and
northwestern frontiers, measures were taken to establish an immediate peace
with the several tribes who had been engaged in hostilities against the
United States. Such of them as were invited to Detroit acceded readily to a
renewal of the former treaties of friendship. Of the other tribes who were
invited to a station on the Mississippi the greater number have also
accepted the peace offered to them. The residue, consisting of the more
distant tribes or parts of tribes, remain to be brought over by further
explanations, or by such other means as may be adapted to the dispositions
they may finally disclose.
The Indian tribes within and bordering on the southern frontier, whom a
cruel war on their part had compelled us to chastise into peace, have
latterly shown a restlessness which has called for preparatory measures for
repressing it, and for protecting the commissioners engaged in carrying the
terms of the peace into execution.