To take but a single example: Everybody knows the story of Brummell

walking with Lord Alvanley in the Park being cut by the Prince Regent

and enquiring in an audible voice, “Who is your fat friend?” There

is very little point in the remark except its offensiveness. But the

biographer of Brummell, Captain Jesse, got the true version from a

friend who witnessed the incident. It was not in the Park, but at a

ball given by Brummell, Lord Alvanley, and two others. The Prince was

not invited, because of his quarrel with Brummell; but, as everybody

was going, he signified his pleasure to be present. When he arrived

he greeted Lord Alvanley and his other two hosts, cutting Brummell

pointedly, thereby insulting one of his entertainers. The Prince had by

a gross breach of good taste placed himself in an impossible position.

If he did not know his host, his host had a right to regard him as an

uninvited intruder; therefore the question was a snub, unanswerable

even by the Regent. The life of Brummell is the record of much folly

and frivolity, ending with a long exile in Calais, which terminated in

imbecility and death in an almshouse. Nevertheless this famous dandy,

fop though he was, is one of those butterflies whose useless lives

at least add to the beauty of the scene. Nor is it for the recorder

of his time to point the finger of scorn at him. Absurd as his ideal

was, it was not wholly contemptible. His vanity was not malicious,

he was at least no sycophant, he held his own among aristocrats, who

were as vulgar as they were arrogant. He shamed his associates into

decent manners, at a period when social polish was hardly skin deep.

He insisted on personal cleanliness in days when it was disregarded by

the highest in the land. He had the art of making friends who stood by

him in his hours of poverty and distress. The Duke of York, with all

his faults the best liked son of George III, the Duchess, one of the

most amiable ladies of the day, the Duke of Beaufort, and many others

remained staunch to him as long as he lived. He was a sharer in the

follies of his day, but so far as I know he was not so heartless in his

vices as many a greater man; nor did he pander to the vices of others.

We can laugh at his absurdities, without having that feeling of disgust

with which we regard many of the faults of his august rival, the Prince

Regent. How delightful, for example, is his criticism of the Duke of

Bedford’s coat! On one occasion his Grace asked the Beau his opinion of

his new clothes. “Turn round,” said Brummell, “now stand still.” Then

taking the garment by the lapel, he exclaimed, “Oh, Bedford, do you

call this a coat?”

The thing which strikes us most in connection with the halcyon period

of the dandies, with its follies and lavish expenditure, is that it

coincided with some of the most anxious days through which England ever

passed, and with the age when distress and poverty were most keenly

felt. Fashionable life was indeed fast and furious and characterised

by its reckless extravagance. Everybody gambled: every possible event

was made the subject of a bet. The turf was, as it is to-day, crowded

with blacklegs; and the issue of a great fight in the prize ring was

watched with more trembling anxiety than that of a battle in Spain or

Flanders. The prevalence of drunkenness was universal; every memoir

of the time records drinking-bouts innumerable. The fine gentleman

garnished every sentence with an oath and even used bad language in

his letters to his friends. Duelling was universal. Pitt, the Duke

of Wellington, Castlereagh, nearly all the leading statesmen, had to

fight. Even the Duke of York, though very near the throne, ‘met’ the

Duke of Richmond. But with all its failings the men of fashion had one

merit: though they were almost incredibly coarse, brutal, and selfish,

no one could reproach them with softness. They may have been bad, but

they were men. If they went to see prize-fighters beat each other into

a jelly, they were ready enough to use their fists themselves. If they

gambled the cards and the dice, they did so at the risk of ending

their days in a debtor’s prison. Many of them died ruined in purse and

bankrupt even of honour. If they pursued their amours unscrupulously,

there was always the risk of facing an outraged relative’s pistol. The

spice of danger was never absent from their lives. One alone could

share in all their pursuits, and be exempt from peril. He could drink

himself drunk without danger of his words being called in question; he

could ruin wives and daughters and no one would raise a hand against

him; he could engage in shady transactions on the turf, and men made it

a point of honour to shield his fair fame. If others were extravagant,

they dissipated their own patrimony; and when that was gone, there was

nothing for it but to starve. But he had only to fall back on national

resources, and the taxpayer extricated him from his difficulties. It is

because of its immunity, that the profligacy of George, as Prince, as

Regent, and as King is so detestable.

It has been customary, I think, to underrate his abilities. Thackeray

has a most misleading passage about his relation with the Whigs. “At

first he made a pretence of having Burke and Fox and Sheridan for

his friends. But how could such men be serious before such an empty

scapegrace as this lad...; what had these men of genius in common

with their tawdry young host of Carlton House? That fribble the

leader of such men as Fox and Burke! That man’s opinions about the

constitution--about any question graver than the button of a waistcoat

or the sauce of a partridge worth anything! The friendship between the

Prince and the Whig Chiefs was impossible. They were hypocrites in

pretending to respect him, and if he broke the hollow compact between

them, who shall blame him?” But if we turn to Creevey, we shall see

that George played the game with the Whigs with consummate skill. Not

that he cared a straw for the constitution or political matters. He

wanted leisure, comfort, influence,--above all, money. He used the

Whigs for his purposes in the question of the Regency, and in order to

extort money from the nation. They were ready enough to serve him in

defeating Pitt and their other opponents; but he, once he was Regent

in 1812, with his father, the old King, hopelessly insane, flung them

aside as no longer useful and made the Tory government uphold the two

things now to his interest to conserve,--the _status quo_ and the power

of the Crown.

No one has ever doubted the power of fascination exercised by George,

which was due not less to his clever adaptability, than to his high

position. What reader of Lockhart’s “Life of Scott” can forget the

dinner party when the King and Sir Walter exchanged mutual badinage in

the freest manner? We find the same in Creevey regarding the extreme

affability with which he treated him and the Whig leaders at Brighton,

when Prince Regent. George’s charm of manner and the ease with which

he could adapt himself to his company and forget to all appearance

his royal dignity in social intercourse was one of his most powerful

political assets which he used to the fullest advantage.

The influence exercised by him was almost wholly evil. Head of the

state in the days of its greatest military glory, when the moral and

political influence of England was paramount in Europe; living in the

days of great industrial and mechanical triumph, in which his country

had the fullest share; confronted as King with some of the gravest

social problems, which its poets and philosophers were taxing their

utmost to expose and remove,--the marvel is that any man could have

occupied such a position, and yet interested himself almost exclusively

in frivolous pleasures and sensual amours.

I do not think that it is too harsh a verdict to say that George IV’s

example acted like a poison to the social life of several generations.

Vice was rampant enough in English society before he came to manhood;

but his father had done much to set an example to his nobility of a

pure domestic life, and to encourage simple tastes and pleasures.

Gambling and profligacy went on despite the King; but his son led

the orgies of extravagance. His taste was atrocious. What can be more

monstrous than the Pavilion at Brighton? Read Thackeray’s description

of his coming of age fête at Carlton House, quoted from the _European

Magazine_, 1784: “The saloon may be styled the _chef-d’œuvre_, and

in every ornament discovers great invention. It is hung with a

figured plush.... The window curtains, sofas, and chairs are of the

same colour. The ceiling is ornamented with emblematical paintings,

representing the Graces and Muses, together with Jupiter, Mercury,

and Apollo and Paris. Two ormolu chandeliers are placed here, etc.,

etc.”[26] The coronation was a monstrous exhibition of extravagance.

For the feast in Westminster Hall, where the Champion of England,

“mounted on a horse, borrowed from Astley’s theatre, rode into the

Hall,” more than eight hundred dozen of wine and one hundred gallons

of punch were provided. Vulgarity distinguished the period of the

‘First Gentleman in Europe.’ Countless families were brought to ruin by

association with him, and at no time that I can call did more eminent

people die by their own hands. As Thackeray says: “There is no greater

satire on that proud society ... than that it admired George!”

One episode which perhaps throws as much light as anything upon the

manners and morals of the time is the trial of Caroline of Brunswick,

the unhappy, if indiscreet, consort of George IV. Before making the

attempt I am afraid I must go back to 1795, when the Prince of Wales,

on the report of his not too refined sailor brother, decided to offer

his hand to that princess. He got very well paid by the country for the

sacrifice. His income was raised from £60,000 ($300,000) to £125,000

($625,000); for the preparations for the wedding he got £27,000

($135,000); a further grant of jewels and plate, or cash to buy them,

£28,000 ($140,000). Then came £15,000 ($130,000) to complete Carlton

House; and the Princess, his wife, was in addition offered an allowance

of £50,000 ($250,000) a year. For some reason--I should say she was the

only princess who ever did so--Caroline accepted less than was offered

as income; namely, £35,000 ($175,000).

It is true George also wanted his debts, amounting to a trifle

of £600,000 ($3,000,000) odd, paid, and failed to get it; still,

considering the value of money in those days, and that times in England

were worse than had been known,--wars, taxes, bad seasons, the poor in

abject distress, Pitt distracted how to raise money, sedition rampant,

and no very glorious period for the British arms,--he certainly did not

sell himself cheap. Of the miserable marriage which ensued little need

be said. From the time the Prince raised his bride, when she tried to

kneel, and said to Lord Malmesbury, “Harris, I am not well; get me a

glass of brandy,” to her death twenty-six years later, it is one long

discreditable story. But I allude to it for a personal reason. I have

myself seen two of the counsels of the Queen in the celebrated trial.

Dr. Lushington was a friend of my family’s, and I was at a school in

Brighton which Lord Brougham used to visit; and--I believe I am correct

in saying this--I actually received one of the prizes when he gave

them away. I certainly have a book on my shelves which, I fancy, I got

on that occasion. It assuredly does not make a man feel young when he

realises that he has seen and can remember men who not only witnessed

but took a very prominent part in a trial which was held ninety-six

years ago.

Let me, however, recapitulate the events which led up to the great

scene in the House of Lords. George as Prince of Wales hated his wife

from the first, and after the birth of the Princess Charlotte refused

to have anything to do with her. On April 30, 1796, the Prince wrote

a letter to the Princess in which he said: “Our inclinations are not

in our power, nor should either of us be held answerable to the other,

because nature has not made us suitable to each other.... I shall now

finally close this disagreeable correspondence, trusting that, as we

have completely explained ourselves to each other, the rest of our

lives will be passed in uninterrupted tranquillity.”

To do George justice, his wife does not seem to have been attractive.

He had excellent taste in dress and deportment; and Caroline was far

from being a model of refinement in appearance or manners, whilst her

choice of company was never discreet. The old King always treated

her with kindness and even affection, but he found it necessary to

warn her to be more careful in the selection of her society. In 1804

the Prince of Wales instituted a “Delicate Enquiry,” which four

Lords were appointed to conduct, with the result that the behaviour

of the Princess was pronounced not _un_satisfactory. In the years

which followed there were constant quarrels and recriminations about

the education of their daughter, the Princess Charlotte of Wales,

a high-spirited girl who stood up boldly to the ill treatment she

received at her father’s hands, and defended her mother. In 1814 the

Princess of Wales left England for her famous travels. Two years later

the Princess Charlotte married Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, and settled down

at Claremont, a beautiful place purchased for her by the nation. The

young couple were thoroughly happy, the people looked forward to being

one day ruled over by a beloved and virtuous queen. The incredible

scandals of the family of George III were being forgotten, when the

news came that the Princess was dead.

I shall _never_ get to the trial! I must digress once more. What ensued

was almost farcical. Despite the fact that George III had an immense

family, he had no grandchildren. All his elderly sons hastened to get

married. The Prince Regent was very little married to his wife, and

very much so to various other ladies; the Duke of York had married

happily, and was, if not always faithful, a kindly husband; but he had

no family. The Duke of Cumberland had married a princess of whom the

royal family disapproved, and perhaps he was more hated by the nation

than any member of the house of Hanover. Among other things, many

firmly believed that he was really guilty of the murder of his servant,

Sellis. The idea of his coming to the throne was dreaded on all sides.

But there was no lack of _nominally_ unmarried Royal Dukes,--Clarence,

Sussex, Kent, and Cambridge. The nearest persons to the succession,

who had families, were the King of Würtemburg, his brother, and their

sister the Princess Frederica Buonaparte. It became necessary for the

Royal Dukes to take wives in accordance with the Royal Marriage Act of

1772;[27] and, though they had not only themselves but other ladies and

their children to consider, these noble princes presented themselves

at the altar of Hymen. Not, however, without some forethought, as the

following remarks of the Duke of Kent to his friend Mr. Creevey testify:

The Duke thought that his brother Clarence would marry, but that

his price would be too high for the ministers to accept, viz., “a

settlement such as is proper for a prince who marries expressly for

a succession to the Throne,” and in addition the payment of all his

debts, and a handsome provision for each of his ten natural children.

Kent, being next in the succession, was ready to do it cheaper. “It

is now twenty-seven years that Madame St. Laurent and I have lived

together, ... and you may well imagine, Mr. Creevey, the pang it will

occasion me to part with her.” She need not have very much; but a

certain number of servants and a carriage are essentials. Being a “man

of no ambition,” the Duke of Kent wanted only £25,000 ($100,000) a year

in addition to his present income if he took a wife--the same sum as

York had when he married in 1792,--and Kent was generously prepared to

make no further demands because of the decreased value of money since

his brother’s allowance was made. “As to the payment of my debts,” he

concluded, “I don’t call them great. The nation, on the contrary, is

greatly my debtor.” So it is; for he married, and became the father of

Queen Victoria.

The Princess Caroline had left England in 1814 and had been touring in

the Mediterranean ever since. At first she was attended by some English

in her suite; but these gradually dropped off, leaving Her Royal

Highness without any of her husband’s subjects about her. We need not

follow her in her travels or adventures. It is enough to say that she

visited very out-of-the-way places and mixed with the sort of people no

ordinary lady, not to say a royal Princess, could be expected to meet.

She loaded her courier, Bergami, with honours and favours, she founded

an order of knighthood when she visited Jerusalem and made him Grand

Master. She had procured for him the title of Baron. Her conduct and

the familiarities she permitted were, to say the least, indiscreet.

Undoubtedly she had laid herself open to a serious charge of misconduct.

The Prince Regent resolved to do his best to get rid of his hated wife

by trying to obtain a divorce. But not only law but also public opinion

was against this. He had driven his wife away with every possible

insult, he had kept her apart from her daughter, the Queen, his mother,

had refused to receive her as Princess of Wales at court. And if, in

desperation, Caroline had failed in her duty, Europe rang with stories

of the immorality of the Regent, and the common people were heart and

soul on the side of his wife. As a divorce seemed hopeless, attempts

were made to bribe Caroline to renounce her titles and live on a large

income out of England. Matters came to a climax when George III died.

If George IV was King, his wife was Queen of England; and she was

resolved to return to the country and maintain her rights.

This miserable matrimonial squabble with all its sordid details rapidly

assumed the dimensions of a political struggle which rent the country

in twain. The Whigs had never forgiven George for using them as long

as he was Prince of Wales and throwing them over when he became Regent

in 1812. They therefore espoused the cause of the Queen; and as far

as possible--for they had little admiration of her conduct--defended

her. The Whig lawyers rallied to her cause, notably Henry Brougham,

who, despite his great talents, had suffered from the exclusiveness

of the great Whig families. As a parvenu, high political office was

closed to Brougham, but the case of the Queen gave him an unrivalled

chance as a lawyer. More honest and unselfish and almost as useful to

Queen Caroline was Alderman Wood, a prominent citizen of London, who

more than once filled the office of Lord Mayor. Despised by the polite

society of the time, called by the King, with his usual delicacy, “that

beast Wood,” the alderman understood better than anyone the effect of

the Queen’s return to the country. He knew that, however great her

indiscretions, her wrongs would win her popular sympathy, and that

her courage in facing her accusers would be sure to range the nation

on her side. That he was no vulgar demagogue is attested by the facts

that the royal family often sought his counsel; that it is due to his

advice that Queen Victoria was born in England; and that he was the

first baronet she created shortly after her accession to the throne.

But of all the Queen’s friends there is no one who was more honest

and faithful than that gaunt Scotch spinster, the Lady Ann Hamilton,

whose memoirs were published when she was very old, without her consent

and greatly to her distress. The daughter of the Duke of Hamilton

and sister to the radical Lord Archibald Hamilton, she was six foot

high, awkward and ungainly, and an object of ridicule to Caroline

and her friends. They called her Joan of Arc, and shewed her no

consideration and little courtesy. Yet in her hours of trial Caroline

had no truer or stauncher friend. Her “Secret History of the Court of

England,” published under the circumstances to which I have alluded,

is extraordinarily scurrilous, but it reflects the fierceness of party

spirit which animated the Whig faction; and I may have to recur to it.

George III died on January 29, 1820. The first act of his successor was

to refuse to allow the new Queen’s name to appear in the prayer for the

Royal family. But on the 7th of June Her Majesty entered London. The

road from Westminster Bridge to Greenwich was thronged with spectators.

“She travelled,” says Grenville, “in an open landau, Alderman Wood by

her side and Lady Ann Hamilton and another woman opposite. Everybody

was disgusted at the vulgarity of Wood sitting in the place of honour,

whilst the Duke of Hamilton’s sister was sitting backwards in the

carriage.” ... “It is impossible,” he adds, “to conceive the sensation

created by this event. Nobody either blames or approves of this sudden

return, but all ask, What will be done next? How is it to end?”

Events moved rapidly. The Prime Minister, Lord Liverpool, produced the

famous green bag, full of incriminating documents, in the House of

Lords, but the Queen did not flinch. It was even proposed to bring her

to trial under the fourteenth century act of treasons, 23 Edw. III.

Finally, however, the King’s advisers determined, not to try the

Queen, but to introduce a bill into the House of Lords depriving her

of all royal titles and dignities and divorcing her from her husband.

But in order to carry the bill an investigation into her conduct was

necessary, so that she was practically, if not actually, tried.

I propose to ask you to follow the Queen’s case in Creevey’s notes,

and I think we shall gather from them something of the interest with

which people watched it.

The trial began on Aug. 17; and Creevey thus describes the entry of

the Queen. “To describe to you her appearance and manner is far beyond

my powers. I had been taught to believe she was as much improved in

looks as in dignity of manners; it is therefore with much pain I am

obliged to observe that the nearest resemblance I can recollect to this

much injured lady is a toy which you used to call Fanny Royde. There

is another toy of a rabbit or a cat, whose tail you squeeze under its

body, and then out it jumps in half a minute off the ground into the

air. The first of these toys you must suppose to represent the person

of the Queen; the latter the manner by which she popped all at once

into the House, made a _duck_ at the throne, another to the Peers, and

a concluding jump into the chair which was placed for her. Lady Ann

Hamilton was behind the Queen, leaning on her brother Archy’s arm....

She is full six feet high and bears a striking resemblance to one of

Lord Derby’s great deer.”

Social life in England, 1750-1850 · 第 7 / 13 段