But as for the Goths who were keeping guard in Rome, it was not until

they learned that the enemy were very near and became aware of the

decision of the Romans, that they began to be concerned for the city,

and, being unable to meet the attacking army in battle, they were at a

loss; but later, with the permission of the Romans, they all departed

thence and proceeded to Ravenna, except that Leuderis, who commanded

them, being ashamed, I suppose, because of the situation in which he

found himself, remained there. And it so happened on that day that at

the very same time when Belisarius and the emperor's army were entering

Rome through the gate which they call the Asinarian Gate, the Goths were

withdrawing from the city through another gate which bears the name

Flaminian; and Rome became subject to the Romans again after a space of

sixty years, on the ninth day of the last month, which is called

"December" by the Romans, in the eleventh year of the reign of the

Emperor Justinian. [V] Now Belisarius sent Leuderis, the commander of

the Goths, and the keys of the gates to the emperor, but he himself

turned his attention to the circuit-wall, which had fallen into ruin in

many places; and he constructed each merlon of the battlement with a

wing, adding a sort of flanking wall on the left side,[69] in order that

those fighting from the battlement against their assailants might never

be hit by missiles thrown by those storming the wall on their left; and

he also dug a moat about the wall of sufficient depth to form a very

important part of the defences. And the Romans applauded the forethought

of the general and especially the experience displayed in the matter of

the battlement; but they marvelled greatly and were vexed that he should

have thought it possible for him to enter Rome if he had any idea that

he would be besieged, for it cannot possibly endure a siege because it

cannot be supplied with provisions, since it is not on the sea, is

enclosed by a wall of so huge a circumference,[70] and, above all, lying

as it does in a very level plain, is naturally exceedingly easy of

access for its assailants. But although Belisarius heard all these

criticisms, he nevertheless continued to make all his preparations for a

siege, and the grain which he had in his ships when he came from Sicily

he stored in public granaries and kept under guard, and he compelled all

the Romans, indignant though they were, to bring all their provisions in

from the country.

DATE:

[V]536 A.D.

FOOTNOTES:

[64] Cf. chap. xi. 26, note.

[65] The quaestor held an important position as counsellor ([Greek:

paredros]) of the emperor in legal matters. It was his function, also,

to formulate and publish new laws.

[66] Built in 312 B.C. by the censor, Appius Claudius.

[67] Chiefly basalt. As built by Appius, however, the surface was of

gravel; the stone blocks date from later years.

[68] Apparently an error, for lava quarries have been found along the

road.

[69] _i.e._ on the left of the defender. The battlement, then, in

horizontal section, had this form |--|--|--, instead of the usual series

of straight merlons. Winged merlons were used on the walls of Pompeii;

for an excellent illustration see Overbeck, _Pompeji_^4, p. 46.

[70] _i.e._ too great to be defended at every point: the total length of

the circuit-wall was about twelve miles.

XV

At that time Pitzas, a Goth, coming from Samnium, also put himself and

all the Goths who were living there with him into the hands of

Belisarius, as well as the half of that part of Samnium which lies on

the sea, as far as the river which flows through the middle of that

district.[71] For the Goths who were settled on the other side of the

river were neither willing to follow Pitzas nor to be subjects of the

emperor. And Belisarius gave him a small number of soldiers to help him

guard that territory. And before this the Calabrians and Apulians, since

no Goths were present in their land, had willingly submitted themselves

to Belisarius, both those on the coast and those who held the interior.

Among the interior towns is Beneventus,[72] which in ancient times the

Romans had named "Maleventus," but now they call it Beneventus, avoiding

the evil omen of the former name,[73] "ventus" having the meaning "wind"

in the Latin tongue. For in Dalmatia, which lies across from this city

on the opposite mainland, a wind of great violence and exceedingly wild

is wont to fall upon the country, and when this begins to blow, it is

impossible to find a man there who continues to travel on the road, but

all shut themselves up at home and wait. Such, indeed, is the force of

the wind that it seizes a man on horseback together with his horse and

carries him through the air, and then, after whirling him about in the

air to a great distance, it throws him down wherever he may chance to be

and kills him. And it so happens that Beneventus, being opposite to

Dalmatia, as I have said, and situated on rather high ground, gets some

of the disadvantage of this same wind. This city was built of old by

Diomedes, the son of Tydeus, when after the capture of Troy he was

repulsed from Argos. And he left to the city as a token the tusks of the

Calydonian boar, which his uncle Meleager had received as a prize of the

hunt, and they are there even up to my time, a noteworthy sight and well

worth seeing, measuring not less than three spans around and having the

form of a crescent. There, too, they say that Diomedes met Aeneas, the

son of Anchises, when he was coming from Ilium, and in obedience to the

oracle gave him the statue of Athena which he had seized as plunder in

company with Odysseus, when the two went into Troy as spies before the

city was captured by the Greeks. For they tell the story that when he

fell sick at a later time, and made enquiry concerning the disease, the

oracle responded that he would never be freed from his malady unless he

should give this statue to a man of Troy. And as to where in the world

the statue itself is, the Romans say they do not know, but even up to my

time they shew a copy of it chiselled on a certain stone in the temple

of Fortune, where it lies before the bronze statue of Athena, which is

set up under the open sky in the eastern part of the temple. And this

copy on the stone represents a female figure in the pose of a warrior

and extending her spear as if for combat; but in spite of this she has a

chiton reaching to the feet. But the face does not resemble the Greek

statues of Athena, but is altogether like the work of the ancient

Aegyptians. The Byzantines, however, say that the Emperor Constantine

dug up this statue in the forum which bears his name[74] and set it

there. So much, then, for this.

In this way Belisarius won over the whole of that part of Italy which is

south of the Ionian Gulf,[75] as far as Rome and Samnium, and the

territory north of the gulf, as far as Liburnia, had been gained by

Constantianus, as has been said.[76] But I shall now explain how Italy

is divided among the inhabitants of the land. The Adriatic Sea[77] sends

out a kind of outlet far into the continent and thus forms the Ionian

Gulf, but it does not, as in other places where the sea enters the

mainland, form an isthmus at its end. For example, the so-called

Crisaean Gulf, ending at Lechaeum, where the city of Corinth is, forms

the isthmus of that city, about forty stades in breadth; and the gulf

off the Hellespont, which they call the Black Gulf,[78] makes the

isthmus at the Chersonese no broader than the Corinthian, but of about

the same size. But from the city of Ravenna, where the Ionian Gulf ends,

to the Tuscan Sea is not less than eight days' journey for an

unencumbered traveller. And the reason is that the arm of the sea, as it

advances,[79] always inclines very far to the right. And below this gulf

the first town is Dryus,[80] which is now called Hydrus. And on the

right of this are the Calabrians, Apulians, and Samnites, and next to

them dwell the Piceni, whose territory extends as far as the city of

Ravenna. And on the other side are the remainder of the Calabrians, the

Bruttii, and the Lucani, beyond whom dwell the Campani as far as the

city of Taracina, and their territory is adjoined by that of Rome. These

peoples hold the shores of the two seas, and all the interior of that

part of Italy. And this is the country called Magna Graecia in former

times. For among the Bruttii are the Epizephyrian Locrians and the

inhabitants of Croton and Thurii. But north of the gulf the first

inhabitants are Greeks, called Epirotes, as far as the city of

Epidamnus, which is situated on the sea. And adjoining this is the land

of Precalis, beyond which is the territory called Dalmatia, all of

which is counted as part of the western empire. And beyond that point is

Liburnia,[81] and Istria, and the land of the Veneti extending to the

city of Ravenna. These countries are situated on the sea in that region.

But above them are the Siscii and Suevi (not those who are subjects of

the Franks, but another group), who inhabit the interior. And beyond

these are settled the Carnii and Norici. On the right of these dwell the

Dacians and Pannonians, who hold a number of towns, including

Singidunum[82] and Sirmium, and extend as far as the Ister River. Now

these peoples north of the Ionian Gulf were ruled by the Goths at the

beginning of this war, but beyond the city of Ravenna on the left of the

river Po the country was inhabited by the Ligurians.[83] And to the

north of them live the Albani in an exceedingly good land called

Langovilla, and beyond these are the nations subject to the Franks,

while the country to the west is held by the Gauls and after them the

Spaniards. On the right of the Po are Aemilia[84] and the Tuscan

peoples, which extend as far as the boundaries of Rome. So much, then,

for this.

FOOTNOTES:

[71] Probably either the Biferno or the Sangro.

[72] _sic_ Procopius. The customary form "Beneventum" shews less clearly

the derivation from "ventus" which Procopius favours. Other possible

explanations are "bene" + "venio" or "bene" + (suff.) "entum."

[73] Cf. Pliny III. xi. 16, § 105, who says that the name was originally

"Maleventum," on account of its unwholesome air.

[74] The Forum of Constantine was a short distance west of the

Hippodrome. One of its principle monuments, a huge porphyry column,

still stands and is known as the "Burnt Column."

[75] _i.e._ the Adriatic Sea; see note 4.

[76] Chap. vii. 36.

[77] By the "Adriatic" is meant the part of the Mediterranean which lies

between Africa on the south, Sicily and Italy on the west, and Greece

and Epirus on the east; Procopius' "Ionian Gulf" is therefore our

Adriatic Sea.

[78] Now the Gulf of Saros, north and west of the Gallipoli peninsula.

[79] _i.e._ to the north-west. Procopius means that the Adriatic should

incline at its upper end more toward the left (the west) in order to

form the isthmus which he is surprised to find lacking.

[80] Hydruntum; cf. Book III. i. 9, note.

[81] Modern Croatia.

[82] Modern Belgrade.

[83] Procopius seems to have erred: Liguria, as well as Aemilia (below),

was south of the Po. Cf. chap. xii. 4, where Liguria is represented as

extending to the Alps.

[84] Whose capital was Placentia (Piacenzo).

XVI

So Belisarius took possession of all the territory of Rome as far as the

river Tiber, and strengthened it. And when all had been settled by him

in the best possible manner, he gave to Constantinus a large number of

his own guards together with many spearmen, including the Massagetae

Zarter, Chorsomanus, and Aeschmanus, and an army besides, commanding him

to go into Tuscany, in order to win over the towns of that region. And

he gave orders to Bessas to take possession of Narnia, a very strong

city in Tuscany. Now this Bessas was a Goth by birth, one of those who

had dwelt in Thrace from of old and had not followed Theoderic when he

led the Gothic nation thence into Italy, and he was an energetic man and

a capable warrior. For he was both a general of the first rank, and a

skilful man in action. And Bessas took Narnia not at all against the

will of the inhabitants, and Constantinus won over Spolitium[85] and

Perusia[86] and certain other towns without any trouble. For the Tuscans

received him into their cities willingly. So after establishing a

garrison in Spolitium, he himself remained quietly with his army in

Perusia, the first city in Tuscany.

Now when Vittigis heard this, he sent against them an army with Unilas

and Pissas as its commanders. And Constantinus confronted these troops

in the outskirts of Perusia and engaged with them. The battle was at

first evenly disputed, since the barbarians were superior in numbers,

but afterwards the Romans by their valour gained the upper hand and

routed the enemy, and while they were fleeing in complete disorder the

Romans killed almost all of them; and they captured alive the commanders

of the enemy and sent them to Belisarius. Now when Vittigis heard this,

he was no longer willing to remain quietly in Ravenna, where he was

embarrassed by the absence of Marcias and his men, who had not yet come

from Gaul. So he sent to Dalmatia a great army with Asinarius and

Uligisalus as its commanders, in order to recover Dalmatia for the

Gothic rule. And he directed them to add to their own troops an army

from the land of the Suevi, composed of the barbarians there, and then

to proceed directly to Dalmatia and Salones. And he also sent with them

many ships of war, in order that they might be able to besiege Salones

both by land and by sea. But he himself was hastening to go with his

whole army against Belisarius and Rome, leading against him horsemen and

infantry to the number of not less than one hundred and fifty thousand,

and the most of them as well as their horses were clad in armour.

So Asinarius, upon reaching the country of the Suevi, began to gather

the army of the barbarians, while Uligisalus alone led the Goths into

Liburnia. And when the Romans engaged with them at a place called

Scardon, they were defeated in the battle and retired to the city of

Burnus; and there Uligisalus awaited his colleague. But Constantianus,

upon hearing of the preparations of Asinarius, became afraid for

Salones, and summoned the soldiers who were holding all the fortresses

in that region. He then dug a moat around the whole circuit-wall and

made all the other preparations for the siege in the best manner

possible. And Asinarius, after gathering an exceedingly large army of

barbarians, came to the city of Burnus. There he joined Uligisalus and

the Gothic army and proceeded to Salones. And they made a stockade about

the circuit-wall, and also, filling their ships with soldiers, kept

guard over the side of the fortifications which faced the sea. In this

manner they proceeded to besiege Salones both by land and by sea; but

the Romans suddenly made an attack upon the ships of the enemy and

turned them to flight, and many of them they sunk, men and all, and also

captured many without their crews. However, the Goths did not raise the

siege, but maintained it vigorously and kept the Romans still more

closely confined to the city than before. Such, then, were the fortunes

of the Roman and Gothic armies in Dalmatia.

But Vittigis, upon hearing from the natives who came from Rome that the

army which Belisarius had was very small, began to repent of his

withdrawal from Rome, and was no longer able to endure the situation,

but was now so carried away by fury that he advanced against them. And

on his way thither he fell in with a priest who was coming from Rome.

Whereupon they say that Vittigis in great excitement enquired of this

man whether Belisarius was still in Rome, shewing that he was afraid he

would not be able to catch him, but that Belisarius would forestall him

by running away. But the priest, they say, replied that he need not be

at all concerned about that; for he, the priest, was able to guarantee

that Belisarius would never resort to flight, but was remaining where he

was. But Vittigis, they say, kept hastening still more than before,

praying that he might see with his own eyes the walls of Rome before

Belisarius made his escape from the city.

FOOTNOTES:

[85] Modern Spoleto.

[86] Modern Perugia.

XVII

But Belisarius, when he heard that the Goths were marching against him

with their whole force, was in a dilemma. For he was unwilling, on the

one hand, to dispense with the troops of Constantinus and Bessas,

especially since his army was exceedingly small, and, on the other, it

seemed to him inexpedient to abandon the strongholds in Tuscany, lest

the Goths should hold these as fortresses against the Romans. So after

considering the matter he sent word to Constantinus and Bessas to leave

garrisons in the positions which absolutely required them, large enough

to guard them, while they themselves with the rest of the army should

come to Rome with all speed. And Constantinus acted accordingly. For he

established garrisons in Perusia and Spolitium, and with all the rest of

his troops marched off to Rome. But while Bessas, in a more leisurely

manner, was making his dispositions in Narnia, it so happened that,

since the enemy were passing that way, the plains in the outskirts of

the city were filled with Goths. These were an advance guard preceding

the rest of the army; and Bessas engaged with them and unexpectedly

routed those whom he encountered and killed many; but then, since he was

overpowered by their superior numbers, he retired into Narnia. And

leaving a garrison there according to the instructions of Belisarius,

he went with all speed to Rome, and reported that the enemy would be at

hand almost instantly. For Narnia is only three hundred and fifty stades

distant from Rome. But Vittigis made no attempt at all to capture

Perusia and Spolitium; for these places are exceedingly strong and he

was quite unwilling that his time should be wasted there, his one desire

having come to be to find Belisarius not yet fled from Rome. Moreover,

even when he learned that Narnia also was held by the enemy, he was

unwilling to attempt anything there, knowing that the place was

difficult of access and on steep ground besides; for it is situated on a

lofty hill. And the river Narnus flows by the foot of the hill, and it

is this which has given the city its name. There are two roads leading

up to the city, the one on the east, and the other on the west. One of

these is very narrow and difficult by reason of precipitous rocks, while

the other cannot be reached except by way of the bridge which spans the

river and provides a passage over it at that point. This bridge was

built by Caesar Augustus in early times, and is a very noteworthy sight;

for its arches are the highest of any known to us.

So Vittigis, not enduring to have his time wasted there, departed thence

with all speed and went with the whole army against Rome, making the

journey through Sabine territory. [W]And when he drew near to Rome, and

was not more than fourteen stades away from it, he came upon a bridge

over the Tiber River.[87] There a little while before Belisarius had

built a tower, furnished it with gates, and stationed in it a guard of

soldiers, not because this is the only point at which the Tiber could be

crossed by the enemy (for there are both boats and bridges at many

places along the river), but because he wished the enemy to have to

spend more time in the journey, since he was expecting another army from

the emperor, and also in order that the Romans might bring in still more

provisions. For if the barbarians, repulsed at that point, should try to

cross on a bridge somewhere else, he thought that not less than twenty

days would be consumed by them, and if they wished to launch boats in

the Tiber to the necessary number, a still longer time would probably be

wasted by them. These, then, were the considerations which led him to

establish the garrison at that point; and the Goths bivouacked there

that day, being at a loss and supposing that they would be obliged to

storm the tower on the following day; but twenty-two deserters came to

them, men who were barbarians by race but Roman soldiers, from the

cavalry troop commanded by Innocentius.[88] Just at that time it

occurred to Belisarius to establish a camp near the Tiber River, in

order that they might hinder still more the crossing of the enemy and

make some kind of a display of their own daring to their opponents. But

all the soldiers who, as has been stated, were keeping guard at the

bridge, being overcome with terror at the throng of Goths and quailing

at the magnitude of their danger, abandoned by night the tower they were

guarding and rushed off in flight. But thinking that they could not

enter Rome, they stealthily marched off toward Campania, either because

they were afraid of the punishment the general would inflict or because

they were ashamed to appear before their comrades.

DATE:

[W]Feb. 21, 537 A.D.

FOOTNOTES:

[87] The Mulvian Bridge.

[88] Cf. chap. v. 3.

XVIII

On the following day the Goths destroyed the gates of the tower with no

trouble and made the crossing, since no one tried to oppose them. But

Belisarius, who had not as yet learned what had happened to the

garrison, was bringing up a thousand horsemen to the bridge over the

river, in order to look over the ground and decide where it would be

best for his forces to make camp. But when they had come rather close,

they met the enemy already across the river, and not at all willingly

they engaged with some of them. And the battle was carried on by

horsemen on both sides. Then Belisarius, though he was safe before,

would no longer keep the general's post, but began to fight in the front

ranks like a soldier; and consequently the cause of the Romans was

thrown into great danger, for the whole decision of the war rested with

him. But it happened that the horse he was riding at that time was

unusually experienced in warfare and knew well how to save his rider;

and his whole body was dark grey, except that his face from the top of

his head to the nostrils was the purest white. Such a horse the Greeks

call "phalius"[89] and the barbarians "balan." And it so happened that

the most of the Goths threw their javelins and other missiles at him and

at Belisarius for the following reason. Those deserters who on the

previous day had come to the Goths, when they saw Belisarius fighting in

the front ranks, knowing well that, if he should fall, the cause of the

Romans would be ruined instantly, cried aloud urging them to "shoot at

the white-faced horse." Consequently this saying was passed around and

reached the whole Gothic army, and they did not question it at all,

since they were in a great tumult of fighting, nor did they know clearly

that it referred to Belisarius. But conjecturing that it was not by mere

accident that the saying had gained such currency as to reach all, the

most of them, neglecting all others, began to shoot at Belisarius. And

every man among them who laid any claim to valour was immediately

possessed with a great eagerness to win honour, and getting as close as

possible they kept trying to lay hold of him and in a great fury kept

striking with their spears and swords. But Belisarius himself, turning

from side to side, kept killing as they came those who encountered him,

and he also profited very greatly by the loyalty of his own spearmen and

guards in this moment of danger. For they all surrounded him and made a

display of valour such, I imagine, as has never been shewn by any man in

the world to this day; for, holding out their shields in defence of both

the general and his horse, they not only received all the missiles, but

also forced back and beat off those who from time to time assailed him.

And thus the whole engagement was centred about the body of one man. In

this struggle there fell among the Goths no fewer than a thousand, and

they were men who fought in the front ranks; and of the household of

Belisarius many of the noblest were slain, and Maxentius, the spearman,

after making a display of great exploits against the enemy. But by some

chance Belisarius was neither wounded nor hit by a missile on that day,

although the battle was waged around him alone.

Finally by their valour the Romans turned the enemy to flight, and an

exceedingly great multitude of barbarians fled until they reached their

main army. For there the Gothic infantry, being entirely fresh,

withstood their enemy and forced them back without any trouble. And when

another body of cavalry in turn reinforced the Goths, the Romans fled at

top speed until they reached a certain hill, which they climbed, and

there held their position. But the enemy's horsemen were upon them

directly, and a second cavalry battle took place. There Valentinus, the

groom of Photius, the son of Antonina, made a remarkable exhibition of

valour. For by leaping alone into the throng of the enemy he opposed

himself to the onrush of the Goths and thus saved his companions. In

this way the Romans escaped, and arrived at the fortifications of Rome,

and the barbarians in pursuit pressed upon them as far as the wall by

the gate which has been named the Salarian Gate.[90] But the people of

Rome, fearing lest the enemy should rush in together with the fugitives

and thus get inside the fortifications, were quite unwilling to open the

gates, although Belisarius urged them again and again and called upon

them with threats to do so. For, on the one hand, those who peered out

of the tower were unable to recognise the man, for his face and his

whole head were covered with gore and dust, and at the same time no one

was able to see very clearly, either; for it was late in the day, about

sunset. Moreover, the Romans had no reason to suppose that the general

survived; for those who had come in flight from the rout which had taken

place earlier reported that Belisarius had died fighting bravely in the

front ranks. So the throng of the enemy, which had rushed up in strength

and possessed with great fury, were purposing to cross the moat

straightway and attack the fugitives there; and the Romans, finding

themselves massed along the wall, after they had come inside the moat,

and so close together that they touched one another, were being crowded

into a small space. Those inside the fortifications, however, since they

were without a general and altogether unprepared, and being in a panic

of fear for themselves and for the city, were quite unable to defend

their own men, although these were now in so perilous a situation.

Then a daring thought came to Belisarius, which unexpectedly saved the

day for the Romans. For urging on all his men he suddenly fell upon the

enemy. And they, even before this, had been in great disorder because

of the darkness and the fact that they were making a pursuit, and now

when, much to their surprise, they saw the fugitives attacking them,

they supposed that another army also had come to their assistance from

the city, and so were thrown into a great panic and all fled immediately

at top speed. But Belisarius by no means rushed out to pursue them, but

returned straightway to the wall. And at this the Romans took courage

and received him and all his men into the city. So narrowly did

Belisarius and the emperor's cause escape peril; and the battle which

had begun early in the morning did not end until night. And those who

distinguished themselves above all others by their valour in this battle

were, among the Romans, Belisarius, and among the Goths, Visandus

Vandalarius, who had fallen upon Belisarius at the first when the battle

took place about him, and did not desist until he had received thirteen

wounds on his body and fell. And since he was supposed to have died

immediately, he was not cared for by his companions, although they were

victorious, and he lay there with the dead. But on the third day, when

the barbarians had made camp hard by the circuit-wall of Rome and had

sent some men in order to bury their dead and to perform the customary

rites of burial, those who were searching out the bodies of the fallen

found Visandus Vandalarius with life still in him, and one of his

companions entreated him to speak some word to him. But he could not do

even this, for the inside of his body was on fire because of the lack of

food and the thirst caused by his suffering, and so he nodded to him to

put water into his mouth. Then when he had drunk and become himself

again, they lifted and carried him to the camp. And Visandus Vandalarius

won a great name for this deed among the Goths, and he lived on a very

considerable time, enjoying the greatest renown. This, then, took place

on the third day after the battle.

But at that time Belisarius, after reaching safety with his followers,

gathered the soldiers and almost the whole Roman populace to the wall,

and commanded them to burn many fires and keep watch throughout the

whole night. And going about the circuit of the fortifications, he set

everything in order and put one of his commanders in charge of each

gate. But Bessas, who took command of the guard at the gate called the

Praenestine,[91] sent a messenger to Belisarius with orders to say that

the city was held by the enemy, who had broken in through another gate

which is across the Tiber River[92] and bears the name of Pancratius, a

holy man. And all those who were in the company of Belisarius, upon

hearing this, urged him to save himself as quickly as possible through

some other gate. He, however, neither became panic-stricken, nor did he

hesitate to declare that the report was false. And he also sent some of

his horsemen across the Tiber with all speed, and they, after looking

over the ground there, brought back word that no hostile attack had been

made on the city in that quarter. He therefore sent immediately to each

gate and instructed the commanders everywhere that, whenever they heard

that the enemy had broken in at any other part of the fortifications,

they should not try to assist in the defence nor abandon their post, but

should remain quiet; for he himself would take care of such matters. And

he did this in order that they might not be thrown into disorder a

second time by a rumour which was not true.

But Vittigis, while the Romans were still in great confusion, sent to

the Salarian Gate[93] one of his commanders, Vacis by name, a man of no

mean station. And when he had arrived there, he began to reproach the

Romans for their faithlessness to the Goths and upbraided them for the

treason which he said they had committed against both their fatherland

and themselves, for they had exchanged the power of the Goths for Greeks

who were not able to defend them, although they had never before seen

any men of the Greek race come to Italy except actors of tragedy and

mimes and thieving sailors.[94] Such words and many like them were

spoken by Vacis, but since no one replied to him, he returned to the

Goths and Vittigis. As for Belisarius, he brought upon himself much

ridicule on the part of the Romans, for though he had barely escaped

from the enemy, he bade them take courage thenceforth and look with

contempt upon the barbarians; for he knew well, he said, that he would

conquer them decisively. Now the manner in which he had come to know

this with certainty will be told in the following narrative.[95] At

length, when it was well on in the night, Belisarius, who had been

fasting up to this time, was with difficulty compelled by his wife and

those of his friends who were present to taste a very little bread.

Thus, then, the two armies passed this night.

[Illustration: Based upon the plan in Hodgkin's "Italy and her

Invaders." Edward Stanford Ltd. London]

FOOTNOTES:

[89] Having a white spot, "White-face."

[90] See plan opposite p. 185.

[91] See plan opposite p. 185.

[92] For Procopius' description of the wall "across the Tiber," see

chap. xix. 6-10.

[93] See plan opposite p. 185.

[94] Cf. Book IV. xxvii. 38, note.

[95] Chap. xxvii. 25-29.

XIX

But on the following day they arrayed themselves for the struggle, the

Goths thinking to capture Rome by siege without any trouble on account

of the great size of the city, and the Romans defending it. Now the wall

of the city has fourteen large gates and several smaller ones. And the

Goths, being unable with their entire army to envelop the wall on every

side, made six fortified camps from which they harassed the portion of

the wall containing five gates, from the Flaminian as far as the one

called the Praenestine Gate; and all these camps were made by them on

the left bank of the Tiber River. Wherefore the barbarians feared lest

their enemy, by destroying the bridge which bears the name of Mulvius,

should render inaccessible to them all the land on the right bank of the

river as far as the sea, and in this way have not the slightest

experience of the evils of a siege, and so they fixed a seventh camp

across the Tiber in the Plain of Nero, in order that the bridge might be

between their two armies. So in this way two other gates came to be

exposed to the attacks of the enemy, the Aurelian[96] (which is now

named after Peter, the chief of the Apostles of Christ, since he lies

not far from there[97]) and the Transtiburtine Gate.[98] Thus the Goths

surrounded only about one-half of the wall with their army, but since

they were in no direction wholly shut off from the wall by the river,

they made attacks upon it throughout its whole extent whenever they

wished.

Now the way the Romans came to build the city-wall on both sides of the

river I shall now proceed to tell. In ancient times the Tiber used to

flow alongside the circuit-wall for a considerable distance, even at the

place where it is now enclosed. But this ground, on which the wall rises

along the stream of the river, is flat and very accessible. And opposite

this flat ground, across the Tiber, it happens that there is a great

hill[99] where all the mills of the city have been built from of old,

because much water is brought by an aqueduct to the crest of the hill,

and rushes thence down the incline with great force. For this reason the

ancient Romans[100] determined to surround the hill and the river bank

near it with a wall, so that it might never be possible for an enemy to

destroy the mills, and crossing the river, to carry on operations with

ease against the circuit-wall of the city. So they decided to span the

river at this point with a bridge, and to attach it to the wall; and by

building many houses in the district across the river they caused the

stream of the Tiber to be in the middle of the city. So much then for

this.

And the Goths dug deep trenches about all their camps, and heaped up the

earth, which they took out from them, on the inner side of the trenches,

making this bank exceedingly high, and they planted great numbers of

sharp stakes on the top, thus making all their camps in no way inferior

to fortified strongholds. And the camp in the Plain of Nero was

commanded by Marcias (for he had by now arrived from Gaul with his

followers, with whom he was encamped there), and the rest of the camps

were commanded by Vittigis with five others; for there was one commander

for each camp. So the Goths, having taken their positions in this way,

tore open all the aqueducts, so that no water at all might enter the

city from them. Now the aqueducts of Rome are fourteen in number, and

were made of baked brick by the men of old, being of such breadth and

height that it is possible for a man on horseback to ride in them.[101]

And Belisarius arranged for the defence of the city in the following

manner. He himself held the small Pincian Gate and the gate next to this

on the right, which is named the Salarian. For at these gates the

circuit-wall was assailable, and at the same time it was possible for

the Romans to go out from them against the enemy. The Praenestine Gate

he gave to Bessas. And at the Flaminian, which is on the other side of

the Pincian, he put Constantinus in command, having previously closed

the gates and blocked them up most securely by building a wall of great

stones on the inside, so that it might be impossible for anyone to open

them. For since one of the camps was very near, he feared least some

secret plot against the city should be made there by the enemy. And the

remaining gates he ordered the commanders of the infantry forces to keep

under guard. And he closed each of the aqueducts as securely as possible

by filling their channels with masonry for a considerable distance, to

prevent anyone from entering through them from the outside to do

mischief.

But after the aqueducts had been broken open, as I have stated, the

water no longer worked the mills, and the Romans were quite unable to

operate them with any kind of animals owing to the scarcity of all food

in time of siege; indeed they were scarcely able to provide for the

horses which were indispensable to them. And so Belisarius hit upon the

following device. Just below the bridge[102] which I lately mentioned as

being connected with the circuit-wall, he fastened ropes from the two

banks of the river and stretched them as tight as he could, and then

attached to them two boats side by side and two feet apart, where the

flow of the water comes down from the arch of the bridge with the

greatest force, and placing two mills on either boat, he hung between

them the mechanism by which mills are customarily turned. And below

these he fastened other boats, each attached to the one next behind in

order, and he set the water-wheels between them in the same manner for a

great distance. So by the force of the flowing water all the wheels, one

after the other, were made to revolve independently, and thus they

worked the mills with which they were connected and ground sufficient

flour for the city. Now when the enemy learned this from the deserters,

they destroyed the wheels in the following manner. They gathered large

trees and bodies of Romans newly slain and kept throwing them into the

river; and the most of these were carried with the current between the

boats and broke off the mill-wheels. But Belisarius, observing what was

being done, contrived the following device against it. He fastened

above the bridge long iron chains, which reached completely across the

Tiber. All the objects which the river brought down struck upon these

chains, and gathered there and went no farther. And those to whom this

work was assigned kept pulling out these objects as they came and bore

them to the land. And Belisarius did this, not so much on account of the

mills, as because he began to think with alarm that the enemy might get

inside the bridge at this point with many boats and be in the middle of

the city before their presence became known. Thus the barbarians

abandoned the attempt, since they met with no success in it. And

thereafter the Romans continued to use these mills; but they were

entirely excluded from the baths because of the scarcity of water.

However, they had sufficient water to drink, since even for those who

lived very far from the river it was possible to draw water from wells.

But as for the sewers, which carry out from the city whatever is

unclean, Belisarius was not forced to devise any plan of safety, for

they all discharge into the Tiber River, and therefore it was impossible

for any plot to be made against the city by the enemy in connection with

them.

FOOTNOTES:

[96] This is an error. Procopius means the Porta Cornelia.

[97] According to tradition the Basilica of St. Peter was built over the

grave of the Apostle.

[98] The Aurelian.

[99] The Janiculum.

[100] The wall described was a part of the wall of Aurelian.

[101] This is an exaggeration; the channels vary from four to eight feet

in height.

[102] The Pons Aurelius. See section 10 of this chapter.

XX

Thus, then, did Belisarius make his arrangements for the siege. And

among the Samnites a large company of children, who were pasturing

flocks in their own country, chose out two among them who were well

favoured in strength of body, and calling one of them by the name of

Belisarius, and naming the other Vittigis, bade them wrestle. And they

entered into the struggle with the greatest vehemence and it so fell out

that the one who impersonated Vittigis was thrown. Then the crowd of

boys in play hung him to a tree. But a wolf by some chance appeared

there, whereupon the boys all fled, and the one called Vittigis, who was

suspended from the tree, remained for some time suffering this

punishment and then died. And when this became known to the Samnites,

they did not inflict any punishment upon these children, but divining

the meaning of the incident declared that Belisarius would conquer

decisively. So much for this.

But the populace of Rome were entirely unacquainted with the evils of

war and siege. When, therefore, they began to be distressed by their

inability to bathe and the scarcity of provisions, and found themselves

obliged to forgo sleep in guarding the circuit-wall, and suspected that

the city would be captured at no distant date; and when, at the same

time, they saw the enemy plundering their fields and other possessions,

they began to be dissatisfied and indignant that they, who had done no

wrong, should suffer siege and be brought into peril of such magnitude.

And gathering in groups by themselves, they railed openly against

Belisarius, on the ground that he had dared to take the field against

the Goths before he had received an adequate force from the emperor. And

these reproaches against Belisarius were secretly indulged in also by

the members of the council which they call the senate. And Vittigis,

hearing all this from the deserters and desiring to embroil them with

one another still more, and thinking that in this way the affairs of the

Romans would be thrown into great confusion, sent to Belisarius some

envoys, among whom was Albis. And when these men came before Belisarius,

they spoke as follows in the presence of the Roman senators and all the

commanders of the army:

"From of old, general, mankind has made true and proper distinctions in

the names they give to things; and one of these distinctions is

this--rashness is different from bravery. For rashness, when it takes

possession of a man, brings him into danger with discredit, but bravery

bestows upon him an adequate prize in reputation for valour. Now one of

these two has brought you against us, but which it is you will

straightway make clear. For if, on the one hand, you placed your

confidence in bravery when you took the field against the Goths, there

is ample opportunity, noble sir, for you to do the deeds of a brave man,

since you have only to look down from your wall to see the army of the

enemy; but if, on the other hand, it was because you were possessed by

rashness that you came to attack us, certainly you now repent you of the

reckless undertaking. For the opinions of those who have made a

desperate venture are wont to undergo a change whenever they find

themselves in serious straits. Now, therefore, do not cause the

sufferings of these Romans to be prolonged any further, men whom

Theoderic fostered in a life not only of soft luxury but also of

freedom, and cease your resistance to him who is the master both of the

Goths and of the Italians. Is it not monstrous that you should sit in

Rome hemmed in as you are and in abject terror of the enemy, while the

king of this city passes his time in a fortified camp and inflicts the

evils of war upon his own subjects? But we shall give both you and your

followers an opportunity to take your departure forthwith in security,

retaining all your possessions. For to trample upon those who have

learned to take a new view of prudence we consider neither holy nor

worthy of the ways of men. And, further, we should gladly ask these

Romans what complaints they could have had against the Goths that they

betrayed both us and themselves, seeing that up to this time they have

enjoyed our kindness, and now are acquainted by experience with the

assistance to be expected from you."

Thus spoke the envoys. And Belisarius replied as follows: "It is not to

rest with you to choose the moment for conference. For men are by no

means wont to wage war according to the judgment of their enemies, but

it is customary for each one to arrange his own affairs for himself, in

whatever manner seems to him best. But I say to you that there will come

a time when you will want to hide your heads under the thistles but will

find no shelter anywhere. As for Rome, moreover, which we have captured,

in holding it we hold nothing which belongs to others, but it was you

who trespassed upon this city in former times, though it did not belong

to you at all, and now you have given it back, however unwillingly, to

its ancient possessors. And whoever of you has hopes of setting foot in

Rome without a fight is mistaken in his judgment. For as long as

Belisarius lives, it is impossible for him to relinquish this city."

Such were the words of Belisarius. But the Romans, being overcome by a

great fear, sat in silence, and, even though they were abused by the

envoys at length for their treason to the Goths, dared make no reply to

them, except, indeed, that Fidelius saw fit to taunt them. This man was

then praetorian prefect, having been appointed to the office by

Belisarius, and for this reason he seemed above all others to be well

disposed toward the emperor.

XXI

The envoys then betook themselves to their own army. And when Vittigis

enquired of them what manner of man Belisarius was and how his purpose

stood with regard to the question of withdrawing from Rome, they replied

that the Goths were hoping for vain things if they supposed that they

would frighten Belisarius in any way whatsoever. And when Vittigis heard

this, he began in great earnest to plan an assault upon the wall, and

the preparations he made for the attempt upon the fortifications were as

follows. He constructed wooden towers equal in height to the enemy's

wall, and he discovered its true measure by making many calculations

based upon the courses of stone. And wheels were attached to the floor

of these towers under each corner, which were intended, as they turned,

to move the towers to any point the attacking army might wish at a given

time, and the towers were drawn by oxen yoked together. After this he

made ready a great number of ladders, that would reach as far as the

parapet, and four engines which are called rams. Now this engine is of

the following sort. Four upright wooden beams, equal in length, are set

up opposite one another. To these beams they fit eight horizontal

timbers, four above and an equal number at the base, thus binding them

together. After they have thus made the frame of a four-sided building,

they surround it on all sides, not with walls of wood or stone, but with

a covering of hides, in order that the engine may be light for those who

draw it and that those within may still be in the least possible danger

of being shot by their opponents. And on the inside they hang another

horizontal beam from the top by means of chains which swing free, and

they keep it at about the middle of the interior. They then sharpen the

end of this beam and cover it with a large iron head, precisely as they

cover the round point of a missile, or they sometimes make the iron head

square like an anvil. And the whole structure is raised upon four

wheels, one being attached to each upright beam, and men to the number

of no fewer than fifty to each ram move it from the inside. Then when

they apply it to the wall, they draw back the beam which I have just

mentioned by turning a certain mechanism, and then they let it swing

forward with great force against the wall. And this beam by frequent

blows is able quite easily to batter down and tear open a wall wherever

it strikes, and it is for this reason that the engine has the name it

bears, because the striking end of the beam, projecting as it does, is

accustomed to butt against whatever it may encounter, precisely as do

the males among sheep. Such, then, are the rams used by the assailants

of a wall. And the Goths were holding in readiness an exceedingly great

number of bundles of faggots, which they had made of pieces of wood and

reeds, in order that by throwing them into the moat they might make the

ground level, and that their engines might not be prevented from

crossing it. Now after the Goths had made their preparations in this

manner, they were eager to make an assault upon the wall.

But Belisarius placed upon the towers engines which they call

"ballistae."[103] Now these engines have the form of a bow, but on the

under side of them a grooved wooden shaft projects; this shaft is so

fitted to the bow that it is free to move, and rests upon a straight

iron bed. So when men wish to shoot at the enemy with this, they make

the parts of the bow which form the ends bend toward one another by

means of a short rope fastened to them, and they place in the grooved

shaft the arrow, which is about one half the length of the ordinary

missiles which they shoot from bows, but about four times as wide.

However, it does not have feathers of the usual sort attached to it, but

by inserting thin pieces of wood in place of feathers, they give it in

all respects the form of an arrow, making the point which they put on

very large and in keeping with its thickness. And the men who stand on

either side wind it up tight by means of certain appliances, and then

the grooved shaft shoots forward and stops, but the missile is

discharged from the shaft,[104] and with such force that it attains

the distance of not less than two bow-shots, and that, when it hits a

tree or a rock, it pierces it easily. Such is the engine which bears

this name, being so called because it shoots with very great force.[105]

And they fixed other engines along the parapet of the wall adapted for

throwing stones. Now these resemble slings and are called "wild

asses."[106] And outside the gates they placed "wolves,"[107] which they

make in the following manner. They set up two timbers which reach from

the ground to the battlements; then they fit together beams which have

been mortised to one another, placing some upright and others crosswise,

so that the spaces between the intersections appear as a succession of

holes. And from every joint there projects a kind of beak, which

resembles very closely a thick goad. Then they fasten the cross-beams to

the two upright timbers, beginning at the top and letting them extend

half way down, and then lean the timbers back against the gates. And

whenever the enemy come up near them, those above lay hold of the ends

of the timbers and push, and these, falling suddenly upon the

assailants, easily kill with the projecting beaks as many as they may

catch. So Belisarius was thus engaged.

FOOTNOTES:

[103] Cf. The description of the ballista and other engines of war in

Ammianus Marcellinus, XXII. iv. The engine here described by Procopius

is the catapult of earlier times; the ballista hurled stones, not

arrows. See the Classical Dictionaries for illustrations.

[104] The "shaft" is a holder for the missile, and it (not the missile)

is driven by the bowstring. When the holder stops, the missile goes on.

[105] A popular etymology of [Greek: bállistra], a corrupted form of

[Greek: bállista]; the point is in the Greek words [Greek: bállo] +

[Greek: málista], an etymology correct only as far as [Greek: bállo] is

concerned.

[106] Called also "scorpions"; described by Ammianus, _l.c._

[107] This contrivance was not one familiar to classical times. The

"lupi" of Livy XXVIII. iii. were hooks; Vegetius, _De Re Militari_, ii.

25 and iv. 23, mentions "lupi" (also hooks), used to put a battering-ram

out of action.

XXII

On the eighteenth day from the beginning of the siege the Goths moved

against the fortifications at about sunrise under the leadership of

Vittigis in order to assault the wall, and all the Romans were struck

with consternation at the sight of the advancing towers and rams, with

which they were altogether unfamiliar. But Belisarius, seeing the ranks

of the enemy as they advanced with the engines, began to laugh, and

commanded the soldiers to remain quiet and under no circumstances to

begin fighting until he himself should give the signal. Now the reason

why he laughed he did not reveal at the moment, but later it became

known. The Romans, however, supposing him to be hiding his real feelings

by a jest, abused him and called him shameless, and were indignant that

he did not try to check the enemy as they came forward. But when the

Goths came near the moat, the general first of all stretched his bow and

with a lucky aim hit in the neck and killed one of the men in armour who

were leading the army on. And he fell on his back mortally wounded,

while the whole Roman army raised an extraordinary shout such as was

never heard before, thinking that they had received an excellent omen.

And twice did Belisarius send forth his bolt, and the very same thing

happened again a second time, and the shouting rose still louder from

the circuit-wall, and the Romans thought that the enemy were conquered

already. Then Belisarius gave the signal for the whole army to put

their bows into action, but those near himself he commanded to shoot

only at the oxen. And all the oxen fell immediately, so that the enemy

could neither move the towers further nor in their perplexity do

anything to meet the emergency while the fighting was in progress. In

this way the forethought of Belisarius in not trying to check the enemy

while still at a great distance came to be understood, as well as the

reason why he had laughed at the simplicity of the barbarians, who had

been so thoughtless as to hope to bring oxen up to the enemy's wall. Now

all this took place at the Salarian Gate. But Vittigis, repulsed at this

point, left there a large force of Goths, making of them a very deep

phalanx and instructing the commanders on no condition to make an

assault upon the fortifications, but remaining in position to shoot

rapidly at the parapet, and give Belisarius no opportunity whatever to

take reinforcements to any other part of the wall which he himself might

propose to attack with a superior force; he then went to the Praenestine

Gate with a great force, to a part of the fortifications which the

Romans call the "Vivarium,"[108] where the wall was most assailable. Now

it so happened that engines of war were already there, including towers

and rams and a great number of ladders.

But in the meantime another Gothic assault was being made at the

Aurelian Gate[109] in the following manner. The tomb of the Roman

Emperor Hadrian[110] stands outside the Aurelian Gate, removed about a

stone's throw from the fortifications, a very noteworthy sight. For it

is made of Parian marble, and the stones fit closely one upon the other,

having nothing at all[111] between them. And it has four sides which are

all equal, each being about a stone's throw in length, while their

height exceeds that of the city wall; and above there are statues of the

same marble, representing men and horses, of wonderful workmanship.[112]

But since this tomb seemed to the men of ancient times a fortress

threatening the city, they enclosed it by two walls, which extend to it

from the circuit-wall,[113] and thus made it a part of the wall. And,

indeed, it gives the appearance of a high tower built as a bulwark

before the gate there. So the fortifications at that point were most

adequate. Now Constantinus, as it happened, had been appointed by

Belisarius to have charge of the garrison at this tomb. And he had

instructed him also to attend to the guarding of the adjoining wall,

which had a small and inconsiderable garrison. For, since that part of

the circuit-wall was the least assailable of all, because the river

flows along it, he supposed that no assault would be made there, and so

stationed an insignificant garrison at that place, and, since the

soldiers he had were few, he assigned the great majority to the

positions where there was most need of them. For the emperor's army

gathered in Rome at the beginning of this siege amounted at most to

only five thousand men. But since it was reported to Constantinus that

the enemy were attempting the crossing of the Tiber, he became fearful

for that part of the fortifications and went thither himself with all

speed, accompanied by some few men to lend assistance, commanding the

greater part of his men to attend to the guarding of the gate and the

tomb. But meanwhile the Goths began an assault upon the Aurelian Gate

and the Tower of Hadrian, and though they had no engines of war, they

brought up a great quantity of ladders, and thought that by shooting a

vast number of arrows they would very easily reduce the enemy to a state

of helplessness and overpower the garrison there without any trouble on

account of its small numbers. And as they advanced, they held before

them shields no smaller than the long shields used by the Persians, and

they succeeded in getting very close to their opponents without being

perceived by them. For they came hidden under the colonnade which

extends[114] to the church of the Apostle Peter. From that shelter they

suddenly appeared and began the attack, so that the guards were neither

able to use the engine called the ballista (for these engines do not

send their missiles except straight out), nor, indeed, could they ward

off their assailants with their arrows, since the situation was against

them on account of the large shields. But the Goths kept pressing

vigorously upon them, shooting many missiles at the battlements, and

they were already about to set their ladders against the wall, having

practically surrounded those who were fighting from the tomb; for

whenever the Goths advanced they always got in the rear of the Romans

on both flanks[115]; and for a short time consternation fell upon the

Romans, who knew not what means of defence they should employ to save

themselves, but afterwards by common agreement they broke in pieces the

most of the statues, which were very large, and taking up great numbers

of stones thus secured, threw them with both hands down upon the heads

of the enemy, who gave way before this shower of missiles. And as they

retreated a little way, the Romans, having by now the advantage, plucked

up courage, and with a mighty shout began to drive back their assailants

by using their bows and hurling stones at them. And putting their hands

to the engines, they reduced their opponents to great fear, and their

assault was quickly ended. And by this time Constantinus also was

present, having frightened back those who had tried the river and easily

driven them off, because they did not find the wall there entirely

unguarded, as they had supposed they would. And thus safety was restored

at the Aurelian Gate.[116]

FOOTNOTES:

[108] See chap. xxiii. 15-17 and note.

[109] Procopius errs again (cf. chap. xix. 4). He means the Porta

Cornelia.

[110] Now called Castello di Sant' Angelo.

[111] _i.e._ No mortar or other binding material.

[112] The square structure was the base of the monument, each side

measuring 300 Roman feet in length and 85 feet in height. Above this

rose a cylindrical drum, surrounded by columns and carrying the statues,

and perhaps capped by a second drum. For details see Jordan,

_Topographie der Stadt Rom_, iii. 663 ff.

[113] Procopius neglects to say that the tomb was across the river from

the circuit-wall at this point, at the end of a bridge (Pons Aelius)

which faced the gate (Porta Cornelia) which he calls the Aurelian Gate.

[114] From the Pons Aelius.

[115] Because of the quadrangular shape of the building the Goths were

able to take their enemy in flank and in rear by advancing beyond the

corners.

[116] _i.e._ the Cornelian.

XXIII

But at the gate beyond the Tiber River, which is called the Pancratian

Gate, a force of the enemy came, but accomplished nothing worth

mentioning because of the strength of the place; for the fortifications

of the city at this point are on a steep elevation and are not

favourably situated for assaults. Paulus was keeping guard there with an

infantry detachment which he commanded in person. In like manner they

made no attempt on the Flaminian Gate, because it is situated on a

precipitous slope and is not very easy of access. The "Reges,"[117] an

infantry detachment, were keeping guard there with Ursicinus, who

commanded them. And between this gate and the small gate next on the

right, which is called the Pincian, a certain portion of the wall had

split open of its own accord in ancient times, not clear to the ground,

however, but about half way down, but still it had not fallen or been

otherwise destroyed, though it leaned so to either side that one part of

it appeared outside the rest of the wall and the other inside. And from

this circumstance the Romans from ancient times have called the place

"Broken Wall"[118] in their own tongue. But when Belisarius in the

beginning undertook to tear down this portion and rebuild it, the Romans

prevented him, declaring that the Apostle Peter had promised them that

he would care for the guarding of the wall there. This Apostle is

reverenced by the Romans and held in awe above all others. And the

outcome of events at this place was in all respects what the Romans

contemplated and expected. For neither on that day nor throughout the

whole time during which the Goths were besieging Rome did any hostile

force come to that place, nor did any disturbance occur there. And we

marvelled indeed that it never occurred to us nor to the enemy to

remember this portion of the fortifications during the whole time,

either while they were making their assaults or carrying out their

designs against the wall by night; and yet many such attempts were made.

It was for this reason, in fact, that at a later time also no one

ventured to rebuild this part of the defences, but up to the present day

the wall there is split open in this way. So much, then, for this.

And at the Salarian Gate a Goth of goodly stature and a capable warrior,

wearing a corselet and having a helmet on his head, a man who was of no

mean station in the Gothic nation, refused to remain in the ranks with

his comrades, but stood by a tree and kept shooting many missiles at the

parapet. But this man by some chance was hit by a missile from an engine

which was on a tower at his left. And passing through the corselet and

the body of the man, the missile sank more than half its length into the

tree, and pinning him to the spot where it entered the tree, it

suspended him there a corpse. And when this was seen by the Goths they

fell into great fear, and getting outside the range of missiles, they

still remained in line, but no longer harassed those on the wall.

But Bessas and Peranius summoned Belisarius, since Vittigis was pressing

most vigorously upon them at the Vivarium. And he was fearful concerning

the wall there (for it was most assailable at that point, as has been

said[119]), and so came to the rescue himself with all speed, leaving

one of his friends at the Salarian Gate. And finding that the soldiers

in the Vivarium dreaded the attack of the enemy, which was being pressed

with great vigour and by very large numbers, he bade them look with

contempt upon the enemy and thus restored their confidence. Now the

ground there[120] was very level, and consequently the place lay open to

the attacks of any assailant. And for some reason the wall at that point

had crumbled a great deal, and to such an extent that the binding of the

bricks did not hold together very well. Consequently the ancient Romans

had built another wall of short length outside of it and encircling it,

not for the sake of safety (for it was neither strengthened with towers,

nor indeed was there any battlement built upon it, nor any other means

by which it would have been possible to repulse an enemy's assault upon

the fortifications), but in order to provide for an unseemly kind of

luxury, namely, that they might confine and keep there lions and other

wild animals. And it is for this reason that this place has been named

the Vivarium; for thus the Romans call a place where untamed animals are

regularly cared for. So Vittigis began to make ready various engines at

different places along the wall and commanded the Goths to mine the

outside wall, thinking that, if they should get inside that, they would

have no trouble in capturing the main wall, which he knew to be by no

means strong. But Belisarius, seeing that the enemy was undermining the

Vivarium and assaulting the fortifications at many places, neither

allowed the soldiers to defend the wall nor to remain at the

battlement, except a very few, although he had with him whatever men of

distinction the army contained. But he held them all in readiness below

about the gates, with their corselets on and carrying only swords in

their hands. And when the Goths, after making a breach in the wall, got

inside the Vivarium, he quickly sent Cyprian with some others into the

enclosure against them, commanding them to set to work. And they slew

all who had broken in, for these made no defence and at the same time

were being destroyed by one another in the cramped space about the exit.

And since the enemy were thrown into dismay by the sudden turn of events

and were not drawn up in order, but were rushing one in one direction

and one in another, Belisarius suddenly opened the gates of the

circuit-wall and sent out his entire army against his opponents. And the

Goths had not the least thought of resistance, but rushed off in flight

in any and every direction, while the Romans, following them up, found

no difficulty in killing all whom they fell in with, and the pursuit

proved a long one, since the Goths, in assaulting the wall at that

place, were far away from their own camps. Then Belisarius gave the

order to burn the enemy's engines, and the flames, rising to a great

height, naturally increased the consternation of the fugitives.

Meanwhile it chanced that the same thing happened at the Salarian Gate

also. For the Romans suddenly opened the gates and fell unexpectedly

upon the barbarians, and, as these made no resistance but turned their

backs, slew them; and they burned the engines of war which were within

their reach. And the flames at many parts of the wall rose to a great

height, and the Goths were already being forced to retire from the whole

circuit-wall; and the shouting on both sides was exceedingly loud, as

the men on the wall urged on the pursuers, and those in the camps

bewailed the overwhelming calamity they had suffered. Among the Goths

there perished on that day thirty thousand, as their leaders declared,

and a larger number were wounded; for since they were massed in great

numbers, those fighting from the battlement generally hit somebody when

they shot at them, and at the same time those who made the sallies

destroyed an extraordinary number of terrified and fleeing men. And the

fighting at the wall, which had commenced early in the morning, did not

end until late in the afternoon. During that night, then, both armies

bivouacked where they were, the Romans singing the song of victory on

the fortifications and lauding Belisarius to the skies, having with them

the spoils stripped from the fallen, while the Goths cared for their

wounded and bewailed their dead.

FOOTNOTES:

[117] "No doubt these are the same as the _Regii_, one of the seventeen

'Auxilia Palatina' under the command of the Magister Militum

Praesentalis, mentioned in the _Notitia Orientis_, chap. v."--HODGKIN.

[118] Murus Ruptus. "Here, to this day, notwithstanding some lamentable

and perfectly unnecessary 'restorations' of recent years, may be seen

some portions of the Muro Torto, a twisted, bulging, overhanging mass of

_opus reticulatum_."--HODGKIN.

[119] Chap. xxii. 10.

[120] The exact location is hard to determine; the majority of the

authorities agree on the location given in the plan (opposite p. 185),

near the Porta Labicana.

XXIV

And Belisarius wrote a letter to the emperor of the following purport:

"We have arrived in Italy, as thou didst command, and we have made

ourselves masters of much territory in it and have taken possession of

Rome also, after driving out the barbarians who were here, whose leader,

Leuderis, I have recently sent to you. But since we have stationed a

great number of soldiers both in Sicily and in Italy to guard the

strongholds which we have proved able to capture, our army has in

consequence been reduced to only five thousand men. But the enemy have

come against us, gathered together to the number of one hundred and

fifty thousand. And first of all, when we went out to spy upon their

forces along the Tiber River and were compelled, contrary to our

intention, to engage with them, we lacked only a little of being buried

under a multitude of spears. And after this, when the barbarians

attacked the wall with their whole army and assaulted the fortifications

at every point with sundry engines of war, they came within a little of

capturing both us and the city at the first onset, and they would have

succeeded had not some chance snatched us from ruin. For achievements

which transcend the nature of things may not properly and fittingly be

ascribed to man's valour, but to a stronger power. Now all that has been

achieved by us hitherto, whether it has been due to some kind fortune or

to valour, is for the best; but as to our prospects from now on, I could

wish better things for thy cause. However, I shall never hide from you

anything that it is my duty to say and yours to do, knowing that while

human affairs follow whatever course may be in accordance with God's

will, yet those who are in charge of any enterprise always win praise or

blame according to their own deeds. Therefore let both arms and soldiers

be sent to us in such numbers that from now on we may engage with the

enemy in this war with an equality of strength. For one ought not to

trust everything to fortune, since fortune, on its part, is not given to

following the same course forever. But do thou, O Emperor, take this

thought to heart, that if at this time the barbarians win the victory

over us, we shall be cast out of Italy which is thine and shall lose the

army in addition, and besides all this we shall have to bear the shame,

however great it may be, that attaches to our conduct. For I refrain

from saying that we should also be regarded as having ruined the Romans,

men who have held their safety more lightly than their loyalty to thy

kingdom. Consequently, if this should happen, the result for us will be

that the successes we have won thus far will in the end prove to have

been but a prelude to calamities. For if it had so happened that we had

been repulsed from Rome and Campania and, at a much earlier time, from

Sicily, we should only be feeling the sting of the lightest of all

misfortunes, that of having found ourselves unable to grow wealthy on

the possessions of others. And again, this too is worthy of

consideration by you, that it has never been possible even for many

times ten thousand men to guard Rome for any considerable length of

time, since the city embraces a large territory, and, because it is not

on the sea, is shut off from all supplies. And although at the present

time the Romans are well disposed toward us, yet when their troubles are

prolonged, they will probably not hesitate to choose the course which is

better for their own interests. For when men have entered into

friendship with others on the spur of the moment, it is not while they

are in evil fortune, but while they prosper, that they are accustomed to

keep faith with them. Furthermore, the Romans will be compelled by

hunger to do many things they would prefer not to do. Now as for me, I

know I am bound even to die for thy kingdom, and for this reason no man

will ever be able to remove me from this city while I live; but I beg

thee to consider what kind of a fame such an end of Belisarius would

bring thee."

Such was the letter written by Belisarius. And the emperor, greatly

distressed, began in haste to gather an army and ships, and sent orders

to the troops of Valerian and Martinus[121] to proceed with all speed.

For they had been sent, as it happened, with another army at about the

winter solstice, with instructions to sail to Italy. But they had sailed

as far as Greece, and since they were unable to force their way any

farther, they were passing the winter in the land of Aetolia and

Acarnania. And the Emperor Justinian sent word of all this to

Belisarius, and thus filled him and all the Romans with still greater

courage and confirmed their zeal.

At this time it so happened that the following event took place in

Naples. There was in the market-place a picture of Theoderic, the ruler

of the Goths, made by means of sundry stones which were exceedingly

small and tinted with nearly every colour. At one time during the life

of Theoderic it had come to pass that the head of this picture fell

apart, the stones as they had been set having become disarranged without

having been touched by anyone, and by a coincidence Theoderic finished

his life forthwith. And eight years later the stones which formed the

body of the picture fell apart suddenly, and Atalaric, the grandson of

Theoderic, immediately died. And after the passage of a short time, the

stones about the groin fell to the ground, and Amalasuntha, the child

of Theoderic, passed from the world. Now these things had already

happened as described. But when the Goths began the siege of Rome, as

chance would have it, the portion of the picture from the thighs to the

tips of the feet fell into ruin, and thus the whole picture disappeared

from the wall. And the Romans, divining the meaning of the incident,

maintained that the emperor's army would be victorious in the war,

thinking that the feet of Theoderic were nothing else than the Gothic

people whom he ruled, and, in consequence, they became still more

hopeful.

In Rome, moreover, some of the patricians brought out the Sibylline

oracles,[122] declaring that the danger which had come to the city would

continue only up till the month of July. For it was fated that at that

time someone should be appointed king over the Romans, and thenceforth

Rome should have no longer any Getic peril to fear; for they say that

the Goths are of the Getic race. And the oracle was as follows: "In the

fifth (Quintilis) month . . . under . . . as king nothing Getic

longer. . . ." And they declared that the "fifth month" was July, some

because the siege began on the first day of March, from which July is

the fifth month, others because March was considered the first month

until the reign of Numa, the full year before that time containing ten

months and our July for this reason having its name Quintilis. But

after all, none of these predictions came true. For neither was a king

appointed over the Romans at that time, nor was the siege destined to be

broken up until a year later, and Rome was again to come into similar

perils in the reign of Totila, ruler of the Goths, as will be told by me

in the subsequent narrative.[123] For it seems to me that the oracle

does not indicate this present attack of the barbarians, but some other

attack which has either happened already or will come at some later

time. Indeed, in my opinion, it is impossible for a mortal man to

discover the meaning of the Sibyl's oracles before the actual event. The

reason for this I shall now set forth, having read all the oracles in

question. The Sibyl does not invariably mention events in their order,

much less construct a well-arranged narrative, but after uttering some

verse or other concerning the troubles in Libya she leaps straightway to

the land of Persia, thence proceeds to mention the Romans, and then

transfers the narrative to the Assyrians. And again, while uttering

prophecies about the Romans, she foretells the misfortunes of the

Britons. For this reason it is impossible for any man soever to

comprehend the oracles of the Sibyl before the event, and it is only

time itself, after the event has already come to pass and the words can

be tested by experience, that can shew itself an accurate interpreter of

her sayings. But as for these things, let each one reason as he desires.

But I shall return to the point from which I have strayed.

FOOTNOTES:

[121] Leaders of foederati; see Book III. xi. 4-6; they had been

recalled from Africa to Byzantium, cf. Book IV. xix. 2.

[122] The story of the origin of these oracles is given in Dionysius of

Halicarnassus, _Ant. Rom._ IV. lxii. They were burned with the Capitol

in 83 B.C. The second collection was burned by Stilicho in 405 A.D. The

oracles Procopius saw (cf. § 35 of this chapter) were therefore a third

collection.

[123] Book VII. xx.

XXV

When the Goths had been repulsed in the fight at the wall, each army

bivouacked that night in the manner already described.[124] But on the

following day Belisarius commanded all the Romans to remove their women

and children to Naples, and also such of their domestics as they thought

would not be needed by them for the guarding of the wall, his purpose

being, naturally, to forestall a scarcity of provisions. And he issued

orders to the soldiers to do the same thing, in case anyone had a male

or female attendant. For, he went on to say, he was no longer able while

besieged to provide them with food to the customary amount, but they

would have to accept one half their daily ration in actual supplies,

taking the remainder in silver. So they proceeded to carry out his

instructions. And immediately a great throng set out for Campania. Now

some, who had the good fortune to secure such boats as were lying at

anchor in the harbour[125] of Rome, secured passage, but the rest went

on foot by the road which is called the Appian Way. And no danger or

fear, as far as the besiegers were concerned, arose to disturb either

those who travelled this way on foot or those who set out from the

harbour. For, on the one hand, the enemy were unable to surround the

whole of Rome with their camps on account of the great size of the city,

and, on the other, they did not dare to be found far from the camps in

small companies, fearing the sallies of their opponents. And on this

account abundant opportunity was afforded for some time to the besieged

both to move out of the city and to bring provisions into it from

outside. And especially at night the barbarians were always in great

fear, and so they merely posted guards and remained quietly in their

camps. For parties were continually issuing from the city, and

especially Moors in great numbers, and whenever they found their enemies

either asleep or walking about in small companies (as is accustomed to

happen often in a large army, the men going out not only to attend to

the needs of nature, but also to pasture horses and mules and such

animals as are suitable for food), they would kill them and speedily

strip them, and if perchance a larger number of the enemy should fall

upon them, they would retire on the run, being men swift of foot by

nature and lightly equipped, and always distancing their pursuers in the

flight. Consequently, the great majority were able to withdraw from

Rome, and some went to Campania, some to Sicily, and others wherever

they thought it was easier or better to go. But Belisarius saw that the

number of soldiers at his command was by no means sufficient for the

whole circuit of the wall, for they were few, as I have previously

stated,[126] and the same men could not keep guard constantly without

sleeping, but some would naturally be taking their sleep while others

were stationed on guard. At the same time he saw that the greatest part

of the populace were hard pressed by poverty and in want of the

necessities of life; for since they were men who worked with their

hands, and all they had was what they got from day to day, and since

they had been compelled to be idle on account of the siege, they had no

means of procuring provisions. For these reasons Belisarius mingled

soldiers and citizens together and distributed them to each post,

appointing a certain fixed wage for an unenlisted man for each day. In

this way companies were made up which were sufficient for the guarding

of the wall, and the duty of keeping guard on the fortifications during

a stated night was assigned to each company, and the members of the

companies all took turns in standing guard. In this manner, then,

Belisarius did away with the distress of both soldiers and citizens.

But a suspicion arose against Silverius, the chief priest of the city,

that he was engaged in treasonable negotiations with the Goths, and

Belisarius sent him immediately to Greece, and a little later appointed

another man, Vigilius by name, to the office of chief priest. And he

banished from Rome on the same charge some of the senators, but later,

when the enemy had abandoned the siege and retired, he restored them

again to their homes. Among these was Maximus, whose ancestor

Maximus[127] had committed the crime against the Emperor Valentinian.

And fearing lest the guards at the gates should become involved in a

plot, and lest someone should gain access from the outside with intent

to corrupt them with money, twice in each month he destroyed all the

keys and had new ones made, each time of a different design, and he also

changed the guards to other posts which were far removed from those they

had formerly occupied, and every night he set different men in charge

of those who were doing guard-duty on the fortifications. And it was the

duty of these officers to make the rounds of a section of the wall,

taking turns in this work, and to write down the names of the guards,

and if anyone was missing from that section, they put another man on

duty in his stead for the moment, and on the morrow reported the missing

man to Belisarius himself, whoever he might be, in order that the

fitting punishment might be given him. And he ordered musicians to play

their instruments on the fortifications at night, and he continually

sent detachments of soldiers, especially Moors, outside the walls, whose

duty it was always to pass the night about the moat, and he sent dogs

with them in order that no one might approach the fortifications, even

at a distance, without being detected.

At that time some of the Romans attempted secretly to force open the

doors of the temple of Janus. This Janus was the first of the ancient

gods whom the Romans call in their own tongue "Penates."[128] And he has

his temple in that part of the forum in front of the senate-house which

lies a little above the "Tria Fata"[129]; for thus the Romans are

accustomed to call the Moirai.[130] And the temple is entirely of bronze

and was erected in the form of a square, but it is only large enough to

cover the statue of Janus. Now this statue, is of bronze, and not less

than five cubits high; in all other respects it resembles a man, but its

head has two faces, one of which is turned toward the east and the other

toward the west. And there are brazen doors fronting each face, which

the Romans in olden times were accustomed to close in time of peace and

prosperity, but when they had war they opened them. But when the Romans

came to honour, as truly as any others, the teachings of the Christians,

they gave up the custom of opening these doors, even when they were at

war. During this siege, however, some, I suppose, who had in mind the

old belief, attempted secretly to open them, but they did not succeed

entirely, and moved the doors only so far that they did not close

tightly against one another as formerly. And those who had attempted to

do this escaped detection; and no investigation of the act was made, as

was natural in a time of great confusion, since it did not become known

to the commanders, nor did it reach the ears of the multitude, except of

a very few.

FOOTNOTES:

[124] Chap. xxiii. 27.

[125] At this time the town of Portus, on the north side of the Tiber's

mouths, Ostia, on the south side, having been long neglected. Cf. chap.

xxvi. 7, 8.

[126] Five thousand; cf. chap. xxiv. 2.

[127] Book III. iv. 36.

[128] Janus was an old Italian divinity, whose worship was said to have

been introduced by Romulus. We are not told by anyone else that he was

included among the Penates, but the statement is doubtless true.

[129] "This temple of Janus--the most celebrated, but not the only one

in Rome--must have stood a little to the right of the Arch of Septimius

Severus (as one looks toward the Capitol) and a little in front of the

Mamertine Prison."--HODGKIN. The "Tria Fata" were three ancient statues

of Sibyls which stood by the Rostra.

[130] _i.e._ the Fates.

XXVI

Now Vittigis, in his anger and perplexity, first sent some of his

bodyguards to Ravenna with orders to kill all the Roman senators whom he

had taken there at the beginning of this war. And some of them, learning

of this beforehand, succeeded in making their escape, among them being

Vergentinus and Reparatus, the brother of Vigilius, the chief priest of

Rome, both of whom betook themselves into Liguria and remained there;

but all the rest were destroyed. After this Vittigis, seeing that the

enemy were enjoying a large degree of freedom, not only in taking out of

the city whatever they wished, but also in bringing in provisions both

by land and by sea, decided to seize the harbour, which the Romans call

"Portus."

This harbour is distant from the city one hundred and twenty-six stades;

for Rome lacks only so much of being on the sea; and it is situated

where the Tiber River has its mouth.[131] Now as the Tiber flows down

from Rome, and reaches a point rather near the sea, about fifteen stades

from it, the stream divides into two parts and makes there the Sacred

Island, as it is called. As the river flows on the island becomes wider,

so that the measure of its breadth corresponds to its length, for the

two streams have between them a distance of fifteen stades; and the

Tiber remains navigable on both sides. Now the portion of the river on

the right empties into the harbour, and beyond the mouth the Romans in

ancient times built on the shore a city,[132] which is surrounded by an

exceedingly strong wall; and it is called, like the harbour, "Portus."

But on the left at the point where the other part of the Tiber empties

into the sea is situated the city of Ostia, lying beyond the place where

the river-bank ends, a place of great consequence in olden times, but

now entirely without walls. Moreover, the Romans at the very beginning

made a road leading from Portus to Rome, which was smooth and presented

no difficulty of any kind. And many barges are always anchored in the

harbour ready for service, and no small number of oxen stand in

readiness close by. Now when the merchants reach the harbour with their

ships, they unload their cargoes and place them in the barges, and sail

by way of the Tiber to Rome; but they do not use sails or oars at all,

for the boats cannot be propelled in the stream by any wind since the

river winds about exceedingly and does not follow a straight course, nor

can oars be employed, either, since the force of the current is always

against them. Instead of using such means, therefore, they fasten ropes

from the barges to the necks of oxen, and so draw them just like waggons

up to Rome. But on the other side of the river, as one goes from the

city of Ostia to Rome, the road is shut in by woods and in general lies

neglected, and is not even near the bank of the Tiber, since there is no

towing of barges on that road.

So the Goths, finding the city at the harbour unguarded, captured it at

the first onset and slew many of the Romans who lived there, and so took

possession of the harbour as well as the city. And they established a

thousand of their number there as guards, while the remainder returned

to the camps. In consequence of this move it was impossible for the

besieged to bring in the goods which came by sea, except by way of

Ostia, a route which naturally involved great labour and danger besides.

For the Roman ships were not even able to put in there any longer, but

they anchored at Anthium,[133] a day's journey distant from Ostia. And

they found great difficulty in carrying the cargoes thence to Rome, the

reason for this being the scarcity of men. For Belisarius, fearing for

the fortifications of Rome, had been unable to strengthen the harbour

with any garrison at all, though I think that if even three hundred men

had been on guard there, the barbarians would never have made an attempt

on the place, which is exceedingly strong.

FOOTNOTES:

[131] The northern mouth.

[132] The Emperor Claudius cut the northern channel for the river, in

order to prevent inundations of Rome, and made the "Portus Claudii,"

opening to the sea, near its mouth; a second enclosed harbour, adjoining

that of Claudius, was built by Trajan.

[133] _i.e._ Antium.

XXVII

This exploit, then, was accomplished by the Goths on the third day after

they were repulsed in the assault on the wall. But twenty days after the

city and harbour of Portus were captured, Martinus and Valerian arrived,

bringing with them sixteen hundred horsemen, the most of whom were Huns

and Sclaveni[134] and Antae,[135] who are settled above the Ister River

not far from its banks. And Belisarius was pleased by their coming and

thought that thenceforth his army ought to carry the war against the

enemy. On the following day, accordingly, he commanded one of his own

bodyguards, Trajan by name, an impetuous and active fighter, to take two

hundred horsemen of the guards and go straight towards the enemy, and as

soon as they came near the camps to go up on a high hill (which he

pointed out to him) and remain quietly there. And if the enemy should

come against them, he was not to allow the battle to come to close

quarters, nor to touch sword or spear in any case, but to use bows only,

and as soon as he should find that his quiver had no more arrows in it,

he was to flee as hard as he could with no thought of shame and retire

to the fortifications on the run. Having given these instructions, he

held in readiness both the engines for shooting arrows and the men

skilled in their use. Then Trajan with the two hundred men went out from

the Salarian Gate against the camp of the enemy. And they, being filled

with amazement at the suddenness of the thing, rushed out from the

camps, each man equipping himself as well as he could. But the men under

Trajan galloped to the top of the hill which Belisarius had shewn them,

and from there began to ward off the barbarians with missiles. And since

their shafts fell among a dense throng, they were for the most part

successful in hitting a man or a horse. But when all their missiles had

at last failed them, they rode off to the rear with all speed, and the

Goths kept pressing upon them in pursuit. But when they came near the

fortifications, the operators of the engines began to shoot arrows from

them, and the barbarians became terrified and abandoned the pursuit. And

it is said that not less than one thousand Goths perished in this

action. A few days later Belisarius sent Mundilas, another of his own

bodyguard, and Diogenes, both exceptionally capable warriors, with three

hundred guardsmen, commanding them to do the same thing as the others

had done before. And they acted according to his instructions. Then,

when the enemy confronted them, the result of the encounter was that no

fewer than in the former action, perhaps even more, perished in the same

way. And sending even a third time the guardsman Oilas with three

hundred horsemen, with instructions to handle the enemy in the same way,

he accomplished the same result. So in making these three sallies, in

the manner told by me, Belisarius destroyed about four thousand of his

antagonists.

But Vittigis, failing to take into account the difference between the

two armies in point of equipment of arms and of practice in warlike

deeds, thought that he too would most easily inflict grave losses upon

the enemy, if only he should make his attack upon them with a small

force. He therefore sent five hundred horsemen, commanding them to go

close to the fortifications, and to make a demonstration against the

whole army of the enemy of the very same tactics as had time and again

been used against them, to their sorrow, by small bands of the foe. And

so, when they came to a high place not far from the city, but just

beyond the range of missiles, they took their stand there. But

Belisarius selected a thousand men, putting Bessas in command, and

ordered them to engage with the enemy. And this force, by forming a

circle around the enemy and always shooting at them from behind, killed

a large number, and by pressing hard upon the rest compelled them to

descend into the plain. There a hand-to-hand battle took place between

forces not evenly matched in strength, and most of the Goths were

destroyed, though some few with difficulty made their escape and

returned to their own camp. And Vittigis reviled these men, insisting

that cowardice had been the cause of their defeat, and undertaking to

find another set of men to retrieve the loss after no long time, he

remained quiet for the present; but three days later he selected men

from all the camps, five hundred in number, and bade them make a display

of valorous deeds against the enemy. Now as soon as Belisarius saw that

these men had come rather near, he sent out against them fifteen hundred

men under the commanders Martinus and Valerian. And a cavalry battle

taking place immediately, the Romans, being greatly superior to the

enemy in numbers, routed them without any trouble and destroyed

practically all of them.

And to the enemy it seemed in every way a dreadful thing and a proof

that fortune stood against them, if, when they were many and the enemy

who came against them were few, they were defeated, and when, on the

other hand, they in turn went in small numbers against their enemy, they

were likewise destroyed. Belisarius, however, received a public vote of

praise from the Romans for his wisdom, at which they not unnaturally

marvelled greatly, but in private his friends asked him on what he had

based his judgment on that day when he had escaped from the enemy after

being so completely defeated,[136] and why he had been confident that he

would overcome them decisively in the war. And he said that in engaging

with them at the first with only a few men he had noticed just what the

difference was between the two armies, so that if he should fight his

battles with them with a force which was in strength proportionate to

theirs,[137] the multitudes of the enemy could inflict no injury upon

the Romans by reason of the smallness of their numbers. And the

difference was this, that practically all the Romans and their allies,

the Huns, are good mounted bowmen, but not a man among the Goths has had

practice in this branch, for their horsemen are accustomed to use only

spears and swords, while their bowmen enter battle on foot and under

cover of the heavy-armed men. So the horsemen, unless the engagement is

at close quarters, have no means of defending themselves against

opponents who use the bow, and therefore can easily be reached by the

arrows and destroyed; and as for the foot-soldiers, they can never be

strong enough to make sallies against men on horseback. It was for these

reasons, Belisarius declared, that the barbarians had been defeated by

the Romans in these last engagements. And the Goths, remembering the

unexpected outcome of their own experiences, desisted thereafter from

assaulting the fortifications of Rome in small numbers and also from

pursuing the enemy when harassed by them, except only so far as to drive

them back from their own camps.

FOOTNOTES:

[134] _i.e._ Slavonians, described in Book VI. xxvi. and Book VII. xiv.

ff.

[135] A Slavic people, described in Book VII. xiv.

[136] Referring to the battle described in chap. xviii.

[137] _i.e._ smaller, but equal in strength.

XXVIII

But later on the Romans, elated by the good fortune they had already

enjoyed, were with one accord eager to do battle with the whole Gothic

army and thought that they should make war in the open field.

Belisarius, however, considering that the difference in size of the two

armies was still very great, continued to be reluctant to risk a

decisive battle with his whole army; and so he busied himself still more

with his sallies and kept planning them against the enemy. But when at

last he yielded his point because of the abuse heaped upon him by the

army and the Romans in general, though he was willing to fight with the

whole army, yet nevertheless he wished to open the engagement by a

sudden sally. And many times he was frustrated when he was on the point

of doing this, and was compelled to put off the attack to the following

day, because he found to his surprise that the enemy had been previously

informed by deserters as to what was to be done and were unexpectedly

ready for him. For this reason, then, he was now willing to fight a

decisive battle even in the open field, and the barbarians gladly came

forth for the encounter. And when both sides had been made ready for the

conflict as well as might be, Belisarius gathered his whole army and

exhorted them as follows:

"It is not because I detected any cowardice on your part,

fellow-soldiers, nor because I was terrified at the strength of the

enemy, that I have shrunk from the engagement with them, but I saw that

while we were carrying on the war by making sudden sallies matters stood

well with us, and consequently I thought that we ought to adhere

permanently to the tactics which were responsible for our success. For I

think that when one's present affairs are going to one's satisfaction,

it is inexpedient to change to another course of action. But since I see

that you are eager for this danger, I am filled with confidence and

shall never oppose your ardour. For I know that the greatest factor in

the decision of war is always the attitude of the fighting men, and it

is generally by their enthusiasm that successes are won. Now, therefore,

the fact that a few men drawn up for battle with valour on their side

are able to overcome a multitude of the enemy, is well known by every

man of you, not by hearsay, but by daily experience of fighting. And it

will rest with you not to bring shame upon the former glories of my

career as general, nor upon the hope which this enthusiasm of yours

inspires. For the whole of what has already been accomplished by us in

this war must of necessity be judged in accordance with the issue of the

present day. And I see that the present moment is also in our favour,

for it will, in all probability, make it easier for us to gain the

mastery over the enemy, because their spirit has been enslaved by what

has gone before. For when men have often met with misfortune, their

hearts are no longer wont to thrill even slightly with manly valour. And

let no one of you spare horse or bow or any weapon. For I will

immediately provide you with others in place of all that are destroyed

in the battle."

After speaking these words of exhortation, Belisarius led out his army

through the small Pincian Gate and the Salarian Gate, and commanded some

few men to go through the Aurelian Gate into the Plain of Nero. These he

put under the command of Valentinus, a commander of a cavalry

detachment, and he directed him not to begin any fighting, or to go too

close to the camp of the enemy, but constantly to give the appearance of

being about to attack immediately, so that none of the enemy in that

quarter might be able to cross the neighbouring bridge and come to the

assistance of the soldiers from the other camps. For since, as I have

previously stated,[138] the barbarians encamped in the Plain of Nero

were many, it seemed to him sufficient if these should all be prevented

from taking part in the engagement and be kept separated from the rest

of the army. And when some of the Roman populace took up arms and

followed as volunteers, he would not allow them to be drawn up for

battle along with the regular troops, fearing lest, when they came to

actual fighting, they should become terrified at the danger and throw

the entire army into confusion, since they were labouring men and

altogether unpractised in war. But outside the Pancratian Gate, which is

beyond the Tiber River, he ordered them to form a phalanx and remain

quiet until he himself should give the signal, reasoning, as actually

proved to be the case, that if the enemy in the Plain of Nero should see

both them and the men under Valentinus, they would never dare leave

their camp and enter battle with the rest of the Gothic army against his

own forces. And he considered it a stroke of good luck and a very

important advantage that such a large number of men should be kept apart

from the army of his opponents.

Such being the situation, he wished on that day to engage in a cavalry

battle only; and indeed most of the regular infantry were now unwilling

to remain in their accustomed condition, but, since they had captured

horses as booty from the enemy and had become not unpractised in

horsemanship, they were now mounted. And since the infantry were few in

number and unable even to make a phalanx of any consequence, and had

never had the courage to engage with the barbarians, but always turned

to flight at the first onset, he considered it unsafe to draw them up at

a distance from the fortifications, but thought it best that they should

remain in position where they were, close by the moat, his purpose being

that, if it should so happen that the Roman horsemen were routed, they

should be able to receive the fugitives and, as a fresh body of men,

help them to ward off the enemy.

But there were two men among his bodyguards, a certain Principius, who

was a man of note and a Pisidian by birth, and Tarmutus, an Isaurian,

brother of Ennes who was commander of the Isaurians. These men came

before Belisarius and spoke as follows: "Most excellent of generals, we

beg you neither to decide that your army, small as it is and about to

fight with many tens of thousands of barbarians, be cut off from the

phalanx of the infantry, nor to think that one ought to treat with

contumely the infantry of the Romans, by means of which, as we hear, the

power of the ancient Romans was brought to its present greatness. For if

it so happens that they have done nothing of consequence in this war,

this is no evidence of the cowardice of the soldiers, but it is the

commanders of the infantry who would justly bear the blame, for they

alone ride on horseback in the battle-line and are not willing to

consider the fortunes of war as shared by all, but as a general thing

each one of them by himself takes to flight before the struggle begins.

But do you keep all the commanders of infantry, since you see that they

have become cavalry and that they are quite unwilling to take their

stand beside their subordinates, and include them with the rest of the

cavalry and so enter this battle, but permit us to lead the infantry

into the combat. For since we also are unmounted, as are these troops,

we shall do our part in helping them to support the attack of the

multitude of barbarians, full of hope that we shall inflict upon the

enemy whatever chastisement God shall permit."

When Belisarius heard this request, at first he did not assent to it;

for he was exceedingly fond of these two men, who were fighters of

marked excellence, and he was unwilling to have a small body of infantry

take such a risk. But finally, overborne by the eagerness of the men, he

consented to leave only a small number of their soldiers, in company

with the Roman populace, to man the gates and the battlement along the

top of the wall where the engines of war were, and to put the rest under

command of Principius and Tarmutus, ordering them to take position in

the rear in regular formation. His purpose in this was, in the first

place, to keep these troops from throwing the rest of the army into

confusion if they themselves should become panic-stricken at the danger,

and, in the second place, in case any division of the cavalry should be

routed at any time, to prevent the retreat from extending to an

indefinite distance, but to allow the cavalry simply to fall back upon

the infantry and make it possible for them, with the infantry's help, to

ward off the pursuers.

FOOTNOTE:

[138] Chap. xix. 12, xiii. 15.

XXIX

In this fashion the Romans had made their preparations for the

encounter. As for Vittigis, he had armed all the Goths, leaving not a

man behind in the camps, except those unfit for fighting. And he

commanded the men under Marcias to remain in the Plain of Nero, and to

attend to the guarding of the bridge, that the enemy might not attack

his men from that direction. He himself then called together the rest of

the army and spoke as follows:

"It may perhaps seem to some of you that I am fearful about my

sovereignty, and that this is the motive which has led me, in the past,

to shew a friendly spirit toward you and, on the present occasion, to

address you with seductive words in order to inspire you with courage.

And such reasoning is not out of accord with the ways of men. For

unenlightened men are accustomed to shew gentleness toward those whom

they want to make use of, even though these happen to be in a much

humbler station than they, but to be difficult of access to others whose

assistance they do not desire. As for me, however, I care neither for

the end of life nor for the loss of power. Nay, I should even pray that

I might put off this purple to-day, if a Goth were to put it on. And I

have always regarded the end of Theodatus as one of the most fortunate,

in that he was privileged to lose both his sovereignty and his life at

the hands of men of his own nation. For a calamity which falls upon an

individual without involving his nation also in destruction does not

lack an element of consolation, in the view, at least, of men who are

not wanting in wisdom. But when I reflect upon the fate of the Vandals

and the end of Gelimer, the thoughts which come to my mind are of no

ordinary kind; nay, I seem to see the Goths and their children reduced

to slavery, your wives ministering in the most shameful of all ways to

the most hateful of men, and myself and the granddaughter[139] of

Theoderic led wherever it suits the pleasure of those who are now our

enemies; and I would have you also enter this battle fearing lest this

fate befall us. For if you do this, on the field of battle you will

count the end of life as more to be desired than safety after defeat.

For noble men consider that there is only one misfortune--to survive

defeat at the hands of their enemy. But as for death, and especially

death which comes quickly, it always brings happiness to those who were

before not blest by fortune. It is very clear that if you keep these

thoughts in mind as you go through the present engagement, you will not

only conquer your opponents most easily, few as they are and

Greeks,[140] but will also punish them forthwith for the injustice and

insolence with which they, without provocation, have treated us. For

although we boast that we are their superiors in valour, in numbers, and

in every other respect, the boldness which they feel in confronting us

is due merely to elation at our misfortunes; and the only asset they

have is the indifference we have shewn. For their self-confidence is fed

by their undeserved good fortune."

With these words of exhortation Vittigis proceeded to array his army for

battle, stationing the infantry in the centre and the cavalry on the two

wings. He did not, however, draw up his phalanx far from the camps, but

very near them, in order that, as soon as the rout should take place,

the enemy might easily be overtaken and killed, there being abundance of

room for the pursuit. For he expected that if the struggle should become

a pitched battle in the plain, they would not withstand him even a short

time; since he judged by the great disparity of numbers that the army of

the enemy was no match for his own.

So the soldiers on both sides, beginning in the early morning, opened

battle; and Vittigis and Belisarius were in the rear urging on both

armies and inciting them to fortitude. And at first the Roman arms

prevailed, and the barbarians kept falling in great numbers before their

archery, but no pursuit of them was made. For since the Gothic cavalry

stood in dense masses, other men very easily stepped into the places of

those who were killed, and so the loss of those who fell among them was

in no way apparent. And the Romans evidently were satisfied, in view of

their very small number, that the struggle should have such a result for

them. So after they had by midday carried the battle as far as the camps

of their opponents, and had already slain many of the enemy, they were

anxious to return to the city if any pretext should present itself to

them. In this part of the action three among the Romans proved

themselves brave men above all others, Athenodorus, an Isaurian, a man

of fair fame among the guards of Belisarius, and Theodoriscus and

George, spearmen of Martinus and Cappadocians by birth. For they

constantly kept going out beyond the front of the phalanx, and there

despatched many of the barbarians with their spears. Such was the

course of events here.

But in the Plain of Nero the two armies remained for a long time facing

one another, and the Moors, by making constant sallies and hurling their

javelins among the enemy, kept harrying the Goths. For the Goths were

quite unwilling to go out against them through fear of the forces of the

Roman populace which were not far away, thinking, of course, that they

were soldiers and were remaining quiet because they had in mind some

sort of an ambush against themselves with the object of getting in their

rear, exposing them to attack on both sides, and thus destroying them.

But when it was now the middle of the day, the Roman army suddenly made

a rush against the enemy, and the Goths were unexpectedly routed, being

paralyzed by the suddenness of the attack. And they did not succeed even

in fleeing to their camp, but climbed the hills near by and remained

quiet. Now the Romans, though many in number, were not all soldiers, but

were for the most part a throng of men without defensive armour. For

inasmuch as the general was elsewhere, many sailors and servants in the

Roman camp, in their eagerness to have a share in the war, mingled with

that part of the army. And although by their mere numbers they did fill

the barbarians with consternation and turn them to flight, as has been

said, yet by reason of their lack of order they lost the day for the

Romans. For the intermixture of the above-mentioned men caused the

soldiers to be thrown into great disorder, and although Valentinus kept

constantly shouting orders to them, they could not hear his commands at

all. For this reason they did not even follow up the fugitives or kill

a man, but allowed them to stand at rest on the hills and in security to

view what was going on. Nor did they take thought to destroy the bridge

there, and thus prevent the city from being afterwards besieged on both

sides; for, had they done so, the barbarians would have been unable to

encamp any longer on the farther side of the Tiber River. Furthermore,

they did not even cross the bridge and get in the rear of their

opponents who were fighting there with the troops of Belisarius. And if

this had been done, the Goths, I think, would no longer have thought of

resistance, but they would have turned instantly to flight, each man as

he could. But as it was, they took possession of the enemy's camp and

turned to plundering his goods, and they set to work carrying thence

many vessels of silver and many other valuables. Meanwhile the

barbarians for some time remained quietly where they were and observed

what was going on, but finally by common consent they advanced against

their opponents with great fury and shouting. And finding men in

complete disorder engaged in plundering their property, they slew many

and quickly drove out the rest. For all who were caught inside the camp

and escaped slaughter were glad to cast their plunder from their

shoulders and take to flight.

While these things were taking place in the Plain of Nero, meantime the

rest of the barbarian army stayed very near their camps and, protecting

themselves with their shields, vigorously warded off their opponents,

destroying many men and a much larger number of horses. But on the Roman

side, when those who had been wounded and those whose horses had been

killed left the ranks, then, in an army which had been small even

before, the smallness of their numbers was still more evident, and the

difference between them and the Gothic host was manifestly great.

Finally the horsemen of the barbarians who were on the right wing,

taking note of this, advanced at a gallop against the enemy opposite

them. And the Romans there, unable to withstand their spears, rushed off

in flight and came to the infantry phalanx. However, the infantry also

were unable to hold their ground against the oncoming horsemen, and most

of them began to join the cavalry in flight. And immediately the rest of

the Roman army also began to retire, the enemy pressing upon their

heels, and the rout became decisive. But Principius and Tarmutus with

some few of the infantry of their command made a display of valorous

deeds against the Goths. For as they continued to fight and disdained to

turn to flight with the others, most of the Goths were so amazed that

they halted. And consequently the rest of the infantry and most of the

horsemen made their escape in greater security. Now Principius fell

where he stood, his whole body hacked to pieces, and around him fell

forty-two foot-soldiers. But Tarmutus, holding two Isaurian javelins,

one in each hand, continued to thrust them into his assailants as he

turned from side to side, until, finally, he desisted because his body

was covered with wounds; but when his brother Ennes came to the rescue

with a detachment of cavalry, he revived, and running swiftly, covered

as he was with gore and wounds, he made for the fortifications without

throwing down either of his javelins. And being fleet of foot by

nature, he succeeded in making his escape, in spite of the plight of

his body, and did not fall until he had just reached the Pincian Gate.

And some of his comrades, supposing him to be dead, lifted him on a

shield and carried him. But he lived on two days before he died, leaving

a high reputation both among the Isaurians and in the rest of the army.

The Romans, meanwhile, being by now thoroughly frightened, attended to

the guarding of the wall, and shutting the gates they refused, in their

great excitement, to receive the fugitives into the city, fearing that

the enemy would rush in with them. And such of the fugitives as had not

already got inside the fortifications, crossed the moat, and standing

with their backs braced against the wall were trembling with fear, and

stood there forgetful of all valour and utterly unable to ward off the

barbarians, although they were pressing upon them and were about to

cross the moat to attack them. And the reason was that most of them had

lost their spears, which had been broken in the engagement and during

the flight, and they were not able to use their bows because they were

huddled so closely together. Now so long as not many defenders were seen

at the battlement, the Goths kept pressing on, having hopes of

destroying all those who had been shut out and of overpowering the men

who held the circuit-wall. But when they saw a very great number both of

soldiers and of the Roman populace at the battlements defending the

wall, they immediately abandoned their purpose and rode off thence to

the rear, heaping much abuse upon their opponents. And the battle,

having begun at the camps of the barbarians, ended at the moat and the

wall of the city.

FOOTNOTES:

[139] Matasuntha.

[140] Cf. Book IV. xxvii. 38, note.

HISTORY OF THE WARS: BOOK VI

THE GOTHIC WAR (_continued_)

I

After this the Romans no longer dared risk a battle with their whole

army; but they engaged in cavalry battles, making sudden sallies in the

same manner as before, and were generally victorious over the

barbarians. Foot-soldiers also went out from both sides, not, however,

arrayed in a phalanx, but accompanying the horsemen. And once Bessas in

the first rush dashed in among the enemy carrying his spear and killed

three of their best horsemen and turned the rest to flight. And another

time, when Constantinus had led out the Huns in the Plain of Nero in the

late afternoon, and saw that they were being overpowered by the superior

numbers of their opponents, he took the following measures. There has

been in that place from of old a great stadium[141] where the gladiators

of the city used to fight in former times, and the men of old built many

other buildings round about this stadium; consequently there are, as one

would expect, narrow passages all about this place. Now on the occasion

in question, since Constantinus could neither overcome the throng of the

Goths nor flee without great danger, he caused all the Huns to dismount

from their horses, and on foot, in company with them, took his stand in

one of the narrow passages there. Then by shooting from that safe

position they slew large numbers of the enemy. And for some time the

Goths withstood their missiles. For they hoped, as soon as the supply of

missiles in the quivers of the Huns should be exhausted, to be able to

surround them without any trouble, take them prisoners, and lead them

back to their camp. But since the Massagetae, who were not only good

bowmen but also had a dense throng to shoot into, hit an enemy with

practically every shot, the Goths perceived that above half their number

had perished, and since the sun was about to set, they knew not what to

do and so rushed off in flight. Then indeed many of them fell; for the

Massagetae followed them up, and since they know how to shoot the bow

with the greatest accuracy even when running at great speed, they

continued to discharge their arrows no less than before, shooting at

their backs, and kept up the slaughter. And thus Constantinus with his

Huns came back to Rome at night.

And when Peranius, not many days later, led some of the Romans through

the Salarian Gate against the enemy, the Goths, indeed, fled as hard as

they could, but about sunset a counter-pursuit was made suddenly, and a

Roman foot-soldier, becoming greatly confused, fell into a deep hole,

many of which were made there by the men of old, for the storage of

grain, I suppose. And he did not dare to cry out, supposing that the

enemy were encamped near by, and was not able in any way whatever to get

out of the pit, for it afforded no means of climbing up; he was

therefore compelled to pass the night there. Now on the next day, when

the barbarians had again been put to flight, one of the Goths fell into

the same hole. And there the two men were reconciled to mutual

friendship and good-will, brought together as they were by their

necessity, and they exchanged solemn pledges, each that he would work

earnestly for the salvation of the other; and then both of them began

shouting with loud and frantic cries. Now the Goths, following the

sound, came and peered over the edge of the hole, and enquired who it

was who shouted. At this, the Roman, in accordance with the plan decided

upon by the two men, kept silence, and the Goth in his native tongue

said that he had just recently fallen in there during the rout which had

taken place, and asked them to let down a rope that he might come up.

And they as quickly as possible threw down the ends of ropes, and, as

they thought, were pulling up the Goth, but the Roman laid hold of the

ropes and was pulled up, saying only that if he should go up first the

Goths would never abandon their comrade, but if they should learn that

merely one of the enemy was there they would take no account of him. So

saying, he went up. And when the Goths saw him, they wondered and were

in great perplexity, but upon hearing the whole story from him they drew

up his comrade next, and he told them of the agreement they had made

and of the pledges both had given. So he went off with his companions,

and the Roman was released unharmed and permitted to return to the city.

After this horsemen in no great numbers armed themselves many times for

battle, but the struggles always ended in single combats, and the Romans

were victorious in all of them. Such, then, was the course of these

events.