But still I must be personal, and not write merely of the climate and

productions of California, as I have been doing to others for the past

four weeks. How I do wish I could be dropped amongst you for but 24

hours! What talk I should hear! What perceptions of truth from you and

Bay (and probably young Leslie) would pour into my receptive soul. How

I _should_ like to hear you hold forth about the French, their art,

their literature, their nature, and all else about them! How I should

like to hear you _talk_ French! How I should like to note the changes

wrought in you by all this experience, and take all sorts of excursions

in your company! Don't come home for one more year if you can help it.

Stay and let the impressions set and tie themselves in with a hard knot,

so that they will be worth something and definitive.

I am so glad to hear that Bay is doing so well, and doubly glad (as Mrs.

Dibblee tells me from Anita) that H. J. is going to sit to her for his

portrait. I am a bit sorry that the youthful Harry didn't accept your

invitation, but his time was after all so short that it has been perhaps

good for him to get the massive English impression. What times we live

in! Dreyfus, Cuba, and Khartoum!--I keep well, though fragile as a

worker. You will have heard of my Edinburgh appointment and my election

to the Institut de France as _Correspondant_. The latter is silly, but

the former a serious scrape out of which I am praying all the gods to

help me, as the time for preparation is so short. All Cambridge friends

are well. You heard of dear Child's death, last summer, I suppose.

Good-bye! Write to me, dear old Rosina. Kiss Bay and Leslie--even

_effleurez_ your own cheek, for me. Give my best love to your mother,

and believe me always your affectionate

W. J.

_To Dickinson S. Miller._

Cambridge, _Dec. 3, 1898_.

ILLUSTRIOUS FRIEND AND JOY OF MY LIVER,--I am much pleased to hear from

you, for I have wished to know of your destinies, and Bakewell couldn't

give me a very precise account. I congratulate you on getting your

review of me off your hands--you must experience a relief similar to

that of Christian when he lost his bag of sin. I imagine your account of

its unsatisfactoriness is a little hyperæsthetic, and that what you have

brooded over so long will, in spite of anything in the accidents of its

production, prove solid and deep, and reveal _ex pede_ the Hercules. Of

course, if you do not unconditionally subscribe to my "Will to Believe"

essay, it shows that you still are groping in the darkness of

misunderstanding either of my meaning or of the truth; for in spite of

"the bludgeonings of fate," my head is "bloody but unbowed" as to the

rightness of my contention there, in both its parts. But we shall see;

and I hope you are now free for more distant flights.

I am extremely sorry to hear you have been not well again, even though

you say you are so much better now. You ought to be _entirely_ well and

every inch a king. Remember that, _whenever_ you need a change, your bed

is made in this house for as many weeks as you care to stay. I know

there will come feelings of disconsolateness over you occasionally, from

being so out of the academic swim. But that is nothing! And while this

time is on, you should think exclusively of its unique characteristics

of blessedness, which will be irrecoverable when you are in the harness

again.

I spent the first six weeks after term began in trying to clear my table

of encumbering tasks, in order to get at my own reading for the Gifford

lectures. In vain. Each day brought its cargo, and I never got at my own

work, until a fortnight ago the brilliant resolve was communicated to

me, by divine inspiration, of not doing anything for anybody else, not

writing a letter or looking at a MS., on any day until I should have

done at least one hour of work for _myself_. If you spend your time

preparing to be ready, you _never_ will be ready. Since that wonderful

insight into the truth, despair has given way to happiness. I do my hour

or hour and a half of free reading; and don't care what extraneous

interest suffers.... Good-night, dear old Miller. Your ever loving,

W. J.

_To Dickinson S. Miller._

Cambridge, _Jan. 31, 1899_.

...Your account of Josiah Royce is adorable--we have both gloated over

it all day. The best intellectual character-painting ever limned by an

English pen! Since teaching the "Conception of God," I have come to

perceive what I didn't trust myself to believe before, that looseness of

thought is R.'s _essential_ element. He _wants_ it. There isn't a tight

joint in his system; not one. And yet I thought that a mind that could

talk me blind and black and numb on mathematics and logic, and whose

favorite recreation is works on those subjects, must necessarily conceal

closeness and exactitudes of ratiocination that I hadn't the wit to find

out. But no! he is the Rubens of philosophy. Richness, abundance,

boldness, color, but a sharp contour never, and never any _perfection_.

But isn't fertility better than perfection? Deary me! Ever thine,

W. J.

_To Henry Rutgers Marshall._

Cambridge [_Feb. 7, 1899_?].

DEAR MARSHALL,--I will hand your paper to Eliot, though I am sure that

nothing will come of it in _this_ University.

Moreover, it strikes me that no good will ever come to Art as such from

the analytic study of Æsthetics--harm rather, if the abstractions could

in any way be made the basis of practice. We should get stark things

done on system with all the intangible personal _je ne sçais quaw_ left

out. The difference between the first-and second-best things in art

absolutely seems to escape verbal definition--it is a matter of a hair,

a shade, an inward quiver of some kind--yet what miles away in point of

preciousness! Absolutely the same verbal formula applies to the supreme

success and to the thing that just misses it, and yet verbal formulas

are all that your aesthetics will give.

Surely imitation in the concrete is better for results than any amount

of gabble in the abstract. Let the rest of us philosophers gabble, but

don't mix us up with the interests of the art department as such! Them's

my sentiments.

Thanks for the "cudgels" you are taking up for the "Will to Believe."

Miller's article seems to be based solely on my little catchpenny

_title_. Where would he have been if I had called my article "a critique

of pure faith" or words to that effect? As it is, he doesn't touch a

_single_ one of my points, and slays a mere abstraction. I shall

greedily read what you write.

I have been too lazy and hard pressed to write to you about your

"Instinct and Reason," which contains many good things in the way of

psychology and morals, but which--I tremble to say it before you--on the

whole _does_ disappoint me. The religious part especially seems to me to

rest on too narrow a phenomenal base, and the formula to be too simple

and abstract. But it is a good contribution to American scholarship all

the same, and I hope the Philippine Islanders will be forced to study

it.

Forgive my brevity and levity. Yours ever,

W. J.

_To Henry Rutgers Marshall._

Cambridge, _Feb. 8 [1899]_.

DEAR MARSHALL,--Your invitation was perhaps the finest "tribute" the

Jameses have ever received, but it is plumb impossible that either of us

should accept. Pinned down, by ten thousand jobs and duties, like two

Gullivers by the threads of the Lilliputians.

I should "admire" to see the Kiplings again, but it is no go. Now that

by his song-making power he is the mightiest force in the formation of

the "Anglo-Saxon" character, I wish he would hearken a bit more to his

deeper human self and a bit less to his shallower jingo self. If the

Anglo-Saxon race would drop its sniveling cant it would have a good deal

less of a "burden" to carry. We're the most loathsomely canting crew

that God ever made. Kipling knows perfectly well that our camps in the

tropics are not college settlements or our armies bands of

philanthropists, slumming it; and I think it a shame that he should

represent us to ourselves in that light. I wish he would try a bit

interpreting the savage _soul_ to us, as he _could_, instead of using

such official and conventional phrases as "half-devil and half-child,"

which leaves the whole insides out.

Heigh ho!

I have only had time to glance at the first 1/2 of your paper on Miller.

I am delighted you are thus going for him. His whole paper is an

_ignoratio elenchi_, and he doesn't touch a single one of my positions.

Believe me with great regrets and thanks, yours ever,

Wm. James.

_To Mrs. Henry Whitman._

CHOCORUA, _June 7, 1899_.

DEAR MRS. WHITMAN,--I got your penciled letter the day before leaving.

The R.R. train seems to be a great stimulus to the acts of the higher

epistolary activity and correspondential amicality in you--a fact for

which I have (occasional) reason to be duly grateful. So here, in the

cool darkness of my road-side "sitting-room," with no pen in the house,

with the soft tap of the carpenter's hammer and the pensive scrape of

the distant wood-saw stealing through the open wire-netting door, along

with the fragrant air of the morning woods, I get stimulus responsive,

and send you penciled return. Yes, the daylight that now seems shining

through the Dreyfus case is glorious, and if the President only gets his

back up a bit, and mows down the whole gang of Satan, or as much of it

as can be touched, it will perhaps be a great day for the distracted

France. I mean it may be one of those moral crises that become starting

points and high-water marks and leave traditions and rallying cries and

new forces behind them. One thing is certain, that no other alternative

form of government possible to France in this century could have stood

the strain as this democracy seems to be standing it.

Apropos of which, a word about Woodberry's book.[22] I didn't know him

to be that kind of a creature at all. The essays are grave and noble in

the extreme. I hail another American author. They can't be popular, and

for cause. The respect of him for the Queen's English, the classic

leisureliness and explicitness, which give so rare a dignity to his

style, also take from it that which our generation seems to need, the

sudden word, the unmediated transition, the flash of perception that

makes reasonings unnecessary. Poor Woodberry, so high, so true, so good,

so original in his total make-up, and yet so unoriginal if you take him

spot-wise--and therefore so ineffective. His paper on Democracy is very

fine indeed, though somewhat too abstract. I haven't yet read the first

and last essays in the book, which I shall buy and keep, and even send a

word of gratulation to the author for it.

As for me, my bed is made: I am against bigness and greatness in all

their forms, and with the invisible molecular moral forces that work

from individual to individual, stealing in through the crannies of the

world like so many soft rootlets, or like the capillary oozing of water,

and yet rending the hardest monuments of man's pride, if you give them

time. The bigger the unit you deal with, the hollower, the more brutal,

the more mendacious is the life displayed. So I am against all big

organizations as such, national ones first and foremost; against all big

successes and big results; and in favor of the eternal forces of truth

which always work in the individual and immediately unsuccessful way,

under-dogs always, till history comes, after they are long dead, and

puts them on the top.--You need take no notice of these ebullitions of

spleen, which are probably quite unintelligible to anyone but myself.

Ever your

W. J.

When the College term ended in June, 1899, the sailing date of the

European steamer on which James had taken passage for his wife and

daughter and himself was still three weeks away. He turned again to the

Adirondack Lodge and there persuaded himself, to his intense

satisfaction, that if he walked slowly and alone, so that there was no

temptation to talk while walking, or to keep on when he felt like

stopping, he could still spend several hours a day on the mountain sides

without inconvenience to his heart. But one afternoon he took a wrong

path and did not discover his mistake until he had gone so far that it

seemed safer to go on than to turn back. So he kept on. But the "trail"

he was following was not the one he supposed it to be and led him

farther and farther. He fainted twice; it grew dark; but having neither

food, coat, nor matches, he stumbled along until at last he came out on

the Keene Valley road and, at nearly eleven o'clock at night, reached a

house where he could get food and a conveyance.

He ought to have avoided all exertion for weeks thereafter, but he tried

again to make light of what had occurred, and, on getting back to

Cambridge, spent a very active few days over final arrangements for his

year of absence. When his boat had sailed and the stimulus which his

last duties supplied had been withdrawn, he began to discover what

condition he was in.

XIII

1899-1902

_Two years of Illness in Europe--Retirement from Active Duty at

Harvard--The First and Second Series of the Gifford Lectures_

WHEN James sailed for Hamburg on July 15, he planned quite definitely to

devote the summer to rest and the treatment of his heart, then to write

out the Gifford Lectures during the winter, and to deliver them by the

following spring; and, happily, could not foresee that he was to spend

nearly two years in exile and idleness. For nearly six years he had

driven himself beyond the true limits of his strength. Now it became

evident that the strain of his second over-exertion in the Adirondacks

had precipitated a complete collapse. He had been advised during the

winter to go to Nauheim for a course of baths. But when he got there,

the eminent specialists who examined his heart ignored his nervous

prostration. He was doubtless a difficult patient to diagnose or

prescribe for. Matters went from bad to worse; little by little all his

plans had to be abandoned. A year went by, and a return to regular work

in Cambridge was unthinkable. He was no better in the summer of 1900

than when he landed in Germany in July of 1899. His daughter had been

sent to school in England. The three other children remained in America.

He and Mrs. James moved about between England, Nauheim, the south of

France, Switzerland and Rome, consulting a specialist in one place or

trying the baths or the climate in another--with how much homesickness,

and with how much courage none the less, the letters will indicate.

His only systematic reading was a persistent, though frequently

intermitted, exploration of religious biographies and the literature of

religious conversion, in preparation for the Gifford Lectures. During

the second year he managed to get one course of these lectures written

out. Not until he had delivered them in Edinburgh, in May, 1901, did he

know that he had turned the corner and feel as if he had begun to live

again.

Every letter that came to him from his family and friends at home was

comforting beyond measure, and he poured out a stream of acknowledgment

in long replies, which he dictated to Mrs. James. His own writing was

usually limited to jottings in a note-book and to post-cards. He always

had a fountain-pen and a few post-cards in his pocket, and often, when

sitting in a chair in the open air, or at a little table in one of the

outdoor restaurants that abound in Nauheim and in southern Europe, he

would compress more news and messages into one of these little missives

than most men ever get into a letter. A few of his friends at home

divined his situation, and were at pains to write him regularly and

fully. Letters that follow show how grateful he was for such devotion.

* * * * *

In this state of enforced idleness he browsed through newspapers and

journals more than he had before or than he ever did again, and so his

letters contained more comments on daily events. It will be clear that

what was happening did not always please him. He was an individualist

and a liberal, both by temperament and by reason of having grown up with

the generation which accepted the doctrines of the _laissez-faire_

school in a thoroughgoing way. The Philippine policy of the McKinley

administration seemed to him a humiliating desertion of the principles

that America had fought for in the Revolution and the War of

Emancipation. The military occupation of the Philippines, described by

the President as "benevolent assimilation," and what he once called the

"cold pot-grease of McKinley's eloquence" filled him with loathing. He

saw the Republican Party in the light in which Mr. Dooley portrayed it

when he represented its leaders as praying "that Providence might remain

under the benevolent influence of the present administration." When

McKinley and Roosevelt were nominated by the Republicans in 1900, he

called them "a combination of slime and grit, soap and sand, that ought

to scour anything away, even the moral sense of the country." He was

ready to vote for Bryan if there were no other way of turning out the

administration responsible for the history of our first years in the

Philippines, "although it would doubtless have been a premature victory

of a very mongrel kind of reform." In the same way, the cant with which

many of the supporters of England's program in South Africa extolled the

Boer War in the British press provoked his irony. The uproar over the

Dreyfus case was at its height. The "intellectuels," as they were called

in France, the "Little Englanders" as they were nicknamed in England,

and the Anti-Imperialists in his own country had his entire sympathy.

The state of mind of a member of the liberal minority, observing the

phase of history that was disclosing itself at the end of the century,

is admirably indicated in his correspondence.

* * * * *

Miss Pauline Goldmark, next addressed, and her family were in the habit

of spending their summers in Keene Valley, where they had a cottage that

was not far from the Putnam Shanty. James had often joined forces with

them for a day's climb when he was staying at the Shanty. The reader

will recall that it was their party that he had joined on Mt. Marcy the

year before.

_To Miss Pauline Goldmark._

BAD-NAUHEIM, _Aug. 12, 1899_.

MY DEAR PAULINE,--I am afraid we are stuck here till the latter half of

September. Once a donkey, always a donkey; at the Lodge in June, after

some slow walks which seemed to do me no harm at all, I drifted one day

up to the top of Marcy, and then (thanks to the Trail Improvement

Society!) found myself in the Johns Brook Valley instead of on the Lodge

trail back; and converted what would have been a three-hours' downward

saunter into a seven-hours' scramble, emerging in Keene Valley at 10.15

P.M. This did me no good--quite the contrary; so I have come to Nauheim

just in time. My carelessness was due to the belief that there was only

one trail in the Lodge direction, so I didn't attend particularly, and

when I found myself off the track (the trail soon stopped) I thought I

was going to South Meadow, and didn't reascend. Anyhow I was an ass, and

you ought to have been along to steer me straight. I fear we shall

ascend no more acclivities together. "Bent is the tree that should have

grown full straight!" You have no idea of the moral repulsiveness of

this _Curort_ life. Everybody fairly revelling in disease, and

abandoning themselves to it with a sort of _gusto_. "Heart," "heart,"

"heart," the sole topic of attention and conversation. As a "phase,"

however, one ought to be able to live through it, and the extraordinary

nerve-rest, crawling round as we do, is beneficial. Man is never

satisfied! Perhaps I shall be when the baths, etc., have had their

effect. We go then straight to England.--I do hope that you are all

getting what you wish in Switzerland, and that for all of you the entire

adventure is proving golden. Mrs. James sends her love, and I am, as

always, yours most affectionately,

Wm. James.

_To Mrs. E. P. Gibbens._

VILLA LUISE, BAD-NAUHEIM, _Aug. 22, 1899_.

DARLING BELLE-MÈRE,--The day seems to have come for another letter to

you, though my fingers are so cold that I can hardly write. We have had

a most conveniently dry season--convenient in that it doesn't coop us up

in the house--but a deal of cloud and cold. Today is sunny but

frigid--like late October. Altogether the difference of weather is very

striking. European weather is stagnant and immovable. It is as if it got

stuck, and needed a kick to start it; and although it is doubtless

better for the nerves than ours, I find my soul thinking most kindly

from this distance of our glorious quick passionate American climate,

with its transparency and its impulsive extremes. This weather is as if

fed on solid pudding. We inhabit one richly and heavily furnished

bedroom, 21 x 14, with good beds and a balcony, and are rapidly making

up for all our estrangement, locally speaking, in the past. It is a

great "nerve-rest," though the listlessness that goes with all

nerve-rest makes itself felt. Alice seems very well.... The place has

wonderful adaptation to its purposes in the possession of a vast park

with noble trees and avenues and incessant benches for rest; restaurants

with out-of-door tables everywhere in sight; music morning, afternoon

and night; and charming points to go to out of town. Cab-fare is cheap.

But nothing else.... The Gifford lectures are in complete abeyance. I

have word from Seth that under the circumstances the Academic Senate

will be sure to grant me any delay or indulgence I may ask for; so this

relieves tension. I can make nothing out yet about my heart.... So I

_try_ to take long views and not fuss about temporary feelings, though I

dare say I keep dear Alice worried enough by the fuss I imagine myself

_not_ to make. It is a loathsome world, this medical world; and I

confess that the thought of another six weeks here next year doesn't

exhilarate me, in spite of the decency of all our physical conditions. I

still remain faithful to Irving St. (95 and 107),[23] Chocorua, Silver

Lake, and Keene Valley!

The Letters of William James, Vol. 2 · 第 6 / 28 段