CHAPTER XIII

THE RELATIONS OF RACES IN SOUTH AMERICA

Although races, unlike in character and differing in the scale of

upward progress, must have come into contact from the earliest

times, it is only in recent years that the phenomena attending that

contact have been carefully observed and studied. From the end of the

fifteenth century European nations have been conquering the backward

races. In some countries they enslaved, in others they extirpated,

these races. They have now portioned out the whole world of savagery,

barbarism, and semicivilization among themselves, so that, as the

result of discoveries, wars, and treaties, six great and three smaller

powers[107] have now appropriated all the extra-European world, except

three or four ancient Asiatic states. In our own day the questions

connected with race contact have obtained both a new moral interest,

because the old methods of killing off the so-called lower branches

of mankind by the sword or by slavery have fallen into discredit, and

also a new scientific interest, because we have become curious to

know what are the effects of a mixture of markedly dissimilar racial

stocks. Such mixture raises some of the most obscure problems in the

doctrine of heredity. Does the blending of one race with another tend

to weaken or to improve the breed, and how far are any marked qualities

of one parent stock transmissible by blood to a mixed progeny which is

placed in and powerfully affected by a different environment? Spanish

America offers a large and varied field for the study of these and

other similar questions, and a field which has been, so far, little

examined. My own knowledge does not go far enough to enable me to do

more than state a few broad facts and suggest to those who have better

opportunities for enquiry some of the problems which the subject

presents.

When the Spanish and Portuguese conquerors began to occupy the New

World they found it peopled everywhere by native tribes whose physical

characteristics and, to some extent, their languages also, indicated

that although they had inhabited America during countless ages, they

probably all had the same, and that an east Asiatic, origin. No part of

the two continents from Behring's Straits to Cape Horn (except a few

hopelessly barren deserts) was quite untenanted, but some regions were

far more populous than others. These regions were the high plateaus

of Anahuac (Mexico) with the adjoining lower regions of Yucatan and

Guatemala, the plateau of Bogotá, and the plateau of Peru. It was in

these that the greatest progress had been made toward civilization and

a settled agricultural life; while the lower woodlands and the more

or less arid prairies, such as those of the Missouri and of southern

Argentina, were more thinly inhabited. There may well have been in

Anahuac and Yucatan as many people as in all the rest of North

America, and in the Peruvian realm of the Incas as many people as in

all the rest of South America.

Now the existence of this aboriginal population has been and still is

a factor of the first magnitude in all parts of the continent (except

Argentina and Uruguay, where it hardly exists), and in this fact lies

one of the most striking contrasts between the northern and southern

halves of the Western Hemisphere. The importance of the native Indian

element in South America--and the same thing holds true of Mexico and

Central America--resides partly in the fact that it furnishes the

bulk of the labouring people and a large part of the army, partly in

the influence which it has exerted, and still exerts, on the whites,

commingling its blood with theirs and affecting their habits and life

in many ways.

When the Spaniards came to the New World, they came mainly for the sake

of gold. Neither the extension of trade, the hope of which prompted

the Dutch, nor the acquisition of lands to be settled and cultivated,

thereby extending the dominion of their crowns, which moved most of

the English and French, nor yet the desire of freedom to worship God

in their own way, which sent out the Pilgrims and Puritans of New

England,--none of these things were uppermost in the minds of the

companions of Columbus and Ponce de Leon, of Vasco Nuñez and Cortes

and Pizarro. No doubt they also desired to propagate the faith, but

their spiritual aims were never suffered to interfere with their

secular enterprises. Few settlers came from Spain to till the land.

The first object was to seize all that could be found of the precious

metals, much to the astonishment of the natives, who thought that gold

must be to them a sort of fetich. The next was to discover mines of

those metals and make the Indians work them. The third was to divide

up the more fertile districts into large estates, allotting to each

adventurer his share of labourer-natives along with his share of the

lands. No settlers came out to clear the ground from wood and build

homes upon it, as did the colonists of New England, and those also who

sought to create a New France on the St. Lawrence. No Spaniard thought

of tilling the soil himself. Why should he, when he could make others

till it for him? Where it was already under cultivation by the native

peasants, they were turned into serfs attached to the _encomienda_.

Where there was forest, the conquerors seldom troubled themselves to

fell it, and that which they found as wilderness remained wilderness

in the hands of the savage tribes. Where it was open prairie, there

was as little reason for disturbing the nomads who wandered over it.

Accordingly, the invaders became a ruling caste, living on the labour

of their Indian serfs, and for a long time they confined themselves

to the lands on which the latter were already established. So it

befell that the aborigines, who in the northern parts of North America

were either destroyed or driven out to the west, continued to be in

Spanish America one-half or more of the population, those who were

already semicivilized being kept as labourers, those who were savages

being left to themselves in their forests or half-desert prairies. No

agricultural European population grew up in the settled districts.

As there were aborigines on the spot to cultivate the land already

improved, comparatively few negroes were transported from Africa, and

these chiefly to the shores of the Caribbean and to Peru. It was only

in the tropical regions of the Antilles and (somewhat later) of Brazil

that negro slavery grew up on a large scale; and even there mining,

rather than agriculture, was the first cause of their being brought

from Africa. The need for negroes was not great in Mexico or Peru,

because the native Indians were of a hardier stock than the feeble

Arawaks of the Antilles, and lived on under their European masters,

though ground down and reduced in numbers by ill treatment. Thus when

at last the Spanish colonies asserted their independence, they started

without that incubus of a mass of negro slaves which brought so much

trouble upon the southern states of the North American Union.

Between the numerous aboriginal tribes there were the greatest

differences not only in their degree of advancement toward

civilization, but in intelligence, in virility, in fighting quality,

and in that kind of resisting power which enables a people to survive

under oppression. The best fighters seem to have been--I am not now

including the tribes of eastern North America--the Aztecs of Mexico

and the Mapoche or Araucanians of Chile. The Caribs in some of the

Lesser Antilles and in Venezuela were fierce and tenacious, while

their neighbours, the Arawaks of the other Antilles, seem to have

become extinct under Spanish severities in half a century. We have no

materials for even the vaguest guess at the numbers of these tribes,

but it is evident that some disappeared altogether, and that others

were greatly reduced. The Chibchas of Bogotá, who were estimated at a

million when first reached by the Conquerors, are said by a Spanish

annalist to have been almost exterminated in twenty years. Of the

Mochicas or Yuncas on the Peruvian coast, still numerous at the coming

of Pizarro, though many had perished during their conquest by the

Incas, few were left after half a century, and their cities have long

been heaps of ruins, perhaps partly because the irrigation works which

brought water to them were allowed to perish. A census taken in Peru by

the Viceroy Toledo in A.D. 1575 is said to have shewn eight millions

of Indians in what is now Peru and Bolivia. Two centuries later there

were less than half that number. So it is stated that the Indians

round Panama rapidly declined in number when the Spaniards established

themselves there. The natives of northeastern Brazil were killed off

in the end of the sixteenth century, though the tale that two millions

were destroyed in about twenty years is scarcely credible; and the

less numerous tribes of central Argentina and Uruguay have entirely

vanished. The process still goes on, though to-day the means are

usually less violent. It is intoxicating liquors and European diseases,

not any ill treatment by the Chileans, that have been reducing the

stalwart Araucanians to a fourth or fifth part of what they were eighty

years ago, and the Tehuelches and other Patagonian tribes, including

the wretched Fuegians, are dying out largely from natural causes. But

in the Amazonian forests along the Putumayo river--and that within the

last few years--the cruelties and oppressions practised by the rubber

gatherers upon the helpless Indians have destroyed many thousands of

lives and apparently altogether blotted out some tribes.

How many aborigines now remain in Latin America, it is impossible

to ascertain. Even in such advanced countries as Mexico and Peru,

there are no trustworthy figures, not only because it is impossible

to find means of counting the wild nomads of northwestern Mexico and

the still wilder savages of eastern Peru, but also because, even in

the civilized districts, it is hard to determine who is to be deemed

an Indian and who a mestizo, or half-breed. However, any estimate,

if clearly understood to be merely conjectural, is better than none

at all, so I may say that in Mexico[108] there are probably, out of

fifteen millions of people, about eight millions of Indians, with at

least six millions of mixed blood, and the rest Spaniards; while in

Peru and Bolivia, out of a total of about six millions, three and a

half millions are Indians, one and a half millions mestizos, and the

rest more or less pure Spaniards.[109] The one state which is almost

wholly Indian, so that the Guarani language is the prevailing tongue,

is the inland country of Paraguay, and the one which has no Indians at

all is Uruguay, lying on the coast, not far from Paraguay. Of the total

population of South America, estimated at forty-five millions, probably

eight to nine millions may be pure Indians. Besides these there are,

possibly, thirteen millions of mestizos or half-breeds, and fifteen

of persons who deem themselves white, even if a good many have some

infusion of aboriginal blood.[110] But if we omit Argentina, almost

entirely, and Uruguay entirely, white, as well as Brazil, and confine

our view to the other eight republics in which the Indian element is

larger, a probable estimate would put the number of pure Indians at

more than double that of the whites, and a little less than that of the

mestizos. Upon such a computation the total quantity of native blood

would much exceed the European. Such an estimate, however, can make no

claim to accuracy. I give it only because it seems, from all I could

gather, to represent, in a rough sort of way, the proportions of the

races. Anyone who chooses to consider all the more educated mestizos

as whites, and all Indians with any touch of white blood as mestizos,

would, of course, bring out different figures. The tendency of official

statistics is in that direction, for everybody wishes to be reckoned

as a white man, but such a method does not truly represent the racial

facts.

Of the total of about nine millions of Indians, two or three millions

may be wild, _Indios bravos_, as the South Americans call them, and in

little contact with civilized whites or mestizos. To this class belong

many of the aborigines in Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, and Venezuela, as

well as most of the far smaller number still left in Argentina. Of the

more or less civilized and settled Indians, more than one-half, about

three and a half millions, are in Peru and Bolivia; and it is of these

that I shall now proceed to speak, as I had opportunities in these

countries of ascertaining their position, and as they are themselves

more interesting, because they are the descendants of what was, before

the Spanish Conquest, a comparatively advanced people. What is true of

them is, moreover, true, in a general sense, as regards the settled

aborigines of the northern republics. In those states, however, there

is no such solid mass of sedentary agricultural Indians as dwell on the

plateaux and inter-Andean valleys of Peru and Bolivia.

Though at the time of the Conquest there were probably in the Inca

empire many different tribes speaking different languages, all have now

been fused into two, the Quichuas to the north of Lake Titicaca, and

the Aymarás, both around its shores and to the south of it in Bolivia.

Having given some account of both races in earlier chapters,[111] I

need only add that the two languages are generally spoken all over the

central Andes from the frontiers of Ecuador on the north to those of

Chile and Argentina on the south. Comparatively few of these Indians,

probably less than a fifth, are able to talk Spanish. Some few live in

the towns and practise handicrafts. Three-fourths of the population

of La Paz is Aymará, while in Cuzco at least one-third is Quichua.

The vast majority, however, are country folk cultivating the soil as

tenants or labourers or tending sheep and cattle as herdsmen for the

landowners, who are, of course, either of Spanish or of mixed blood.

Comparatively few Indians own small plots of their own. The landlords,

who in the colonial times oppressed the peasants so atrociously as

from time to time to provoke even this naturally submissive people to

rebellion, no longer venture to practise the exactions and cruelties of

those days. Authority is not feared as it was then, and could not be

used to support such flagrant injustice. Neither do the clergy wring

money from their flocks, as in those old bad days, though even now

the fees charged for marriages are so high that the rite is commonly

neglected. The ancient tribal system has melted away and the _cacique_,

as the Spaniards called him, who was the head of a local community

down till the end of the eighteenth century, is now gone, but the

old organization of the dwellers in a village by brotherhoods, and

resting, or supposed to rest, upon blood relationship, still exists,

and local affairs are managed by the local officials mentioned in an

earlier chapter.[112] Thus, the Indian is left very much to himself,

except that he pays rent to the landlord and is often bound to render

him personal service at his residence during part of the year. This is

called the _Mita_. His food is not very nutritious, consisting largely

of _chuño_, _i.e._ frozen potatoes, usually ground into flour. His

clothing is scanty, his mode of life hard and wretched, especially

on the bleak plateaux. Yet he is not in that abject poverty which

fears starvation; perhaps, indeed, not so near the minimum level of

subsistence as are millions of the people in China and India. He does

not contrast his own evil case with the luxury of the rich, as do the

slum dwellers of European cities, nor does he feel his case to be evil,

for it is no worse than his forefathers have borne for ten generations,

and he knows no other.

Not only the Quichuas and Aymarás, but the Indians of the northern

republics and of southern Chile are quite illiterate, and, as respects

education, just where they were under the Incas, perhaps rather farther

back, because there was then a sort of national life which has been

long since quenched. There seems to be among them little or no desire

for instruction. Even should any seek to rise in life, he would find

no means of doing so, unless perchance some kindly priest should give

the rudiments of knowledge to a boy brighter than the rest. Religion

does nothing to stir their minds. They are nominally Christians, but

of many of them that may be said to-day which was said in 1746 by the

humane and orthodox Spaniards, Antonio de Ulloa and Jorge Juan, whose

secret report upon things in South America, and among others upon the

condition of the Indians in Peru and Ecuador, made to the king of

Spain, was published in England eighty years later. They say:--

"The religion of the Indians is no more like the Christian religion

than it is to that which they had while they were pagans, for if the

matter be well examined it will be found that notwithstanding the

nominal conversion of these tribes, so small is the progress they have

made in knowledge that it will be hard to discover any difference

between the state in which they now find themselves, and that in which

they were at the time of the Conquest."[113]

That the influence of the priesthood did not commend religion to the

people nor relieve their misery may be gathered from this further

extract from the same secret report:--

"The miserable state of the Indians is to be ascribed to the vices of

the parish priests (_curas_), the extortions of the corregidores, and

the bad treatment which they generally receive from all Spaniards.

Unable to endure their sufferings, and longing to escape from slavery,

many of them have risen up and moved off to unconquered districts,

there to continue in the barbarous practices of heathenism.... In the

community of Pimampiro in the province of Quito, which consisted of

more than 5000 Indians, and was prosperous, the conduct of the parish

priest drove the Indians to despair. Uniting in one body, they rose in

rebellion and in one night passed to the Cordillera, where they joined

themselves to the wild heathen Indians, with whom they have continued

until now."[114]

It ought to be remembered that the avarice and moral faults charged

upon the clergy in these reports, as well as in other accounts

belonging to the eighteenth century are brought against the parish

priests rather than the religious orders, although Ulloa describes the

level of conduct as having sadly declined among these also. To some

of the orders, most of all to the Jesuits, and in a less degree to

the early Dominicans, much credit is due for their efforts not only

to spread the gospel, often at the risk of their lives, but also to

secure justice for the unfortunate Indians. The great Las Casas was

only the most conspicuous among many admirable Spanish churchmen who

threw their hearts into this campaign of humanity, though they seldom

prevailed against the hard-hearted rapacity of the landowners and mine

owners who wished to keep the Indians in serfdom and did not care how

many perished under their hands. These worthy ecclesiastics sometimes

secured good ordinances from the Council of the Indies in Spain, but

the colonial governors found that the path of least resistance was

to proclaim the ordinance and wink at its neglect. On many a law was

the note made, "It is obeyed, but not executed" (_Se obedece pero no

se ejecuta_). In Paraguay, where the population was almost wholly

Indian, the reign of the Jesuits was generally beneficent. They could

not do much for the education of the mass of their subjects, but while

they trained some few of the promising youth, they impressed habits

of industry and good conduct upon the rest. Perhaps it is to the

excessive inculcation of obedience that the blind submissiveness of the

later Paraguayans to such despots as Francia and Lopez may be partly

attributed.[115]

The oppressions, both civil and ecclesiastical, referred to in the

extracts given above, have long since ceased, but their consequences

remain in the abject state of the aborigines and their ignorance of

the truths and precepts of Christianity. As a learned student of

Indian life observes, it is to them a kind of magic, more powerful for

some purposes than their own ancient magic which was based on nature

worship. "They believe in Dios (God)," says Mr. Bandelier,[116] "but

believe more in Nuestra Señora de la Luz (Our Lady of the Light)

at Copacavana." They worship evil spirits and make offerings to the

mountain _Achachilas_ and to the Earth. Even in Mexico, where the

Indians are, as a rule, much more subject to enlightening influences,

I was told in 1901 that an archbishop, visiting the parishes of his

diocese not long before, had found the ancient idols hidden away behind

the altars and occasionally brought out at night to receive marks of

reverence. The Peruvians had at the conquest hardly advanced to the

stage of a regular mythology with images of the deities, so idols were

less common and prominent, while the worship of the spirits immanent in

natural objects was universal.

Where the church fails to stir the currents of intellectual life among

the masses of such a people as this, what other influence is there to

make for progress?

These Peruvian races were specially unfortunate because their natural

leaders, the _caciques_ or local chieftains who had formed a sort

of aristocracy before the Conquest, were either slaughtered or, in

some few cases, incorporated into the colonial upper class, so that

they were lost, as protectors, to the subject class, who, having

little force of character, sank unresistingly into serfdom. Once, in

1781-1783, under the leadership of Tupac Amaru, of whom I have spoken

briefly in an earlier chapter, they rose in a revolt which lasted for

three years. Being unwarlike and untrained, ill-armed and ill-led,

they were defeated with great slaughter, after atrocious cruelties had

been perpetrated on both sides. But they accomplished one feat rare

in the annals of war in destroying, along with its Spanish garrison,

the city of Sorata, which they had long besieged in vain, by damming

up the course of a mountain torrent and turning its full stream on the

place. Since those days, even the few chiefs that then remained have

vanished, and the aboriginal race consists wholly of the poorest and

most neglected part of the population. That which to them makes life

tolerable is the incessant chewing of coca, a very old habit, but now

less costly than in Inca days, because the leaf can be more easily

imported from the hot country east of the Andes.

Their enjoyments are two. One is intoxication, mostly with chicha, the

old native beverage, but now also with fiery alcohol, made from the

sugar-cane. The other is dancing at their festivals. The priests, when

they were converting the natives, thought it better not to disturb the

ancient heathen dances, but to transfer them to the days which the

church sets apart for its feasts, expunging, so far as they could,

the more offensive features of the dance, though what remains is

sufficiently repulsive. Such ceremonial performances are common among

the Indians of North America, also, and used often to be kept up for

days together before a declaration of war. The dances of the Hopi and

other Indians which the visitor sees to-day in Arizona are dull and

decorous affairs. A striking description of the dances which he saw at

Tiahuanaco on Corpus Christi Day is given by Mr. Squier,[117] and the

much more recent account given by Mr. Bandelier of those he witnessed

on another festival at Copacavana shew that things are much the same

to-day.[118] The music, of a drum-and-fife type, is loud, harsh, and

discordant, but this does not imply that a taste for sweet sound is

wanting, for the Indian often carries his simple flute or pipe with him

on his journeys and enjoys the monotonous ditties which he makes it

discourse.

Three other facts may be adduced to illustrate the condition of the

aborigines. There is no recent literature in their languages, not

even a newspaper or magazine. They seem to be very rarely ordained as

priests, though I was told in Mexico that there are a good many Indian

priests there; and it seldom happens that any Indian rises into the

learned or even into the educated class. I heard of one such at Lima,

who had a remarkable knowledge of natural history; there may have been

others.

Whether owing to the character of the Indians, or to their fear of the

white man, robberies and assaults are rare not only among the more

gentle Quichuas, but also in Bolivia, where the Aymarás, a more dour

and sullen race, frequently break the peace among themselves, village

attacking village with sticks and slings, while the women carry bags of

stones to supply ammunition for the men's slings. In fact, the safety

of the solitary European traveller in most parts of South America is

almost as remarkable as the like circumstance in India.

In respect of civil rights, there is no legal distinction between the

Indian and the white. Both enjoy the same citizenship for all private

and public purposes, to both is granted the equal protection of the

laws, equal suffrage, equal eligibility to office. This is to some

extent a guarantee to the Indian against ill treatment, but it does not

raise him in the social scale. He seldom casts a vote; not, indeed,

that it makes much difference in these countries whether the citizen

votes or not, for a paternal government takes charge of the elections.

He is never--so far as I could learn--a candidate for any national

office. The laws of the two republics interfere very little with his

life, which is regulated by ancestral custom. Even in revolutions he

does not seem to come to the front. He is, however, willing to fight,

and a good fighter both in foreign and in civil wars, however little

interest he may take in the cause. But for this fact there would have

been fewer and shorter revolutions. Thus the Indian is a member of

the nation for military, if not for political, purposes. The former

are at least nearer to his comprehension than the latter, for he

cares, and thinks of caring, about politics no more than did the needy

knife-grinder in Canning's verses. No one has yet preached to him the

gospel of democracy; no one has told him that he has anything to gain

from action as a citizen. The whole thing is as completely out of his

sphere as if he were still living under the Spanish viceroys, or,

indeed, under the rule of the Inca Huayna Capac. There is, therefore,

not yet any "Indian question" in South America.[119] There ought to

be an Indian question: that is to say, there ought to be an effort to

raise the Indians economically and educationally. But they have not yet

begun to ask to be raised.

So much for the Indian as he is in Peru and Bolivia; and, apparently,

also in those settled parts of northwestern Argentina where Indians

still remain. In Paraguay the position is so far different that the

Indians form not the lowest class, but the bulk of the nation. In the

forest-covered regions of the Amazon and its tributaries, the _Indios

bravos_ are outside civilization altogether.

To understand the social relations of the white and Indian races one

must begin by remembering that there is in Spanish and Portuguese

countries no such sharp colour line as exists where men of Teutonic

stock are settled in countries outside Europe. As this is true of

the negro, it is even more true of the Indian. He may be despised

as a weakling, he may be ignored as a citizen, he may be, as he was

at one time, abominably oppressed and ill treated, but he excites

no personal repulsion. It is not his race that is against him, but

his debased condition. Whatever he suffers, is suffered because he

is ignorant or timid or helpless, not because he is of a different

blood and colour. Accordingly the Spanish Americans do not strive to

keep off and keep down the Indian in such wise as the North Americans

and the Dutch and the English--I do not mean the governments, but

the individuals--treat their black subjects. There is not even such

aversion to him as is shewn in California and in Australia to the

Chinese, Japanese, and Hindus. The distinction between the races is in

Spanish America a distinction of rank or class rather than of colour.

Against intermarriage there is, therefore, no more feeling than that

which exists against any union palpably below a man's or woman's own

rank in life. If it is rare for a pure white to espouse a pure Indian,

that is because they are of different ranks, just as it is rare for

a well-born Englishman to marry a peasant girl. There is nothing in

the law to oppose such a union, and though whites seldom marry pure

Indians, because the classes come little into contact, the presence of

an unmistakable Indian strain in a suitor makes no difference to his

acceptability to a white woman of the same rank. Whether this contrast

between the Spanish attitude towards the Indian and the Anglo-American

attitude to the negro is due to differences between Roman Catholicism

and Protestantism,[120] or to the fact that the Indian was never

legally a slave, or to the fact that the aboriginal American races

shew a less marked divergence in colour and features from the white

than does the negro, is a question which need not be here discussed.

Possibly all three causes may contribute to the result; and probably

the circumstance that most of the early Spaniards, having brought no

wives with them, treated their numerous children by Indian women as

being legitimate and belonging to their own race, was also a factor.

Such a usage, established in the days of the Conquest, would naturally

continue to affect men's attitude. The result is anyhow one of great

significance, and makes the racial problem here quite different from

what it is in the southern states of North America.

The most salient point of difference lies in the position of the

half-breed or mestizo. In North America a mulatto, a quadroon, even an

octoroon who is only one-eighth black, counts as a negro. Here, except

perhaps in a few of the oldest cities, a mestizo counts as a white.

His half-Indian blood is no disparagement to his social standing, no

obstacle to his reaching any public position. One may remark of such

and such a person that he has evidently a strong infusion of Indian

blood, of such another that he looks a Spaniard through and through,

and the latter doubtless cherishes a secret satisfaction in his pure

Iberian stock. But for the practical purposes of business and politics,

the two, supposing them to belong to the same educated class, stand

upon the same level. The families which value their lineage so highly

that they would deem the marriage of a child to a person of mixed

blood, otherwise desirable, to be a _mésalliance_, must be now few,

and hardly exist outside five or six cities--such as Bogotá, Lima,

Arequipa, and Santiago.

Thus one may say that there is no "colour question" in South America.

Its republics have political and economic problems enough, but they

are spared a source of embarrassment and danger constantly present

to the minds of thoughtful North Americans, and present also (though

less painfully) to the minds of South Africans. Although, therefore,

both in Spanish America and in the United States there are social

distinctions which coincide with race distinctions, the character

of those distinctions is different. In both countries there are two

sections. But in the United States everyone who is not white is

classed as coloured, however slight the trace. In Spanish America

everyone who is not wholly Indian is classed as white, however marked

the Indian tinge.[121] Thus the mixed population, which in the United

States swells the negro element, is in Spanish America a part of the

white nation, and helps to give that element its preponderance. And

a further difference appears in the fact that whereas in the United

States the man of colour is discriminated against for social purposes,

irrespective of his wealth, education, or personal qualities, in

Spanish countries race counts for so little that when he emerges out

of the poverty and ignorance which mark the Indian, his equality with

the white man is admitted. So rarely, however, does he emerge that one

may broadly say that the Nation consists in these republics of white

men and mestizos only, the Indian constituting, if not another nation,

yet a separate nationality, marked off not merely by poverty, but by

its language and the adherence of its members to ancient superstitions.

They have nothing, except the worship of the saints and a fondness

for liquor, in common with the class above them, for they speak a

different language, think differently, feel differently, have their

own amusements, and cherish, in a dim way, faint memories of a time

when their forefathers were masters of the land. They are not actively

hostile to the white people, and, indeed, get on better with their

landlords than some European peasantries have done with theirs. But

they live apart, inside the nation, but not of it. The Aymarás are

silent, suspicious, sullen. The Quichuas are more kindly, but hardly

less reserved. This reserve and suspicion characterize the Mexican

Indian also, who is generally more intelligent than the Peruvian.[122]

Both Aymarás and Quichuas are tenacious of their customs, and do not

seek to assimilate any of that modern life and lore which has found

its slow way even into the recesses of the Andes. No one from without

tries to give it to them, no one rises from among themselves stirred by

a desire to acquire it and then impart it to his fellows.

This want of leading, and want not only of light but of a wish for

light, is the feature of the Indian population which most surprises

the traveller, because he knows of no parallel to it among the subject

races of Europe in the past or those of western Asia to-day. The

Greek and Armenian in Turkey have at times suffered as much from the

Turk as the Quichua has suffered from his conquerors in Peru, but in

intelligence and capacity for progress they have been the superiors of

the Turk; and had there been more of them, they would before now have

shaken off his control.

If it is asked how the presence of this solid Indian mass,

unassimilated by the white nation, has affected that nation and

the progress of the country as a whole, the answer is that in the

first place it prevented all chance of the growth of a free European

agricultural population, even in those high valleys where Europeans

could work and thrive. Had the hardy and laborious peasantry of

Galicia, Asturias, and Aragon settled in these regions, how much more

robust, mentally and physically, might the nation have been! How much

might agriculture have been improved had there been intelligent labour!

But besides this want, and besides the weakening of the state by the

lack of national spirit in half of its population, the presence of a

large mass of ignorance and superstition has operated to reduce the

general intellectual level. There have been countries where a small

rich and ruling class, living on the toil of inferiors, has cultivated

art and letters with brilliant success, but we find nothing of the sort

here. The ignorant mass has depressed the whole, as a glacier chills

the air of its valley.

Whether the Spanish stock has deteriorated through the mixture of

Indian blood is a more difficult matter to determine. The Peruvians

and Bolivians of to-day, both whites and mestizos--and the same thing

is true of Venezuelans and Ecuadoreans--differ much from the Spaniards

of the sixteenth century and from the European Spaniards of to-day.

They are probably more excitable; they are naturally less industrious

because they live in hot countries and have Indians to work for them.

But in Spain itself there are great differences between the peoples

of the north and the south and the east. The Catalans are more

energetic than the Andalusians, the Gallegos more industrious than the

Valencians. The conditions of colonial life in the presence of a large

aboriginal population, coupled with long misgovernment and intellectual

stagnation, account for a good deal of the variation from the Spanish

type. It is a sound maxim never to lay weight upon uncertain causes

when certain causes are available as explanations. Moreover our

knowledge of heredity in its influence on race development is still

imperfect. The Argentines, who are of an almost pure white stock, also

differ much from the modern Spaniard.

It might seem natural to assume _a priori_ that men of pure European

race would continue to hold the foremost place in these countries, and

would shew both greater talents and a more humane temper than those

in whose veins Indian blood flows. But I doubt if the facts support

such a view. Some of the most forceful leaders who have figured in

the politics of these republics have been mestizos. I remember one,

as capable and energetic and upright a man as I met anywhere in the

continent, who looked at least half an Indian, and very little of a

Spaniard. Nor have there been any more sinister figures in the history

of South America since the days of Pedro de Arias the infamous governor

of Darien who put to death Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, than some who were

pure Spaniards. No half-breeds have shewn more ruthlessness than the

Spanish Carbajal in the days of Pizarro, or than Rosas, the Argentine

dictator of seventy years ago. And in this connection it deserves to be

noticed that the ancient Peruvian Indians, though they thought nothing

of indiscriminate slaughter and occasionally tortured captive enemies,

did not generally shew the same taste for blood as the Aztecs shewed in

their sacrifices nor the same propensity to methods of elaborate and

long-drawn-out cruelty as did the Red men of North America.

As I have so far been speaking chiefly of Peru and Bolivia, where the

Indian population is larger and more civilized than elsewhere, a few

observations ought to be added regarding the other republics in which

a considerable aboriginal population remains. I omit Uruguay, because

it has none at all. In Argentina there are some civilized Indians in

the northwestern districts round the cities of Jujuy and Tucuman, and

to these the remarks made regarding their neighbours, the Bolivian

Indians, apply. There are also wild Indians, perhaps one hundred

thousand, perhaps more, on the Gran Chaco of the far north,[123] and

the scattered remnants of nomad Patagonians in the far south and in

Tierra del Fuego. These seem to be disappearing. The Onas in that

island have been freely killed off by the ranchmen on whose flocks

they preyed, and tubercular disease is destroying the rest. In Chile,

besides the Araucanians, described in Chapter VI, there are a few

small tribes, in a low state of barbarism, left in the archipelago of

wet and woody isles along the Pacific coast. The rural population of

the republic--indeed, nearly all of the poorer and less educated part

of it--is mestizo, a bold and vigorous race, good workers and fine

fighters. Paraguay is an almost purely Indian country.

Of the four northern republics, Panama, Colombia, Venezuela, and

Ecuador, I have seen only the first. In each of these the number of

purely Spanish families is small. It is probably largest in Colombia.

In Venezuela the Indians have been more largely absorbed into the

general population than has happened in Colombia and Ecuador. In all

four states such of the Indians as remain wild forest dwellers are

passive, and practically outside the nation, which is, as a social and

political entity, predominantly mestizo. What has been said of Peru

and Bolivia is true of these states also: there is no colour line; the

mestizos are treated as white and are not, as a class, intellectually

inferior to the white. The Indian forms the lowest stratum, and seldom

rises out of it.

There remains Brazil, distinguished from the other republics by the

fact that in addition to her small mestizo population and her pure

Indian population, most of it wild, she has a great mass of negroes

and a still larger mass of mulattoes and quadroons. It is hardly too

much to say that along the coast from Rio to Bahia and Pernambuco, as

well as in parts of the interior behind these two cities, the black

population predominates. In character and habits it somewhat resembles

the negroes of the British West Indies and Santo Domingo, being

superior to the Haytians, but inferior in education and enterprise

to the coloured people of the southern states of North America. High

as is its fecundity, its death-rate is also so high, owing to the

general neglect of sanitary precautions, that it does not appear

to be increasing relatively to the general population. It is well

treated--slavery was seldom harsh among the kindly natured, easy-going

Portuguese--and bears no ill-will to its former masters. Neither do

they feel towards it that repulsion which marks the attitude of the

whites to the negroes in North America and South Africa. The Brazilian

lower class intermarries freely with the black people; the Brazilian

middle class intermarries with mulattoes and quadroons. Brazil is

the one country in the world, besides the Portuguese colonies on the

east and west coasts of Africa, in which a fusion of the European and

African races is proceeding unchecked by law or custom. The doctrines

of human equality and human solidarity have here their perfect work.

The result is so far satisfactory that there is little or no class

friction. The white man does not lynch or maltreat the negro: indeed,

I have never heard of a lynching anywhere in South America except

occasionally as part of a political convulsion. The negro is not

accused of insolence and does not seem to develop any more criminality

than naturally belongs to any ignorant population with loose notions of

morality and property.

What ultimate effect the intermixture of blood will have on the

European element in Brazil I will not venture to predict. If one may

judge from a few remarkable cases, it will not necessarily reduce the

intellectual standard. One of the ablest and most refined Brazilians I

have known had some colour; and other such cases have been mentioned to

me. Assumptions and preconceptions must be eschewed, however plausible

they may seem.

The chief conclusions which the history of the relations of races in

the South American continent suggests are the three following. The

first may be thought doubtful. It is negative rather than positive,

and though it seems worth stating, I state it with diffidence.

The fusion of two parent stocks, one more advanced, the other more

backward, does not necessarily result in producing a race inferior to

the stronger parent or superior to the weaker. The mestizo in Peru is

not palpably inferior in intellect to the Spanish colonial of unmixed

blood, but seems to be substantially his equal. The mestizo in Mexico

is not palpably superior--some doubt if he is at all superior either

physically, morally, or intellectually--to the pure Tarascan or Zapotec

Indian, who is, no doubt, a stronger human being than the South

American Quichua or Aymará.

The second conclusion is this: Conquest and control by a race of

greater strength have upon some races a depressing and almost ruinous

effect. The Peruvian subjects of the Incas had reached a state of

advancement which, though much below that of the ancient Egyptians and

Babylonians, was remarkable when one considers that their isolation

deprived them of the enormous benefit of contact with other progressive

peoples, and when one considers also the disadvantage of living at a

great altitude, the absence of milk-yielding animals, and the paucity

both of animals capable of domestication and of cereal plants. The

impact of Spanish invasion not only shattered their own rudimentary

civilization to pieces, but so took all the heart and spirit out of

them that they have made practically no advances during four centuries,

and have profited hardly at all by the western civilization of their

masters. The aborigines of Mexico, having more stamina of intellect and

will, have suffered less by the shock, but have done almost as little

to assimilate the arts and ideas of Europe.

Thirdly, the ease with which the Spaniards have intermingled by

marriage with the Indian tribes--and the Portuguese have done the like,

not only with the Indians, but with the more physically dissimilar

negroes--shews that race repugnance is no such constant and permanent

factor in human affairs as members of the Teutonic peoples are apt

to assume. Instead of being, as we Teutons suppose, the rule in this

matter, we are rather the exception, for in the ancient world there

seems to have been little race repulsion; there is very little to-day

among Mohammedans; there is none among Chinese. This seems to suggest

that since the phenomenon is not of the essence of human nature, it may

not be always as strong among the Teutonic peoples as it is to-day.

Religion has been in the past almost as powerful a dissevering force

as has racial antagonism. In the case of Spaniards and Portuguese,

religion, so soon as the Indians had been baptized, made race

differences seem insignificant. Islam has always done this in the East

and in Africa.

As touching the future, it seems as certain as anything in human

affairs can be that the races now inhabiting South America, aboriginal,

European, and African, will be all ultimately fused. The Spanish

republics (except the purely white Argentina and Uruguay) will be

Ibero-American, Brazil will be Ibero-American-African. All present

facts point that way, and that any hitherto unfelt repulsion will arise

seems most improbable. When, however, will the process be complete?

In the Spanish republics, hardly before two centuries, probably not

even then. It seems not much nearer now than it was in 1810, when the

revolutionary struggles began, though anything which stirred up the

Andean population, such as the discovery of a large number of new and

rich mines, bringing in foreign labour and increasing the demand for

domestic labour, or anything that roused a spirit of economic and

political change, might accelerate the consummation.

Still less predictable is the quality of the mixed race that will

emerge. One cannot but fear that the Portuguese of tropical Brazil may

suffer from the further infusion of an element the moral fibre of which

is conspicuously weak, though there are those who argue that the blood

of the superior race must ultimately transmute the whole. But we need

not assume that the peoples of the Spanish republics will necessarily

decline, for the present degradation of the Indians may be due as much

to their melancholy history as to inherent defects. It is still too

soon to be despondent. There may be in the Indian stock a reserve of

strength, dormant, but not extinct, ready to respond to a new stimulus

and to shoot upwards under more inspiriting conditions.

South America: Observations and Impressions New edition corrected and revised · 第 13 / 17 章