BOOK V

THE GOTHIC WAR

I

Such, then, were the fortunes of the Romans in Libya. I shall now

proceed to the Gothic War, first telling all that befell the Goths and

Italians before this war.

During the reign of Zeno[A] in Byzantium the power in the West was held

by Augustus, whom the Romans used to call by the diminutive name

Augustulus because he took over the empire while still a lad,[B] his

father Orestes, a man of the greatest discretion, administering it as

regent for him. Now it happened that the Romans a short time before had

induced the Sciri and Alani and certain other Gothic nations to form an

alliance with them; and from that time on it was their fortune to suffer

at the hand of Alaric and Attila those things which have been told in

the previous narrative.[1] And in proportion as the barbarian element

among them became strong, just so did the prestige of the Roman soldiers

forthwith decline, and under the fair name of alliance they were more

and more tyrannized over by the intruders and oppressed by them; so that

the barbarians ruthlessly forced many other measures upon the Romans

much against their will and finally demanded that they should divide

with them the entire land of Italy. And indeed they commanded Orestes to

give them the third part of this, and when he would by no means agree to

do so, they killed him immediately.[C] Now there was a certain man among

the Romans named Odoacer, one of the bodyguards of the emperor, and he

at that time agreed to carry out their commands, on condition that they

should set him upon the throne. And when he had received the supreme

power in this way, [D] he did the emperor no further harm, but allowed

him to live thenceforth as a private citizen. And by giving the third

part of the land to the barbarians, and in this way gaining their

allegiance most firmly, he held the supreme power securely for ten

years.[2]

DATES:

[A]474-491 A.D.

[B]July 31, 475 A.D.

[C]July 28, 476 A.D.

[D]July 28, 476 A.D.

It was at about this same time that the Goths also, who were dwelling in

Thrace with the permission of the emperor, took up arms against the

Romans under the leadership of Theoderic, a man who was of patrician

rank and had attained the consular office in Byzantium. But the Emperor

Zeno, who understood how to settle to his advantage any situation in

which he found himself, advised Theoderic to proceed to Italy, attack

Odoacer, and win for himself and the Goths the western dominion. For it

was better for him, he said, especially as he had attained the

senatorial dignity, to force out a usurper and be ruler over all the

Romans and Italians than to incur the great risk of a decisive struggle

with the emperor.

Now Theoderic was pleased with the suggestion and went to Italy, and he

was followed by the Gothic host, who placed in their waggons the women

and children and such of their chattels as they were able to take with

them. And when they came near the Ionian Gulf,[3] they were quite unable

to cross over it, since they had no ships at hand; and so they made the

journey around the gulf, advancing through the land of the Taulantii and

the other nations of that region. Here the forces of Odoacer encountered

them, but after being defeated in many battles, they shut themselves up

with their leader in Ravenna and such other towns as were especially

strong. [E] And the Goths laid siege to these places and captured them

all, in one way or another, as it chanced in each case, except that they

were unable to capture, either by surrender or by storm, the fortress of

Caesena,[4] which is three hundred stades distant from Ravenna, and

Ravenna itself, where Odoacer happened to be. For this city of Ravenna

lies in a level plain at the extremity of the Ionian Gulf, lacking two

stades of being on the sea, and it is so situated as not to be easily

approached either by ships or by a land army. Ships cannot possibly put

in to shore there because the sea itself prevents them by forming shoals

for not less than thirty stades; consequently the beach at Ravenna,

although to the eye of mariners it is very near at hand, is in reality

very far away by reason of the great extent of the shoal-water. And a

land army cannot approach it at all; for the river Po, also called the

Eridanus, which flows past Ravenna, coming from the boundaries of

Celtica, and other navigable rivers together with some marshes, encircle

it on all sides and so cause the city to be surrounded by water. In that

place a very wonderful thing takes place every day. For early in the

morning the sea forms a kind of river and comes up over the land for the

distance of a day's journey for an unencumbered traveller and becomes

navigable in the midst of the mainland, and then in the late afternoon

it turns back again, causing the inlet to disappear, and gathers the

stream to itself.[5] All those, therefore, who have to convey provisions

into the city or carry them out from there for trade or for any other

reason, place their cargoes in boats, and drawing them down to the place

where the inlet is regularly formed, they await the inflow of the water.

And when this comes, the boats are lifted little by little from the

ground and float, and the sailors on them set to work and from that time

on are seafaring men. And this is not the only place where this happens,

but it is the regular occurrence along the whole coast in this region as

far as the city of Aquileia. However, it does not always take place in

the same way at every time, but when the light of the moon is faint, the

advance of the sea is not strong either, but from the first[6] half-moon

until the second the inflow has a tendency to be greater. So much for

this matter.

DATES:

[E] 489 A.D.

But when the third year had already been spent by the Goths and

Theoderic in their siege of Ravenna, the Goths, who were weary of the

siege, and the followers of Odoacer, who were hard pressed by the lack

of provisions, came to an agreement with each other through the

mediation of the priest of Ravenna, the understanding being that both

Theoderic and Odoacer should reside in Ravenna on terms of complete

equality. And for some time they observed the agreement; but afterward

Theoderic caught Odoacer, as they say, plotting against him, and bidding

him to a feast with treacherous intent slew him,[7] and in this way,

after gaining the adherence of such of the hostile barbarians as chanced

to survive, he himself secured the supremacy over both Goths and

Italians. And though he did not claim the right to assume either the

garb or the name of emperor of the Romans, but was called "rex" to the

end of his life (for thus the barbarians are accustomed to call their

leaders),[8] still, in governing his own subjects, he invested himself

with all the qualities which appropriately belong to one who is by birth

an emperor. For he was exceedingly careful to observe justice, he

preserved the laws on a sure basis, he protected the land and kept it

safe from the barbarians dwelling round about, and attained the highest

possible degree of wisdom and manliness. And he himself committed

scarcely a single act of injustice against his subjects, nor would he

brook such conduct on the part of anyone else who attempted it, except,

indeed, that the Goths distributed among themselves the portion of the

lands which Odoacer had given to his own partisans. And although in name

Theoderic was a usurper, yet in fact he was as truly an emperor as any

who have distinguished themselves in this office from the beginning; and

love for him among both Goths and Italians grew to be great, and that

too contrary to the ordinary habits of men. For in all states men's

preferences are divergent, with the result that the government in power

pleases for the moment only those with whom its acts find favour, but

offends those whose judgment it violates. But Theoderic reigned for

thirty-seven years, and when he died, he had not only made himself an

object of terror to all his enemies, but he also left to his subjects a

keen sense of bereavement at his loss. And he died in the following

manner.[F]

DATE:

[F] 526 A.D.

Symmachus and his son-in-law Boetius were men of noble and ancient

lineage, and both had been leading men[9] in the Roman senate and had

been consuls. But because they practised philosophy and were mindful of

justice in a manner surpassed by no other men, relieving the destitution

of both citizens and strangers by generous gifts of money, they attained

great fame and thus led men of the basest sort to envy them. Now such

persons slandered them to Theoderic, and he, believing their slanders,

put these two men to death, on the ground that they were setting about a

revolution, and made their property confiscate to the public treasury.

And a few days later, while he was dining, the servants set before him

the head of a great fish. This seemed to Theoderic to be the head of

Symmachus newly slain. Indeed, with its teeth set in its lower lip and

its eyes looking at him with a grim and insane stare, it did resemble

exceedingly a person threatening him. And becoming greatly frightened at

the extraordinary prodigy and shivering excessively, he retired running

to his own chamber, and bidding them place many covers upon him,

remained quiet. But afterwards he disclosed to his physician Elpidius

all that had happened and wept for the wrong he had done Symmachus and

Boetius. Then, having lamented and grieved exceedingly over the

unfortunate occurrence, he died not long afterward. This was the first

and last act of injustice which he committed toward his subjects, and

the cause of it was that he had not made a thorough investigation, as he

was accustomed to do, before passing judgment on the two men.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Book III. ii. 7 ff., iv. 29 ff.

[2] Odoacer was defeated and shut up in Ravenna by Theoderic in 489,

surrendered to him in 493, and was put to death in the same year. His

independent rule ([Greek: tyrannis]) therefore lasted thirteen years.

[3] Meaning the whole Adriatic; cf. chap. xv. 16, note.

[4] Modern Cesena.

[5] He means that an estuary ([Greek: porthmos]) is formed by the rising

tide in the morning, and the water flows out again as the tide falls in

the evening.

[6] From the first until the third quarter.

[7] See note in Bury's edition of Gibbon, Vol. IV. p. 180, for an

interesting account of this event.

[8] This is a general observation; the title "rex" was current among the

barbarians to indicate a position inferior to that of a [Greek:

basileus] or "imperator"; cf. VI. xiv. 38.

[9] Probably a reminiscence of the "princeps senatus" of classical

times.

II

After his death[G] the kingdom was taken over by Atalaric, the son of

Theoderic's daughter; he had reached the age of eight years and was

being reared under the care of his mother Amalasuntha. For his father

had already departed from among men. And not long afterward Justinian

succeeded to the imperial power in Byzantium. [H]Now Amalasuntha, as

guardian of her child, administered the government, and she proved to be

endowed with wisdom and regard for justice in the highest degree,

displaying to a great extent the masculine temper. As long as she stood

at the head of the government she inflicted punishment upon no Roman in

any case either by touching his person or by imposing a fine.

Furthermore, she did not give way to the Goths in their mad desire to

wrong them, but she even restored to the children of Symmachus and

Boetius their fathers' estates. Now Amalasuntha wished to make her son

resemble the Roman princes in his manner of life, and was already

compelling him to attend the school of a teacher of letters. And she

chose out three among the old men of the Goths whom she knew to be

prudent and refined above all the others, and bade them live with

Atalaric. But the Goths were by no means pleased with this. For because

of their eagerness to wrong their subjects they wished to be ruled by

him more after the barbarian fashion. On one occasion the mother,

finding the boy doing some wrong in his chamber, chastised him; and he

in tears went off thence to the men's apartments. And some Goths who met

him made a great to-do about this, and reviling Amalasuntha insisted

that she wished to put the boy out of the world as quickly as possible,

in order that she might marry a second husband and with him rule over

the Goths and Italians. And all the notable men among them gathered

together, and coming before Amalasuntha made the charge that their king

was not being educated correctly from their point of view nor to his own

advantage. For letters, they said, are far removed from manliness, and

the teaching of old men results for the most part in a cowardly and

submissive spirit. Therefore the man who is to shew daring in any work

and be great in renown ought to be freed from the timidity which

teachers inspire and to take his training in arms. They added that even

Theoderic would never allow any of the Goths to send their children to

school; for he used to say to them all that, if the fear of the strap

once came over them, they would never have the resolution to despise

sword or spear. And they asked her to reflect that her father Theoderic

before he died had become master of all this territory and had invested

himself with a kingdom which was his by no sort of right, although he

had not so much as heard of letters. "Therefore, O Queen," they said,

"have done with these tutors now, and do you give to Atalaric some men

of his own age to be his companions, who will pass through the period of

youth with him and thus give him an impulse toward that excellence which

is in keeping with the custom of barbarians."

DATES:

[G]526 A.D.

[H]527 A.D.

When Amalasuntha heard this, although she did not approve, yet because

she feared the plotting of these men, she made it appear that their

words found favour with her, and granted everything the barbarians

desired of her. And when the old men had left Atalaric, he was given the

company of some boys who were to share his daily life,--lads who had not

yet come of age but were only a little in advance of him in years; and

these boys, as soon as he came of age, by enticing him to drunkenness

and to intercourse with women, made him an exceptionally depraved youth,

and of such stupid folly that he was disinclined to follow his mother's

advice. Consequently he utterly refused to champion her cause, although

the barbarians were by now openly leaguing together against her; for

they were boldly commanding the woman to withdraw from the palace. But

Amalasuntha neither became frightened at the plotting of the Goths nor

did she, womanlike, weakly give way, but still displaying the dignity

befitting a queen, she chose out three men who were the most notable

among the barbarians and at the same time the most responsible for the

sedition against her, and bade them go to the limits of Italy, not

together, however, but as far apart as possible from one another; but it

was made to appear that they were being sent in order to guard the land

against the enemy's attack. But nevertheless these men by the help of

their friends and relations, who were all still in communication with

them, even travelling a long journey for the purpose, continued to make

ready the details of their plot against Amalasuntha.

And the woman, being unable to endure these things any longer, devised

the following plan. Sending to Byzantium she enquired of the Emperor

Justinian whether it was his wish that Amalasuntha, the daughter of

Theoderic, should come to him; for she wished to depart from Italy as

quickly as possible. And the emperor, being pleased by the suggestion,

bade her come and sent orders that the finest of the houses in Epidamnus

should be put in readiness, in order that when Amalasuntha should come

there, she might lodge in it and after spending such time there as she

wished might then betake herself to Byzantium. When Amalasuntha learned

this, she chose out certain Goths who were energetic men and especially

devoted to her and sent them to kill the three whom I have just

mentioned, as having been chiefly responsible for the sedition against

her. And she herself placed all her possessions, including four hundred

centenaria[10] of gold, in a single ship and embarked on it some of

those most faithful to her and bade them sail to Epidamnus, and, upon

arriving there, to anchor in its harbour, but to discharge from the ship

nothing whatever of its cargo until she herself should send orders. And

she did this in order that, if she should learn that the three men had

been destroyed, she might remain there and summon the ship back, having

no further fear from her enemies; but if it should chance that any one

of them was left alive, no good hope being left her, she purposed to

sail with all speed and find safety for herself and her possessions in

the emperor's land. Such was the purpose with which Amalasuntha was

sending the ship to Epidamnus; and when it arrived at the harbour of

that city, those who had the money carried out her orders. But a little

later, when the murders had been accomplished as she wished, Amalasuntha

summoned the ship back and remaining at Ravenna strengthened her rule

and made it as secure as might be.

FOOTNOTE:

[10] See Book I. xxii. 4; III. vi. 2 and note.

III

There was among the Goths one Theodatus by name, son of Amalafrida, the

sister of Theoderic, a man already of mature years, versed in the Latin

literature and the teachings of Plato, but without any experience

whatever in war and taking no part in active life, and yet

extraordinarily devoted to the pursuit of money. This Theodatus had

gained possession of most of the lands in Tuscany, and he was eager by

violent methods to wrest the remainder from their owners. For to have a

neighbour seemed to Theodatus a kind of misfortune. Now Amalasuntha was

exerting herself to curb this desire of his, and consequently he was

always vexed with her and resentful. He formed the plan, therefore, of

handing over Tuscany to the Emperor Justinian, in order that, upon

receiving from him a great sum of money and the senatorial dignity, he

might pass the rest of his life in Byzantium. After Theodatus had formed

this plan, there came from Byzantium to the chief priest of Rome two

envoys, Hypatius, the priest of Ephesus, and Demetrius, from Philippi in

Macedonia, to confer about a tenet of faith, which is a subject of

disagreement and controversy among the Christians. As for the points in

dispute, although I know them well, I shall by no means make mention of

them; for I consider it a sort of insane folly to investigate the nature

of God, enquiring of what sort it is. For man cannot, I think, apprehend

even human affairs with accuracy, much less those things which pertain

to the nature of God. As for me, therefore, I shall maintain a discreet

silence concerning these matters, with the sole object that old and

venerable beliefs may not be discredited. For I, for my part, will say

nothing whatever about God save that He is altogether good and has all

things in His power. But let each one say whatever he thinks he knows

about these matters, both priest and layman. As for Theodatus, he met

these envoys secretly and directed them to report to the Emperor

Justinian what he had planned, explaining what has just been set forth

by me.

But at this juncture Atalaric, having plunged into a drunken revel which

passed all bounds, was seized with a wasting disease. Wherefore

Amalasuntha was in great perplexity; for, on the one hand, she had no

confidence in the loyalty of her son, now that he had gone so far in his

depravity, and, on the other, she thought that if Atalaric also should

be removed from among men, her life would not be safe thereafter, since

she had given offence to the most notable of the Goths. For this reason

she was desirous of handing over the power of the Goths and Italians to

the Emperor Justinian, in order that she herself might be saved. And it

happened that Alexander, a man of the senate, together with Demetrius

and Hypatius, had come to Ravenna. For when the emperor had heard that

Amalasuntha's boat was anchored in the harbour of Epidamnus, but that

she herself was still tarrying, although much time had passed, he had

sent Alexander to investigate and report to him the whole situation with

regard to Amalasuntha; but it was given out that the emperor had sent

Alexander as an envoy to her because he was greatly disturbed by the

events at Lilybaeum which have been set forth by me in the preceding

narrative,[11] and because ten Huns from the army in Libya had taken

flight and reached Campania, and Uliaris, who was guarding Naples, had

received them not at all against the will of Amalasuntha, and also

because the Goths, in making war on the Gepaedes about Sirmium,[12] had

treated the city of Gratiana, situated at the extremity of Illyricum, as

a hostile town. So by way of protesting to Amalasuntha with regard to

these things, he wrote a letter and sent Alexander.

And when Alexander arrived in Rome, he left there the priests busied

with the matters for which they had come, and he himself, journeying on

to Ravenna and coming before Amalasuntha, reported the emperor's message

secretly, and openly delivered the letter to her. And the purport of the

writing was as follows: "The fortress of Lilybaeum, which is ours, you

have taken by force and are now holding, and barbarians, slaves of mine

who have run away, you have received and have not even yet decided to

restore them to me, and besides all this you have treated outrageously

my city of Gratiana, though it belongs to you in no way whatever.

Wherefore it is time for you to consider what the end of these things

will some day be." And when this letter had been delivered to her and

she had read it, she replied in the following words: "One may reasonably

expect an emperor who is great and lays claim to virtue to assist an

orphan child who does not in the least comprehend what is being done,

rather than for no cause at all to quarrel with him. For unless a

struggle be waged on even terms, even the victory it gains brings no

honour. But thou dost threaten Atalaric on account of Lilybaeum, and ten

runaways, and a mistake, made by soldiers in going against their

enemies, which through some misapprehension chanced to affect a friendly

city. Nay! do not thus; do not thou thus, O Emperor, but call to mind

that when them wast making war upon the Vandals, we not only refrained

from hindering thee, but quite zealously even gave thee free passage

against the enemy and provided a market in which to buy the

indispensable supplies,[13] furnishing especially the multitude of

horses to which thy final mastery over the enemy was chiefly due. And

yet it is not merely the man who offers an alliance of arms to his

neighbours that would in justice be called their ally and friend, but

also the man who actually is found assisting another in war in regard to

his every need. And consider that at that time thy fleet had no other

place at which to put in from the sea except Sicily, and that without

the supplies bought there it could not go on to Libya. Therefore thou

art indebted to us for the chief cause of thy victory; for the one who

provides a solution for a difficult situation is justly entitled also to

the credit for the results which flow from his help. And what could be

sweeter for a man, O Emperor, than gaining the mastery over his enemies?

And yet in our case the outcome is that we suffer no slight

disadvantage, in that we do not, in accordance with the custom of war,

enjoy our share of the spoils. And now thou art also claiming the right

to despoil us of Lilybaeum in Sicily, which has belonged to the Goths

from ancient times, a lone rock, O Emperor, worth not so much as a piece

of silver, which, had it happened to belong to thy kingdom from ancient

times, thou mightest in equity at least have granted to Atalaric as a

reward for his services, since he lent thee assistance in the times of

thy most pressing necessity." Such was the message which Amalasuntha

wrote openly to the emperor; but secretly she agreed to put the whole

of Italy into his hands. And the envoys, returning to Byzantium,

reported everything to the Emperor Justinian, Alexander telling him the

course which had been decided upon by Amalasuntha, and Demetrius and

Hypatius all that they had heard Theodatus say, adding that Theodatus

enjoyed great power in Tuscany, where he had become owner of the most of

the land and consequently would be able with no trouble at all to carry

his agreement into effect. And the emperor, overjoyed at this situation,

immediately sent to Italy Peter, an Illyrian by birth, but a citizen of

Thessalonica, a man who was one of the trained speakers in Byzantium, a

discreet and gentle person withal and fitted by nature to persuade men.

FOOTNOTES:

[11] Book IV. v. 11 ff.

[12] Near modern Mitrowitz.

[13] Cf. Book III. xiv. 5, 6.

IV

But while these things were going on as I have explained, Theodatus was

denounced before Amalasuntha by many Tuscans, who stated that he had

done violence to all the people of Tuscany and had without cause seized

their estates, taking not only all private estates but especially those

belonging to the royal household, which the Romans are accustomed to

call "patrimonium." For this reason the woman called Theodatus to an

investigation, and when, being confronted by his denouncers, he had been

proved guilty without any question, she compelled him to pay back

everything which he had wrongfully seized and then dismissed him. And

since in this way she had given the greatest offence to the man, from

that time she was on hostile terms with him, exceedingly vexed as he

was by reason of his fondness for money, because he was unable to

continue his unlawful and violent practices.

At about this same time[I] Atalaric, being quite wasted away by the

disease, came to his end, having lived eight years in office. As for

Amalasuntha, since it was fated that she should fare ill, she took no

account of the nature of Theodatus and of what she had recently done to

him, and supposed that she would suffer no unpleasant treatment at his

hands if she should do the man some rather unusual favour. She

accordingly summoned him, and when he came, set out to cajole him,

saying that for some time she had known well that it was to be expected

that her son would soon die; for she had heard the opinion of all the

physicians, who agreed in their judgment, and had herself perceived that

the body of Atalaric continued to waste away. And since she saw that

both Goths and Italians had an unfavourable opinion regarding Theodatus,

who had now come to represent the race of Theoderic, she had conceived

the desire to clear him of this evil name, in order that it might not

stand in his way if he were called to the throne. But at the same time,

she explained, the question of justice disturbed her, at the thought

that those who claimed to have been wronged by him already should find

that they had no one to whom they might report what had befallen them,

but that they now had their enemy as their master. For these reasons,

then, although she invited him to the throne after his name should have

been cleared in this way, yet it was necessary, she said, that he should

be bound by the most solemn oaths that while the title of the office

should be conferred upon Theodatus, she herself should in fact hold the

power no less than before. When Theodatus heard this, although he swore

to all the conditions which Amalasuntha wished, he entered into the

agreement with treacherous intent, remembering all that she had

previously done to him. Thus Amalasuntha, being deceived by her own

judgment and the oaths of Theodatus, established him in the office. And

sending some Goths as envoys to Byzantium, she made this known to the

Emperor Justinian.

DATE:

[I]Oct. 10, 534 A.D.

But Theodatus, upon receiving the supreme power, began to act in all

things contrary to the hopes she had entertained and to the promises he

had made. And after winning the adherence of the relatives of the Goths

who had been slain by her--and they were both numerous and men of very

high standing among the Goths--he suddenly put to death some of the

connections of Amalasuntha and imprisoned her, the envoys not having as

yet reached Byzantium. Now there is a certain lake in Tuscany called

Vulsina,[14] within which rises an island,[15] exceedingly small but

having a strong fortress upon it. There Theodatus confined Amalasuntha

and kept her under guard.[J] But fearing that by this act he had given

offence to the emperor, as actually proved to be the case, he sent some

men of the Roman senate, Liberius and Opilio and certain others,

directing them to excuse his conduct to the emperor with all their power

by assuring him that Amalasuntha had met with no harsh treatment at his

hands, although she had perpetrated irreparable outrages upon him

before. And he himself wrote in this sense to the emperor, and also

compelled Amalasuntha, much against her will, to write the same thing.

DATE:

[J]Apr. 30, 535 A.D.

Such was the course of these events. But Peter had already been

despatched by the emperor on an embassy to Italy with instructions to

meet Theodatus without the knowledge of any others, and after Theodatus

had given pledges by an oath that none of their dealings should be

divulged, he was then to make a secure settlement with him regarding

Tuscany; and meeting Amalasuntha stealthily he was to make such an

arrangement with her regarding the whole of Italy as would be to the

profit of either party. But openly his mission was to negotiate with

regard to Lilybaeum and the other matters which I have lately mentioned.

For as yet the emperor had heard nothing about the death of Atalaric or

the succession of Theodatus to the throne, or the fate which had

befallen Amalasuntha. And Peter was already on his way when he met the

envoys of Amalasuntha and learned, in the first place, that Theodatus

had come to the throne; and a little later, upon reaching the city of

Aulon,[16] which lies on the Ionian Gulf, he met there the company of

Liberius and Opilio, and learned everything which had taken place, and

reporting this to the emperor he remained there.

And when the Emperor Justinian heard these things, he formed the purpose

of throwing the Goths and Theodatus into confusion; accordingly he wrote

a letter to Amalasuntha, stating that he was eager to give her every

possible support, and at the same time he directed Peter by no means to

conceal this message, but to make it known to Theodatus himself and to

all the Goths. And when the envoys from Italy arrived in Byzantium, they

all, with a single exception, reported the whole matter to the emperor,

and especially Liberius; for he was a man unusually upright and

honourable, and one who knew well how to shew regard for the truth; but

Opilio alone declared with the greatest persistence that Theodatus had

committed no offence against Amalasuntha. Now when Peter arrived in

Italy, it so happened that Amalasuntha had been removed from among men.

For the relatives of the Goths who had been slain by her came before

Theodatus declaring that neither his life nor theirs was secure unless

Amalasuntha should be put out of their way as quickly as possible. And

as soon as he gave in to them, they went to the island and killed

Amalasuntha,--an act which grieved exceedingly all the Italians and the

Goths as well. For the woman had the strictest regard for every kind of

virtue, as has been stated by me a little earlier.[17] Now Peter

protested openly[18] to Theodatus and the other Goths that because this

base deed had been committed by them, there would be war without truce

between the emperor and themselves. But Theodatus, such was his stupid

folly, while still holding the slayers of Amalasuntha in honour and

favour kept trying to persuade Peter and the emperor that this unholy

deed had been committed by the Goths by no means with his approval, but

decidedly against his will.

FOOTNOTES:

[14] Modern Bolsena.

[15] Marta; "now entirely uninhabited, but with a few steps cut in the

rock which are said to have led to the prison of Amalasuntha."--HODGKIN.

[16] Modern Avlona in Albania.

[17] Chap. ii. 3.

[18] See Gibbon's note (chap. xli.), amplified in Bury's edition, Vol.

IV. p. 304, for additional light on the part played by Justinian and

Peter in this affair.

V

Meanwhile it happened that Belisarius had distinguished himself by the

defeat of Gelimer and the Vandals. And the emperor, upon learning what

had befallen Amalasuntha, immediately entered upon the war, being in the

ninth year of his reign. And he first commanded Mundus, the general of

Illyricum, to go to Dalmatia, which was subject to the Goths, and make

trial of Salones.[19] Now Mundus was by birth a barbarian, but

exceedingly loyal to the cause of the emperor and an able warrior. Then

he sent Belisarius by sea with four thousand soldiers from the regular

troops and the foederati,[20] and about three thousand of the Isaurians.

And the commanders were men of note: Constantinus and Bessas from the

land of Thrace, and Peranius from Iberia[21] which is hard by Media, a

man who was by birth a member of the royal family of the Iberians, but

had before this time come as a deserter to the Romans through enmity

toward the Persians; and the levies of cavalry were commanded by

Valentinus, Magnus, and Innocentius, and the infantry by Herodian,

Paulus, Demetrius, and Ursicinus, while the leader of the Isaurians was

Ennes. And there were also two hundred Huns as allies and three hundred

Moors. But the general in supreme command over all was Belisarius, and

he had with him many notable men as spearmen and guards. And he was

accompanied also by Photius, the son of his wife Antonina by a previous

marriage; he was still a young man wearing his first beard, but

possessed the greatest discretion and shewed a strength of character

beyond his years. And the emperor instructed Belisarius to give out that

his destination was Carthage, but as soon as they should arrive at

Sicily, they were to disembark there as it obliged for some reason to do

so, and make trial of the island. And if it should be possible to reduce

it to subjection without any trouble, they were to take possession and

not let it go again; but if they should meet with any obstacle, they

were to sail with all speed to Libya, giving no one an opportunity to

perceive what their intention was.

And he also sent a letter to the leaders of the Franks as follows: "The

Goths, having seized by violence Italy, which was ours, have not only

refused absolutely to give it back, but have committed further acts of

injustice against us which are unendurable and pass beyond all bounds.

For this reason we have been compelled to take the field against them,

and it is proper that you should join with us in waging this war, which

is rendered yours as well as ours not only by the orthodox faith, which

rejects the opinion of the Arians, but also by the enmity we both feel

toward the Goths." Such was the emperor's letter; and making a gift of

money to them, he agreed to give more as soon as they should take an

active part. And they with all zeal promised to fight in alliance with

him.

Now Mundus and the army under his command entered Dalmatia, and engaging

with the Goths who encountered them there, defeated them in the battle

and took possession of Salones. As for Belisarius, he put in at Sicily

and took Catana. And making that place his base of operations, he took

over Syracuse and the other cities by surrender without any trouble;

except, indeed, that the Goths who were keeping guard in Panormus,[22]

having confidence in the fortifications of the place, which was a strong

one, were quite unwilling to yield to Belisarius and ordered him to lead

his army away from there with all speed. But Belisarius, considering

that it was impossible to capture the place from the landward side,

ordered the fleet to sail into the harbour, which extended right up to

the wall. For it was outside the circuit-wall and entirely without

defenders. Now when the ships had anchored there, it was seen that the

masts were higher than the parapet. Straightway, therefore, he filled

all the small boats of the ships with bowmen and hoisted them to the

tops of the masts. And when from these boats the enemy were shot at from

above, they fell into such an irresistible fear that they immediately

delivered Panormus to Belisarius by surrender. As a result of this the

emperor held all Sicily subject and tributary to himself. And at that

time it so happened that there fell to Belisarius a piece of good

fortune beyond the power of words to describe. For, having received the

dignity of the consulship because of his victory over the Vandals, while

he was still holding this honour, and after he had won the whole of

Sicily, on the last day of his consulship,[K] he marched into Syracuse,

loudly applauded by the army and by the Sicilians and throwing golden

coins to all. This coincidence, however, was not intentionally arranged

by him, but it was a happy chance which befell the man, that after

having recovered the whole of the island for the Romans he marched into

Syracuse on that particular day; and so it was not in the senate house

in Byzantium, as was customary, but there that he laid down the office

of the consuls and so became an ex-consul. Thus, then, did good fortune

attend Belisarius.

DATE:

[K]Dec. 31, 535 A.D.

FOOTNOTES:

[19] Or Salona, near modern Spalato.

[20] Auxiliaries; see Book III. xi. 3, 4, and note.

[21] Corresponding roughly to modern Georgia, just south of the

Caucasus.

[22] Modern Palermo.

VI

And when Peter learned of the conquest of Sicily, he was still more

insistent in his efforts to frighten Theodatus and would not let him go.

But he, turning coward and reduced to speechlessness no less than if he

himself had become a captive with Gelimer,[23] entered into negotiations

with Peter without the knowledge of any others, and between them they

formed an agreement, providing that Theodatus should retire from all

Sicily in favour of the Emperor Justinian, and should send him also a

golden crown every year weighing three hundred litrae,[24] and Gothic

warriors to the number of three thousand whenever he should wish; and

that Theodatus himself should have no authority to kill any priest or

senator, or to confiscate his property for the public treasury except by

the decision of the emperor; and that if Theodatus wished to advance

any of his subjects to the patrician or some other senatorial rank this

honour should not be bestowed by him, but he should ask the emperor to

bestow it; and that the Roman populace, in acclaiming their sovereign,

should always shout the name of the emperor first, and afterward that of

Theodatus, both in the theatres and in the hippodromes and wherever else

it should be necessary for such a thing to be done; furthermore, that no

statue of bronze nor of any other material should ever be set up to

Theodatus alone, but statues must always be made for both, and they must

stand thus: on the right that of the emperor, and on the other side that

of Theodatus. And after Theodatus had written in confirmation of this

agreement he dismissed the ambassador.

But, a little later, terror laid hold upon the man's soul and brought

him into fears which knew no bound and tortured his mind, filling him

with dread at the name of war, and reminding him that if the agreement

drawn up by Peter and himself did not please the emperor at all, war

would straightway come upon him. Once more, therefore, he summoned

Peter, who had already reached Albani,[25] for a secret conference, and

enquired of the man whether he thought that the agreement would be

pleasing to the emperor. And he replied that he supposed it would. "But

if," said Theodatus, "these things do not please the man at all, what

will happen then?" And Peter replied "After that you will have to wage

war, most noble Sir." "But what is this," he said; "is it just, my dear

ambassador?" And Peter, immediately taking him up, said "And how is it

not just, my good Sir, that the pursuits appropriate to each man's

nature should be preserved?" "What, pray, may this mean?" asked

Theodatus. "It means," was the reply, "that your great interest is to

philosophize, while Justinian's is to be a worthy emperor of the Romans.

And there is this difference, that for one who has practised philosophy

it would never be seemly to bring about the death of men, especially in

such great numbers, and it should be added that this view accords with

the teachings of Plato, which you have evidently espoused, and hence it

is unholy for you not to be free from all bloodshed; but for him it is

not at all inappropriate to seek to acquire a land which has belonged

from of old to the realm which is his own." Thereupon Theodatus, being

convinced by this advice, agreed to retire from the kingship in favour

of the Emperor Justinian, and both he and his wife took an oath to this

effect. He then bound Peter by oaths that he would not divulge this

agreement until he should see that the emperor would not accept the

former convention. And he sent with him Rusticus, a priest who was

especially devoted to him and a Roman citizen, to negotiate on the basis

of this agreement. And he also entrusted a letter to these men.

So Peter and Rusticus, upon reaching Byzantium, reported the first

decision to the emperor, just as Theodatus had directed them to do. But

when the emperor was quite unwilling to accept the proposal, they

revealed the plan which had been committed to writing afterwards. This

was to the following effect: "I am no stranger to royal courts, but it

was my fortune to have been born in the house of my uncle while he was

king and to have been reared in a manner worthy of my race; and yet I

have had little experience of wars and of the turmoils which wars

entail. For since from my earliest years I have been passionately

addicted to scholarly disputations and have always devoted my time to

this sort of thing, I have consequently been up to the present time very

far removed from the confusion of battles. Therefore it is utterly

absurd that I should aspire to the honours which royalty confers and

thus lead a life fraught with danger, when it is possible for me to

avoid them both. For neither one of these is a pleasure to me; the

first, because it is liable to satiety, for it is a surfeit of all sweet

things, and the second, because lack of familiarity with such a life

throws one into confusion. But as for me, if estates should be provided

me which yielded an annual income of no less than twelve centenaria,[26]

I should regard the kingdom as of less account than them, and I shall

hand over to thee forthwith the power of the Goths and Italians. For I

should find more pleasure in being a farmer free from all cares than in

passing my life amid a king's anxieties, attended as they are by danger

after danger. Pray send a man as quickly as possible into whose hands I

may fittingly deliver Italy and the affairs of the kingdom."

Such was the purport of the letter of Theodatus. And the emperor, being

exceedingly pleased, replied as follows: "From of old have I heard by

report that you were a man of discretion, but now, taught by experience,

I know it by the decision you have reached not to await the issue of

the war. For certain men who in the past have followed such a course

have been completely undone. And you will never repent having made us

friends instead of enemies. But you will not only have this that you ask

at our hands, but you will also have the distinction of being enrolled

in the highest honours of the Romans. Now for the present I have sent

Athanasius and Peter, so that each party may have surety by some

agreement. And almost immediately Belisarius also will visit you to

complete all the arrangements which have been agreed upon between us."

After writing this the emperor sent Athanasius, the brother of

Alexander, who had previously gone on an embassy to Atalaric, as has

been said,[27] and for the second time Peter the orator, whom I have

mentioned above,[28] enjoining upon them to assign to Theodatus the

estates of the royal household, which they call "patrimonium"; and not

until after they had drawn up a written document and had secured oaths

to fortify the agreement were they to summon Belisarius from Sicily, in

order that he might take over the palace and all Italy and hold them

under guard. And he wrote to Belisarius that as soon as they should

summon him he should go thither with all speed.

FOOTNOTES:

[23] The captivity of Gelimer is described in Book IV. vii. 12-17; ix.

11-14.

[24] At present values "worth about £12,000."--HODGKIN.

[25] Modern Albano; on the Appian Way. Cf. Book VI. iv. 8.

[26] See Book I. xxii. 4; III. vi. 2, note.

[27] Chap. iii. 13.

[28] Chap. iii. 30, iv. 17 ff.

VII

But meantime, while the emperor was engaged in these negotiations and

these envoys were travelling to Italy, the Goths, under command of

Asinarius and Gripas and some others, had come with a great army into

Dalmatia. And when they had reached the neighbourhood of Salones,

Mauricius, the son of Mundus, who was not marching out for battle but,

with a few men, was on a scouting expedition, encountered them. A

violent engagement ensued in which the Goths lost their foremost and

noblest men, but the Romans almost their whole company, including their

general Mauricius. And when Mundus heard of this, being overcome with

grief at the misfortune and by this time dominated by a mighty fury, he

went against the enemy without the least delay and regardless of order.

The battle which took place was stubbornly contested, and the result was

a Cadmean victory[29] for the Romans. For although the most of the enemy

fell there and their rout had been decisive, Mundus, who went on killing

and following up the enemy wherever he chanced to find them and was

quite unable to restrain his mind because of the misfortune of his son,

was wounded by some fugitive or other and fell. Thereupon the pursuit

ended and the two armies separated. And at that time the Romans recalled

the verse of the Sibyl, which had been pronounced in earlier times and

seemed to them a portent. For the words of the saying were that when

Africa should be held, the "world" would perish together with its

offspring. This, however, was not the real meaning of the oracle, but

after intimating that Libya would be once more subject to the Romans, it

added this statement also, that when that time came Mundus would perish

together with his son. For it runs as follows: "Africa capta Mundus cum

nato peribit."[30] But since "mundus" in the Latin tongue has the force

of "world," they thought that the saying had reference to the world. So

much, then, for this. As for Salones, it was not entered by anyone. For

the Romans went back home, since they were left altogether without a

commander, and the Goths, seeing that not one of their nobles was left

them, fell into fear and took possession of the strongholds in the

neighbourhood; for they had no confidence in the defences of Salones,

and, besides, the Romans who lived there were not very well disposed

towards them.

When Theodatus heard this, he took no account of the envoys who by now

had come to him. For he was by nature much given to distrust, and he by

no means kept his mind steadfast, but the present fortune always reduced

him now to a state of terror which knew no measure, and this contrary to

reason and the proper understanding of the situation, and again brought

him to the opposite extreme of unspeakable boldness. And so at that

time, when he heard of the death of Mundus and Mauricius, he was lifted

up exceedingly and in a manner altogether unjustified by what had

happened, and he saw fit to taunt the envoys when they at length

appeared before him. And when Peter on one occasion remonstrated with

him because he had transgressed his agreement with the emperor,

Theodatus called both of them publicly and spoke as follows: "The

position of envoys is a proud one and in general has come to be held in

honour among all men; but envoys preserve for themselves these their

prerogatives only so long as they guard the dignity of their embassy by

the propriety of their own conduct. For men have sanctioned as just the

killing of an envoy whenever he is either found to have insulted a

sovereign or has had knowledge of a woman who is the wife of another."

Such were the words with which Theodatus inveighed against Peter, not

because he had approached a woman, but, apparently, in order to make

good his claim that there were charges which might lead to the death of

an ambassador. But the envoys replied as follows: "The facts are not, O

Ruler of the Goths, as thou hast stated them, nor canst thou, under

cover of flimsy pretexts, wantonly perpetrate unholy deeds upon men who

are envoys. For it is not possible for an ambassador, even if he wishes

it, to become an adulterer, since it is not easy for him even to partake

of water except by the will of those who guard him. And as for the

proposals which he has received from the lips of him who has sent him

and then delivers, he himself cannot reasonably incur the blame which

arises from them, in case they be not good, but he who has given the

command would justly bear this charge, while the sole responsibility of

the ambassador is to have discharged his mission. We, therefore, shall

say all that we were instructed by the emperor to say when we were sent,

and do thou hear us quietly; for if thou art stirred to excitement, all

thou canst do will be to wrong men who are ambassadors. It is time,

therefore, for thee of thine own free will to perform all that thou

didst promise the emperor. This, indeed, is the purpose for which we

have come. And the letter which he wrote to thee thou hast already

received, but as for the writing which he sent to the foremost of the

Goths, to no others shall we give it than to them." When the leading men

of the barbarians, who were present, heard this speech of the envoys,

they bade them give to Theodatus what had been written to them. And it

ran as follows: "It has been the object of our care to receive you back

into our state, whereat you may well be pleased. For you will come to

us, not in order to be made of less consequence, but that you may be

more honoured. And, besides, we are not bidding the Goths enter into

strange or alien customs, but into those of a people with whom you were

once familiar, though you have by chance been separated from them for a

season. For these reasons Athanasius and Peter have been sent to you,

and you ought to assist them in all things." Such was the purport of

this letter. But after Theodatus had read everything, he not only

decided not to perform in deed the promises he had made to the emperor,

but also put the envoys under a strict guard.

But when the Emperor Justinian heard these things and what had taken

place in Dalmatia, he sent Constantianus, who commanded the royal

grooms, into Illyricum, bidding him gather an army from there and make

an attempt on Salones, in whatever manner he might be able; and he

commanded Belisarius to enter Italy with all speed and to treat the

Goths as enemies. So Constantianus came to Epidamnus and spent some time

there gathering an army. But in the meantime the Goths, under the

leadership of Gripas, came with another army into Dalmatia and took

possession of Salones; and Constantianus, when all his preparations were

as complete as possible, departed from Epidamnus with his whole force

and cast anchor at Epidaurus[31] which is on the right as one sails

into the Ionian Gulf. Now it so happened that some men were there whom

Gripas had sent out as spies. And when they took note of the ships and

the army of Constantianus it seemed to them that both the sea and the

whole land were full of soldiers, and returning to Gripas they declared

that Constantianus was bringing against them an army of men numbering

many tens of thousands. And he, being plunged into great fear, thought

it inexpedient to meet their attack, and at the same time he was quite

unwilling to be besieged by the emperor's army, since it so completely

commanded the sea; but he was disturbed most of all by the

fortifications of Salones (since the greater part of them had already

fallen down), and by the exceedingly suspicious attitude on the part of

the inhabitants of the place toward the Goths. And for this reason he

departed thence with his whole army as quickly as possible and made camp

in the plain which is between Salones and the city of Scardon.[32] And

Constantianus, sailing with all his ships from Epidaurus, put in at

Lysina,[33] which is an island in the gulf. Thence he sent forward some

of his men, in order that they might make enquiry concerning the plans

of Gripas and report them to him. Then, after learning from them the

whole situation, he sailed straight for Salones with all speed. And when

he had put in at a place close to the city, he disembarked his army on

the mainland and himself remained quiet there; but he selected five

hundred from the army, and setting over them as commander Siphilas, one

of his own bodyguards, he commanded them to seize the narrow pass[34]

which, as he had been informed, was in the outskirts of the city. And

this Siphilas did. And Constantianus and his whole land army entered

Salones on the following day, and the fleet anchored close by. Then

Constantianus proceeded to look after the fortifications of the city,

building up in haste all such parts of them as had fallen down; and

Gripas, with the Gothic army, on the seventh day after the Romans had

taken possession of Salones, departed from there and betook themselves

to Ravenna; and thus Constantianus gained possession of all Dalmatia and

Liburnia, bringing over to his side all the Goths who were settled

there. Such were the events in Dalmatia. And the winter drew to a close,

and thus ended the first year of this war, the history of which

Procopius has written.

FOOTNOTES:

[29] Proverbial for a victory in which the victor is slain; probably

from the story of the Theban, or "Cadmean," heroes Eteocles and

Polynices.

[30] See Bury's edition of Gibbon, Vol. IV. App. 15, for a discussion of

this oracle.

[31] Modern Ragusa Vecchia.

[32] Near Sebenico.

[33] Modern Lesina.

[34] An important approach to the city from the west.

VIII

And Belisarius, leaving guards in Syracuse and Panormus, crossed with

the rest of the army from Messana to Rhegium (where the myths of the

poets say Scylla and Charybdis were), and every day the people of that

region kept coming over to him. For since their towns had from of old

been without walls, they had no means at all of guarding them, and

because of their hostility toward the Goths they were, as was natural,

greatly dissatisfied with their present government. And Ebrimous came

over to Belisarius as a deserter from the Goths, together with all his

followers; this man was the son-in-law of Theodatus, being married to

Theodenanthe, his daughter. And he was straightway sent to the emperor

and received many gifts of honour and in particular attained the

patrician dignity. And the army of Belisarius marched from Rhegium

through Bruttium and Lucania, and the fleet of ships accompanied it,

sailing close to the mainland. But when they reached Campania, they came

upon a city on the sea, Naples by name, which was strong not only

because of the nature of its site, but also because it contained a

numerous garrison of Goths. And Belisarius commanded the ships to anchor

in the harbour, which was beyond the range of missiles, while he himself

made his camp near the city. He then first took possession by surrender

of the fort which is in the suburb, and afterwards permitted the

inhabitants of the city at their own request to send some of their

notables into his camp, in order that they might tell what their wish

was and, after receiving his reply, report to the populace. Straightway,

therefore, the Neapolitans sent Stephanus. And he, upon coming before

Belisarius, spoke as follows:

"You are not acting justly, O general, in taking the field against men

who are Romans and have done no wrong, who inhabit but a small city and

have over us a guard of barbarians as masters, so that it does not even

lie in our power, if we desire to do so, to oppose them. But it so

happens that even these guards had to leave their wives and children,

and their most precious possessions in the hands of Theodatus before

they came to keep guard over us. Therefore, if they treat with you at

all, they will plainly be betraying, not the city, but themselves. And

if one must speak the truth with no concealment, you have not counselled

to your advantage, either, in coming against us. For if you capture

Rome, Naples will be subject to you without any further trouble, whereas

if you are repulsed from there, it is probable that you will not be able

to hold even this city securely. Consequently the time you spend on this

siege will be spent to no purpose."

So spoke Stephanus. And Belisarius replied as follows:

"Whether we have acted wisely or foolishly in coming here is not a

question which we propose to submit to the Neapolitans. But we desire

that you first weigh carefully such matters as are appropriate to your

deliberations and then act solely in accordance with your own interests.

Receive into your city, therefore, the emperor's army, which has come to

secure your freedom and that of the other Italians, and do not choose

the course which will bring upon you the most grievous misfortunes. For

those who, in order to rid themselves of slavery or any other shameful

thing, go into war, such men, if they fare well in the struggle, have

double good fortune, because along with their victory they have also

acquired freedom from their troubles, and if defeated they gain some

consolation for themselves, in that, they have not of their own free

will chosen to follow the worse fortune. But as for those who have the

opportunity to be free without fighting, but yet enter into a struggle

in order to make their condition of slavery permanent, such men, even if

it so happens that they conquer, have failed in the most vital point,

and if in the battle they fare less happily than they wished, they will

have, along with their general ill-fortune, also the calamity of

defeat. As for the Neapolitans, then, let these words suffice. But as

for these Goths who are present, we give them the choice, either to

array themselves hereafter on our side under the great emperor, or to go

to their homes altogether immune from harm. Because, if both you and

they, disregarding all these considerations, dare to raise arms against

us, it will be necessary for us also, if God so wills, to treat whomever

we meet as an enemy. If, however, it is the will of the Neapolitans to

choose the cause of the emperor and thus to be rid of so cruel a

slavery, I take it upon myself, giving you pledges, to promise that you

will receive at our hands those benefits which the Sicilians lately

hoped for, and with regard to which they were unable to say that we had

sworn falsely."

Such was the message which Belisarius bade Stephanus take back to the

people. But privately he promised him large rewards if he should inspire

the Neapolitans with good-will toward the emperor. And Stephanus, upon

coming into the city, reported the words of Belisarius and expressed his

own opinion that it was inexpedient to fight against the emperor. And he

was assisted in his efforts by Antiochus, a man of Syria, but long

resident in Naples for the purpose of carrying on a shipping business,

who had a great reputation there for wisdom and justice. But there were

two men, Pastor and Asclepiodotus, trained speakers and very notable men

among the Neapolitans, who were exceedingly friendly toward the Goths,

and quite unwilling to have any change made in the present state of

affairs. These two men, planning how they might block the negotiations,

induced the multitude to demand many serious concessions, and to try to

force Belisarius to promise on oath that they should forthwith obtain

what they asked for. And after writing down in a document such demands

as nobody would have supposed that Belisarius would accept, they gave it

to Stephanus. And he, returning to the emperor's army, shewed the

writing to the general, and enquired of him whether he was willing to

carry out all the proposals which the Neapolitans made and to take an

oath concerning them. And Belisarius promised that they should all be

fulfilled for them and so sent him back. Now when the Neapolitans heard

this, they were in favour of accepting the general's assurances at once

and began to urge that the emperor's army be received into the city with

all speed. For he declared that nothing unpleasant would befall them, if

the case of the Sicilians was sufficient evidence for anyone to judge

by, since, as he pointed out, it had only recently been their lot, after

they had exchanged their barbarian tyrants for the sovereignty of

Justinian, to be, not only free men, but also immune from all

difficulties. And swayed by great excitement they were about to go to

the gates with the purpose of throwing them open. And though the Goths

were not pleased with what they were doing, still, since they were

unable to prevent it, they stood out of the way.

But Pastor and Asclepiodotus called together the people and all the

Goths in one place, and spoke as follows: "It is not at all unnatural

that the populace of a city should abandon themselves and their own

safety, especially if, without consulting any of their notables, they

make an independent decision regarding their all. But it is necessary

for us, who are on the very point of perishing together with you, to

offer as a last contribution to the fatherland this advice. We see,

then, fellow citizens, that you are intent upon betraying both

yourselves and the city to Belisarius, who promises to confer many

benefits upon you and to swear the most solemn oaths in confirmation of

his promises. Now if he is able to promise you this also, that to him

will come the victory in the war, no one could deny that the course you

are taking is to your advantage. For it is great folly not to gratify

every whim of him who is to become master. But if this outcome lies in

uncertainty, and no man in the world is competent to guarantee the

decision of fortune, consider what sort of misfortunes your haste is

seeking to attain. For if the Goths overcome their adversaries in the

war, they will punish you as enemies and as having done them the foulest

wrong. For you are resorting to this act of treason, not under

constraint of necessity, but out of deliberate cowardice. So that even

to Belisarius, if he wins the victory over his enemies, we shall perhaps

appear faithless and betrayers of our rulers, and having proved

ourselves deserters, we shall in all probability have a guard set over

us permanently by the emperor. For though he who has found a traitor is

pleased at the moment of victory by the service rendered, yet

afterwards, moved by suspicion based upon the traitor's past, he hates

and fears his benefactor, since he himself has in his own possession the

evidences of the other's faithlessness. If, however, we shew ourselves

faithful to the Goths at the present time, manfully submitting to the

danger, they will give us great rewards in case they win the mastery

over the enemy, and Belisarius, if it should so happen that he is the

victor, will be prone to forgive. For loyalty which fails is punished by

no man unless he be lacking in understanding. But what has happened to

you that you are in terror of being besieged by the enemy, you who have

no lack of provisions, have not been deprived by blockade of any of the

necessities of life, and hence may sit at home, confident in the

fortifications and in your garrison here?[35] And in our opinion even

Belisarius would not have consented to this agreement with us if he had

any hope of capturing the city by force. And yet if what he desired were

that which is just and that which will be to our advantage, he ought not

to be trying to frighten the Neapolitans or to establish his own power

by means of an act of injustice on our part toward the Goths; but he

should do battle with Theodatus and the Goths, so that without danger to

us or treason on our part the city might come into the power of the

victors."

When they had finished speaking, Pastor and Asclepiodotus brought

forward the Jews, who promised that the city should be in want of none

of the necessities, and the Goths on their part promised that they would

guard the circuit-wall safely. And the Neapolitans, moved by these

arguments, bade Belisarius depart thence with all speed. He, however,

began the siege. And he made many attempts upon the circuit-wall, but

was always repulsed, losing many of his soldiers, and especially those

who laid some claim to valour. For the wall of Naples was inaccessible,

on one side by reason of the sea, and on the other because of some

difficult country, and those who planned to attack it could gain

entrance at no point, not only because of its general situation, but

also because the ground sloped steeply. However, Belisarius cut the

aqueduct which brought water into the city; but he did not in this way

seriously disturb the Neapolitans, since there were wells inside the

circuit-wall which sufficed for their needs and kept them from feeling

too keenly the loss of the aqueduct.

FOOTNOTE:

[35] _i.e._ the Goths; cf. § 5 above.

IX

So the besieged, without the knowledge of the enemy, sent to Theodatus

in Rome begging him to come to their help with all speed. But Theodatus

was not making the least preparation for war, being by nature unmanly,

as has been said before.[36] And they say that something else happened

to him, which terrified him exceedingly and reduced him to still greater

anxiety. I, for my part, do not credit this report, but even so it shall

be told. Theodatus even before this time had been prone to make

enquiries of those who professed to foretell the future, and on the

present occasion he was at a loss what to do in the situation which

confronted him--a state which more than anything else is accustomed to

drive men to seek prophecies; so he enquired of one of the Hebrews, who

had a great reputation for prophecy, what sort of an outcome the present

war would have. The Hebrew commanded him to confine three groups of ten

swine each in three huts, and after giving them respectively the names

of Goths, Romans, and the soldiers of the emperor, to wait quietly for

a certain number of days. And Theodatus did as he was told. And when the

appointed day had come, they both went into the huts and looked at the

swine; and they found that of those which had been given the name of

Goths all save two were dead, whereas all except a few were living of

those which had received the name of the emperor's soldiers; and as for

those which had been called Romans, it so happened that, although the

hair of all of them had fallen out, yet about half of them survived.

When Theodatus beheld this and divined the outcome of the war, a great

fear, they say, came upon him, since he knew well that it would

certainly be the fate of the Romans to die to half their number and be

deprived of their possessions, but that the Goths would be defeated and

their race reduced to a few, and that to the emperor would come, with

the loss of but a few of his soldiers, the victory in the war. And for

this reason, they say, Theodatus felt no impulse to enter into a

struggle with Belisarius. As for this story, then, let each one express

his views according to the belief or disbelief which he feels regarding

it.

But Belisarius, as he besieged the Neapolitans both by land and by sea,

was beginning to be vexed. For he was coming to think that they would

never yield to him, and, furthermore, he could not hope that the city

would be captured, since he was finding that the difficulty of its

position was proving to be a very serious obstacle. And the loss of the

time which was being spent there distressed him, for he was making his

calculations so as to avoid being compelled to go against Theodatus and

Rome in the winter season. Indeed he had already even given orders to

the army to pack up, his intention being to depart from there as

quickly as possible. But while he was in the greatest perplexity, it

came to pass that he met with the following good fortune. One of the

Isaurians was seized with the desire to observe the construction of the

aqueduct, and to discover in what manner it provided the supply of water

to the city. So he entered it at a place far distant from the city,

where Belisarius had broken it open, and proceeded to walk along it,

finding no difficulty, since the water had stopped running because the

aqueduct had been broken open. But when he reached a point near the

circuit-wall, he came upon a large rock, not placed there by the hand of

man, but a part of the natural formation of the place. And those who had

built the aqueduct many years before, after they had attached the

masonry to this rock, proceeded to make a tunnel from that point on, not

sufficiently large, however, for a man to pass through, but large enough

to furnish a passage for the water. And for this reason it came about

that the channel of the aqueduct was not everywhere of the same breadth,

but one was confronted by a narrow place at that rock, impassable for a

man, especially if he wore armour or carried a shield. And when the

Isaurian observed this, it seemed to him not impossible for the army to

penetrate into the city, if they should make the tunnel at that point

broader by a little. But since he himself was a humble person, and never

had come into conversation with any of the commanders, he brought the

matter before Paucaris, an Isaurian, who had distinguished himself among

the guards of Belisarius. So Paucaris immediately reported the whole

matter to the general. And Belisarius, being pleased by the report, took

new courage, and by promising to reward the man with great sums of

money induced him to attempt the undertaking, and commanded him to

associate with himself some of the Isaurians and cut out a passage in

the rock as quickly as possible, taking care to allow no one to become

aware of what they were doing. Paucaris then selected some Isaurians who

were thoroughly suitable for the work, and secretly got inside the

aqueduct with them. And coming to the place where the rock caused the

passage to be narrow, they began their work, not cutting the rock with

picks or mattocks, lest by their blows they should reveal to the enemy

what they were doing, but scraping it very persistently with sharp

instruments of iron. And in a short time the work was done, so that a

man wearing a corselet and carrying a shield was able to go through at

that point.

But when all his arrangements were at length in complete readiness, the

thought occurred to Belisarius that if he should by act of war make his

entry into Naples with the army, the result would be that lives would be

lost and that all the other things would happen which usually attend the

capture of a city by an enemy. And straightway summoning Stephanus, he

spoke as follows: "Many times have I witnessed the capture of cities and

I am well acquainted with what takes place at such a time. For they slay

all the men of every age, and as for the women, though they beg to die,

they are not granted the boon of death, but are carried off for outrage

and are made to suffer treatment that is abominable and most pitiable.

And the children, who are thus deprived of their proper maintenance and

education, are forced to be slaves, and that, too, of the men who are

the most odious of all--those on whose hands they see the blood of

their fathers. And this is not all, my dear Stephanus, for I make no

mention of the conflagration which destroys all the property and blots

out the beauty of the city. When I see, as in the mirror of the cities

which have been captured in times past, this city of Naples falling

victim to such a fate, I am moved to pity both it and you its

inhabitants. For such means have now been perfected by me against the

city that its capture is inevitable. But I pray that an ancient city,

which has for ages been inhabited by both Christians and Romans, may not

meet with such a fortune, especially at my hands as commander of Roman

troops, not least because in my army are a multitude of barbarians, who

have lost brothers or relatives before the wall of this town; for the

fury of these men I should be unable to control, if they should capture

the city by act of war. While, therefore, it is still within your power

to choose and to put into effect that which will be to your advantage,

adopt the better course and escape misfortune; for when it falls upon

you, as it probably will, you will not justly blame fortune but your own

judgment." With these words Belisarius dismissed Stephanus. And he went

before the people of Naples weeping and reporting with bitter

lamentations all that he had heard Belisarius say. But they, since it

was not fated that the Neapolitans should become subjects of the emperor

without chastisement, neither became afraid nor did they decide to yield

to Belisarius.

FOOTNOTE:

[36] Chap. iii. 1.

X

Then at length Belisarius, on his part, made his preparations to enter

the city as follows. Selecting at nightfall about four hundred men and

appointing as commander over them Magnus, who led a detachment of

cavalry, and Ennes, the leader of the Isaurians, he commanded them all

to put on their corselets, take in hand their shields and swords, and

remain quiet until he himself should give the signal. And he summoned

Bessas[37] and gave him orders to stay with him, for he wished to

consult with him concerning a certain matter pertaining to the army. And

when it was well on in the night, he explained to Magnus and Ennes the

task before them, pointed out the place where he had previously broken

open the aqueduct, and ordered them to lead the four hundred men into

the city, taking lights with them And he sent with them two men skilled

in the use of the trumpet, so that as soon as they should get inside the

circuit-wall, they might be able both to throw the city into confusion

and to notify their own men what they were doing. And he himself was

holding in readiness a very great number of ladders which had been

constructed previously.

So these men entered the aqueduct and were proceeding toward the city,

while he with Bessas and Photius[38] remained at his post and with their

help was attending to all details. And he also sent to the camp,

commanding the men to remain awake and to keep their arms in their

hands. At the same time he kept near him a large force--men whom he

considered most courageous. Now of the men who were on their way to the

city above half became terrified at the danger and turned back. And

since Magnus could not persuade them to follow him, although he urged

them again and again, he returned with them to the general. And

Belisarius, after reviling these men, selected two hundred of the troops

at hand, and ordered them to go with Magnus. And Photius also, wishing

to lead them, leaped into the channel of the aqueduct, but Belisarius

prevented him. Then those who were fleeing from the danger, put to shame

by the railings of the general and of Photius, took heart to face it

once more and followed with the others. And Belisarius, fearing lest

their operations should be perceived by some of the enemy, who were

maintaining a guard on the tower which happened to be nearest to the

aqueduct, went to that place and commanded Bessas to carry on a

conversation in the Gothic tongue with the barbarians there, his purpose

being to prevent any clanging of the weapons from being audible to them.

And so Bessas shouted to them in a loud voice, urging the Goths to yield

to Belisarius and promising that they should have many rewards. But they

jeered at him, indulging in many insults directed at both Belisarius and

the emperor. Belisarius and Bessas, then, were thus occupied.

Now the aqueduct of Naples is not only covered until it reaches the

wall, but remains covered as it extends to a great distance inside the

city, being carried on a high arch of baked brick. Consequently, when

the men under the command of Magnus and Ennes had got inside the

fortifications, they were one and all unable even to conjecture where

in the world they were. Furthermore, they could not leave the aqueduct

at any point until the foremost of them came to a place where the

aqueduct chanced to be without a roof and where stood a building which

had entirely fallen into neglect. Inside this building a certain woman

had her dwelling, living alone with utter poverty as her only companion;

and an olive tree had grown out over the aqueduct. So when these men saw

the sky and perceived that they were in the midst of the city, they

began to plan how they might get out, but they had no means of leaving

the aqueduct either with or without their arms. For the structure

happened to be very high at that point and, besides, offered no means of

climbing to the top. But as the soldiers were in a state of great

perplexity and were beginning to crowd each other greatly as they

collected there (for already, as the men in the rear kept coming up, a

great throng was beginning to gather), the thought occurred to one of

them to make trial of the ascent. He immediately therefore laid down his

arms, and forcing his way up with hands and feet, reached the woman's

house. And seeing her there, he threatened to kill her unless she should

remain silent. And she was terror-stricken and remained speechless. He

then fastened to the trunk of the olive tree a strong strap, and threw

the other end of it into the aqueduct. So the soldiers, laying hold of

it one at a time, managed with difficulty to make the ascent. And after

all had come up and a fourth part of the night still remained, they

proceeded toward the wall; and they slew the garrison of two of the

towers before the men in them had an inkling of the trouble. These

towers were on the northern portion of the circuit-wall, where

Belisarius was stationed with Bessas and Photius, anxiously awaiting the

progress of events. So while the trumpeters were summoning the army to

the wall, Belisarius was placing the ladders against the fortifications

and commanding the soldiers to mount them. But it so happened that not

one of the ladders reached as far as the parapet. For since the workmen

had not made them in sight of the wall, they had not been able to arrive

at the proper measure. For this reason they bound two together, and it

was only by using both of them for the ascent that the soldiers got

above the level of the parapet. Such was the progress of these events

where Belisarius was engaged.

But on the side of the circuit-wall which faces the sea, where the

forces on guard were not barbarians, but Jews, the soldiers were unable

either to use the ladders or to scale the wall. For the Jews had already

given offence to their enemy by having opposed their efforts to capture

the city without a fight, and for this reason they had no hope if they

should fall into their hands; so they kept fighting stubbornly, although

they could see that the city had already been captured, and held out

beyond all expectation against the assaults of their opponents. But when

day came and some of those who had mounted the wall marched against

them, then at last they also, now that they were being shot at from

behind, took to flight, and Naples was captured by storm. By this time

the gates were thrown open and the whole Roman army came in. [L] But

those who were stationed about the gates which fronted the east, since,

as it happened, they had no ladders at hand, set fire to these gates,

which were altogether unguarded; for that part of the wall had been

deserted, the guards having taken to flight. And then a great slaughter

took place; for all of them were possessed with fury, especially those

who had chanced to have a brother or other relative slain in the

fighting at the wall. And they kept killing all whom they encountered,

sparing neither old nor young, and dashing into the houses they made

slaves of the women and children and secured the valuables as plunder;

and in this the Massagetae outdid all the rest, for they did not even

withhold their hand from the sanctuaries, but slew many of those who had

taken refuge in them, until Belisarius, visiting every part of the city,

put a stop to this, and calling all together, spoke as follows:

DATE:

[L] 536 A.D.

"Inasmuch as God has given us the victory and has permitted us to attain

the greatest height of glory, by putting under our hand a city which has

never been captured before, it behooves us on our part to shew ourselves

not unworthy of His grace, but by our humane treatment of the

vanquished, to make it plain that we have conquered these men justly. Do

not, therefore, hate the Neapolitans with a boundless hatred, and do not

allow your hostility toward them to continue beyond the limits of the

war. For when men have been vanquished, their victors never hate them

any longer. And by killing them you will not be ridding yourselves of

enemies for the future, but you will be suffering a loss through the

death of your subjects. Therefore, do these men no further harm, nor

continue to give way wholly to anger. For it is a disgrace to prevail

over the enemy and then to shew yourselves vanquished by passion. So let

all the possessions of these men suffice for you as the rewards of your

valour, but let their wives, together with the children, be given back

to the men. And let the conquered learn by experience what kind of

friends they have forfeited by reason of foolish counsel."

After speaking thus, Belisarius released to the Neapolitans their women

and children and the slaves, one and all, no insult having been

experienced by them, and he reconciled the soldiers to the citizens. And

thus it came to pass for the Neapolitans that on that day they both

became captives and regained their liberty, and that they recovered the

most precious of their possessions. For those of them who happened to

have gold or anything else of value had previously concealed it by

burying it in the earth, and in this way they succeeded in hiding from

the enemy the fact that in getting back their houses they were

recovering their money also. And the siege, which had lasted about

twenty days, ended thus. As for the Goths who were captured in the city,

not less than eight hundred in number, Belisarius put them under guard

and kept them from all harm, holding them in no less honour than his own

soldiers.

And Pastor, who had been leading the people upon a course of folly, as

has been previously[39] set forth by me, upon seeing the city captured,

fell into a fit of apoplexy and died suddenly, though he had neither

been ill before nor suffered any harm from anyone. But Asclepiodotus,

who was engaged in this intrigue with him, came before Belisarius with

those of the notables who survived. And Stephanus mocked and reviled him

with these words: "See, O basest of all men, what evils you have brought

to your fatherland, by selling the safety of the citizens for loyalty to

the Goths. And furthermore, if things had gone well for the barbarians,

you would have claimed the right to be yourself a hireling in their

service and to bring to court on the charge of trying to betray the city

to the Romans each one of us who have given the better counsel. But now

that the emperor has captured the city, and we have been saved by the

uprightness of this man, and you even so have had the hardihood

recklessly to come into the presence of the general as if you had done

no harm to the Neapolitans or to the emperor's army, you will meet with

the punishment you deserve." Such were the words which Stephanus, who

was deeply grieved by the misfortune of the city, hurled against

Asclepiodotus. And Asclepiodotus replied to him as follows: "Quite

unwittingly, noble Sir, you have been heaping praise upon us, when you

reproach us for our loyalty to the Goths. For no one could ever be loyal

to his masters when they are in danger, except it be by firm conviction.

As for me, then, the victors will have in me as true a guardian of the

state as they lately found in me an enemy, since he whom nature has

endowed with the quality of fidelity does not change his conviction when

he changes his fortune. But you, should their fortunes not continue to

prosper as before, would readily listen to the overtures of their

assailants. For he who has the disease of inconstancy of mind no sooner

takes fright than he denies his pledge to those most dear." Such were

the words of Asclepiodotus. But the populace of the Neapolitans, when

they saw him returning from Belisarius, gathered in a body and began to

charge him with responsibility for all that had befallen them. And they

did not leave him until they had killed him and torn his body into small

pieces. After that they came to the house of Pastor, seeking for the

man. And when the servants insisted that Pastor was dead, they were

quite unwilling to believe them until they were shown the man's body.

And the Neapolitans impaled him in the outskirts of the town. Then they

begged Belisarius to pardon them for what they had done while moved with

just anger, and receiving his forgiveness, they dispersed. Such was the

fate of the Neapolitans.

FOOTNOTES:

[37] Cf. chap. v. 3.

[38] Cf. chap. v. 5.

[39] Chap. viii. 22.

XI

But the Goths who were at Rome and in the country round about had even

before this regarded with great amazement the inactivity of Theodatus,

because, though the enemy was in his neighbourhood, he was unwilling to

engage them in battle, and they felt among themselves much suspicion

toward him, believing that he was betraying the cause of the Goths to

the Emperor Justinian of his own free will, and cared for nothing else

than that he himself might live in quiet, possessed of as much money as

possible. Accordingly, when they heard that Naples had been captured,

they began immediately to make all these charges against him openly and

gathered at a place two hundred and eighty stades distant from Rome,

which the Romans call Regata.[40] And it seemed best to them to make

camp in that place; for there are extensive plains there which furnish

pasture for horses. And a river also flows by the place, which the

inhabitants call Decennovium[41] in the Latin tongue, because it flows

past nineteen milestones, a distance which amounts to one hundred and

thirteen stades, before it empties into the sea near the city of

Taracina; and very near that place is Mt. Circaeum, where they say

Odysseus met Circe, though the story seems to me untrustworthy, for

Homer declares that the habitation of Circe was on an island. This,

however, I am able to say, that this Mt. Circaeum, extending as it does

far into the sea, resembles an island, so that both to those who sail

close to it and to those who walk to the shore in the neighbourhood it

has every appearance of being an island. And only when a man gets on it

does he realize that he was deceived in his former opinion. And for this

reason Homer perhaps called the place an island. But I shall return to

the previous narrative.

The Goths, after gathering at Regata, chose as king over them and the

Italians Vittigis, a man who, though not of a conspicuous house, had

previously won great renown in the battles about Sirmium, when Theoderic

was carrying on the war against the Gepaedes.[42] Theodatus, therefore,

upon hearing this, rushed off in flight and took the road to Ravenna.

But Vittigis quickly sent Optaris, a Goth, instructing him to bring

Theodatus alive or dead. Now it happened that this Optaris was hostile

to Theodatus for the following cause. Optaris was wooing a certain young

woman who was an heiress and also exceedingly beautiful to look upon.

But Theodatus, being bribed to do so, took the woman he was wooing from

him, and betrothed her to another. And so, since he was not only

satisfying his own rage, but rendering a service to Vittigis as well, he

pursued Theodatus with great eagerness and enthusiasm, stopping neither

day nor night. And he overtook him while still on his way, laid him on

his back on the ground, and slew him like a victim for sacrifice. Such

was the end of Theodatus' life and of his rule, which had reached the

third year.[M]

DATE:

[M]Dec. 536 A.D.

And Vittigis, together with the Goths who were with him, marched to

Rome. And when he learned what had befallen Theodatus, he was pleased

and put Theodatus' son Theodegisclus under guard. But it seemed to him

that the preparations of the Goths were by no means complete, and for

this reason he thought it better first to go to Ravenna, and after

making everything ready there in the best possible way, then at length

to enter upon the war. He therefore called all the Goths together and

spoke as follows:

"The success of the greatest enterprises, fellow-soldiers, generally

depends, not upon hasty action at critical moments, but upon careful

planning. For many a time a policy of delay adopted at the opportune

moment has brought more benefit than the opposite course, and haste

displayed at an unseasonable time has upset for many men their hope of

success. For in most cases those who are unprepared, though they fight

on equal terms so far as their forces are concerned, are more easily

conquered than those who, with less strength, enter the struggle with

the best possible preparation. Let us not, therefore, be so lifted up by

the desire to win momentary honour as to do ourselves irreparable harm;

for it is better to suffer shame for a short time and by so doing gain

an undying glory, than to escape insult for the moment and thereby, as

would probably be the case, be left in obscurity for all after time. And

yet you doubtless know as well as I that the great body of the Goths and

practically our whole equipment of arms is in Gaul and Venetia and the

most distant lands. Furthermore, we are carrying on against the nations

of the Franks a war which is no less important than this one, and it is

great folly for us to proceed to another war without first settling that

one satisfactorily. For it is natural that those who become exposed to

attack on two sides and do not confine their attention to a single enemy

should be worsted by their opponents. But I say that we must now go

straight from here to Ravenna, and after bringing the war against the

Franks to an end and settling all our other affairs as well as possible,

then with the whole army of the Goths we must fight it out with

Belisarius. And let no one of you, I say, try to dissemble regarding

this withdrawal, nor hesitate to call it flight. For the title of

coward, fittingly applied, has saved many, while the reputation for

bravery which some men have gained at the wrong time, has afterward led

them to defeat. For it is not the names of things, but the advantage

which comes from what is done, that is worth seeking after. For a man's

worth is revealed by his deeds, not at their commencement, but at their

end. And those do not flee before the enemy who, when they have

increased their preparation, forthwith go against them, but those who

are so anxious to save their own lives for ever that they deliberately

stand aside. And regarding the capture of this city, let no fear come to

any one of you. For if, on the one hand, the Romans are loyal to us,

they will guard the city in security for the Goths, and they will not

experience any hardship, for we shall return to them in a short time.

And if, on the other hand, they harbour any suspicions toward us, they

will harm us less by receiving the enemy into the city; for it is better

to fight in the open against one's enemies. None the less I shall take

care that nothing of this sort shall happen. For we shall leave behind

many men and a most discreet leader, and they will be sufficient to

guard Rome so effectively that not only will the situation here be

favourable for us, but also that no harm may possibly come from this

withdrawal of ours."

Thus spoke Vittigis. And all the Goths expressed approval and prepared

for the journey. After this Vittigis exhorted at length Silverius, the

priest[43] of the city, and the senate and people of the Romans,

reminding them of the rule of Theoderic, and he urged upon all to be

loyal to the nation of the Goths, binding them by the most solemn oaths

to do so; and he chose out no fewer than four thousand men, and set in

command over them Leuderis, a man of mature years who enjoyed a great

reputation for discretion, that they might guard Rome for the Goths.

Then he set out for Ravenna with the rest of the army, keeping the most

of the senators with him as hostages. And when he had reached that

place, he made Matasuntha, the daughter of Amalasuntha, who was a maiden

now of marriageable age, his wedded wife, much against her will, in

order that he might make his rule more secure by marrying into the

family of Theoderic. After this he began to gather all the Goths from

every side and to organize and equip them, duly distributing arms and

horses to each one; and only the Goths who were engaged in garrison duty

in Gaul he was unable to summon, through fear of the Franks. These

Franks were called "Germani" in ancient times. And the manner in which

they first got a foothold in Gaul, and where they had lived before that,

and how they became hostile to the Goths, I shall now proceed to relate.

FOOTNOTES:

[40] Near Terracina.

[41] The name is made from _decem_ and _novem_, "nineteen,"--apparently

a late formation. The "river" was in reality a canal, extending from

Appii Forum to Terracina.

[42] Chap. iii. 15.

[43] Silverius was Pope 536-537 A.D.

XII

As one sails from the ocean into the Mediterranean at Gadira, the land

on the left, as was stated in the preceding narrative,[44] is named

Europe, while the land opposite to this is called Libya, and, farther

on, Asia. Now as to the region beyond Libya[45] I am unable to speak

with accuracy;[46] for it is almost wholly destitute of men, and for

this reason the first source of the Nile, which they say flows from

that land toward Egypt, is quite unknown. But Europe at its very

beginning is exceedingly like the Peloponnesus, and fronts the sea on

either side. And the land which is first toward the ocean and the west

is named Spain, extending as far as the alps of the Pyrenees range. For

the men of this country are accustomed to call a narrow, shut-in pass

"alps." And the land from there on as far as the boundaries of Liguria

is called Gaul. And in that place other alps separate the Gauls and the

Ligurians. Gaul, however, is much broader than Spain, and naturally so,

because Europe, beginning with a narrow peninsula, gradually widens as

one advances until it attains an extraordinary breadth. And this land is

bounded by water on either side, being washed on the north by the ocean,

and having on the south the sea called the Tuscan Sea. And in Gaul there

flow numerous rivers, among which are the Rhone and the Rhine. But the

course of these two being in opposite directions, the one empties into

the Tuscan Sea, while the Rhine empties into the ocean. And there are

many lakes[47] in that region, and this is where the Germans lived of

old, a barbarous nation, not of much consequence in the beginning, who

are now called Franks. Next to these lived the Arborychi,[48] who,

together with all the rest of Gaul, and, indeed, Spain also, were

subjects of the Romans from of old. And beyond them toward the east were

settled the Thuringian barbarians, Augustus, the first emperor, having

given them this country.[49] And the Burgundians lived not far from them

toward the south,[50] and the Suevi[51] also lived beyond the

Thuringians, and the Alamani,[52] powerful nations. All these were

settled there as independent peoples in earlier times.

But as time went on, the Visigoths forced their way into the Roman

empire and seized all Spain and the portion of Gaul lying beyond[53] the

Rhone River and made them subject and tributary to themselves. By that

time it so happened that the Arborychi had become soldiers of the

Romans. And the Germans, wishing to make this people subject to

themselves, since their territory adjoined their own and they had

changed the government under which they had lived from of old, began to

plunder their land and, being eager to make war, marched against them

with their whole people. But the Arborychi proved their valour and

loyalty to the Romans and shewed themselves brave men in this war, and

since the Germans were not able to overcome them by force, they wished

to win them over and make the two peoples kin by intermarriage. This

suggestion the Arborychi received not at all unwillingly; for both, as

it happened, were Christians. And in this way they were united into one

people, and came to have great power.

Now other Roman soldiers, also, had been stationed at the frontiers of

Gaul to serve as guards. And these soldiers, having no means of

returning to Rome, and at the same time being unwilling to yield to

their enemy[54] who were Arians, gave themselves, together with their

military standards and the land which they had long been guarding for

the Romans, to the Arborychi and Germans; and they handed down to their

offspring all the customs of their fathers, which were thus preserved,

and this people has held them in sufficient reverence to guard them even

up to my time. For even at the present day they are clearly recognized

as belonging to the legions to which they were assigned when they served

in ancient times, and they always carry their own standards when they

enter battle, and always follow the customs of their fathers. And they

preserve the dress of the Romans in every particular, even as regards

their shoes.

Now as long as the Roman polity remained unchanged,[55] the emperor held

all Gaul as far as the Rhone River; but when Odoacer changed the

government into a tyranny, [N] then, since the tyrant yielded to them,

the Visigoths took possession of all Gaul as far as the alps which mark

the boundary between Gaul and Liguria. [O]But after the fall of Odoacer,

the Thuringians and the Visigoths began to fear the power of the

Germans, which was now growing greater (for their country had become

exceedingly populous and they were forcing into subjection without any

concealment those who from time to time came in their way), and so they

were eager to win the alliance of the Goths and Theoderic. And since

Theoderic wished to attach these peoples to himself, he did not refuse

to intermarry with them. Accordingly he betrothed to Alaric the younger,

who was then leader of the Visigoths, his own unmarried daughter

Theodichusa, and to Hermenefridus, the ruler of the Thuringians,

Amalaberga, the daughter of his sister Amalafrida. As a result of this

the Franks refrained from violence against these peoples through fear of

Theoderic, but they began a war against the Burgundians. But later on

the Franks and the Goths entered into an offensive alliance against the

Burgundians, agreeing that each of the two should send an army against

them; and it was further agreed that if either army should be absent

when the other took the field against the nation of the Burgundians and

overthrew them and gained the land which they had, then the victors

should receive as a penalty from those who had not joined in the

expedition a fixed sum of gold, and that only on these terms should the

conquered land belong to both peoples in common. So the Germans went

against the Burgundians with a great army according to the agreement

between themselves and the Goths; but Theoderic was still engaged with

his preparations, as he said, and purposely kept putting off the

departure of the army to the following day, and waiting for what would

come to pass. Finally, however, he sent the army, but commanded the

generals to march in a leisurely fashion, and if they should hear that

the Franks had been victorious, they were thenceforth to go quickly, but

if they should learn that any adversity had befallen them, they were to

proceed no farther, but remain where they were. So they proceeded to

carry out the commands of Theoderic, but meanwhile the Germans joined

battle alone with the Burgundians.[P] The battle was stubbornly

contested and a great slaughter took place on both sides, for the

struggle was very evenly matched; but finally the Franks routed their

enemy and drove them to the borders of the land which they inhabited at

that time, where they had many strongholds, while the Franks took

possession of all the rest. And the Goths, upon hearing this, were

quickly at hand. And when they were bitterly reproached by their allies,

they blamed the difficulty of the country, and laying down the amount of

the penalty, they divided the land with the victors according to the

agreement made. And thus the foresight of Theoderic was revealed more

clearly than ever, because, without losing a single one of his subjects,

he had with a little gold acquired half of the land of his enemy. Thus

it was that the Goths and Germans in the beginning got possession of a

certain part of Gaul.

DATES:

[N]476 A.D.

[O]493 A.D.

[P]534 A.D.

But later on, when the power of the Germans was growing greater, they

began to think slightingly of Theoderic and the fear he inspired, and

took the field against Alaric and the Visigoths. And when Alaric learned

this, he summoned Theoderic as quickly as possible. And he set out to

his assistance with a great army. In the meantime, the Visigoths, upon

learning that the Germans were in camp near the city of Carcasiana,[56]

went to meet them, and making a camp remained quiet. But since much time

was being spent by them in blocking the enemy in this way, they began to

be vexed, and seeing that their land was being plundered by the enemy,

they became indignant. And at length they began to heap many insults

upon Alaric, reviling him on account of his fear of the enemy and

taunting him with the delay of his father-in-law. For they declared that

they by themselves were a match for the enemy in battle and that even

though unaided they would easily overcome the Germans in the war. For

this reason Alaric was compelled to do battle with the enemy before the

Goths had as yet arrived. And the Germans, gaining the upper hand in

this engagement, killed the most of the Visigoths and their ruler

Alaric. [Q] Then they took possession of the greater part of Gaul and

held it; and they laid siege to Carcasiana with great enthusiasm,

because they had learned that the royal treasure was there, which Alaric

the elder in earlier times had taken as booty when he captured Rome.[57]

Among these were also the treasures of Solomon, the king of the Hebrews,

a most noteworthy sight. [R]For the most of them were adorned with

emeralds; and they had been taken from Jerusalem by the Romans in

ancient times.[58] Then the survivors of the Visigoths declared Giselic,

an illegitimate son of Alaric, ruler over them, Amalaric, the son of

Theoderic's daughter, being still a very young child. And afterwards,

when Theoderic had come with the army of the Goths, the Germans became

afraid and broke up the siege. So they retired from there and took

possession of the part of Gaul beyond the Rhone River as far as the

ocean. And Theoderic, being unable to drive them out from there,

allowed them to hold this territory, but he himself recovered the rest

of Gaul. Then, after Giselic had been put out of the way, he conferred

the rule of the Visigoths upon his grandson Amalaric, for whom, since he

was still a child, he himself acted as regent. And taking all the money

which lay in the city of Carcasiana, he marched quickly back to Ravenna;

furthermore, he continued to send commanders and armies into Gaul and

Spain, thus holding the real power of the government himself, and by way

of providing that he should hold it securely and permanently, he

ordained that the rulers of those countries should bring tribute to him.

And though he received this every year, in order not to give the

appearance of being greedy for money he sent it as an annual gift to the

army of the Goths and Visigoths. And as a result of this, the Goths and

Visigoths, as time went on, ruled as they were by one man and holding

the same land, betrothed their children to one another and thus joined

the two races in kinship.

DATES:

[Q]507 A.D.

[R]410 A.D.

But afterwards, Theudis, a Goth, whom Theoderic had sent as commander of

the army, took to wife a woman from Spain; she was not, however, of the

race of the Visigoths, but belonged to the house of one of the wealthy

inhabitants of that land, and not only possessed great wealth but also

owned a large estate in Spain. From this estate he gathered about two

thousand soldiers and surrounded himself with a force of bodyguards, and

while in name he was a ruler over the Goths by the gift of Theoderic, he

was in fact an out and out tyrant. And Theoderic, who was wise and

experienced in the highest degree, was afraid to carry on a war against

his own slave, lest the Franks meanwhile should take the field against

him, as they naturally would, or the Visigoths on their part should

begin a revolution against him; accordingly he did not remove Theudis

from his office, but even continued to command him, whenever the army

went to war, to lead it forth. However, he directed the first men of the

Goths to write to Theudis that he would be acting justly and in a manner

worthy of his wisdom, if he should come to Ravenna and salute Theoderic.

Theudis, however, although he carried out all the commands of Theoderic

and never failed to send in the annual tribute, would not consent to go

to Ravenna, nor would he promise those who had written to him that he

would do so.

FOOTNOTES:

[44] Book III. i. 7.

[45] _i.e._ equatorial Africa.

[46] Cf. Book IV. xiii. 29.

[47] This vague statement is intended to describe the country west of

the Rhine, at that time a land of forests and swamps.

[48] The people whom Procopius names Arborychi must be the Armorici. If

so, they occupied the coast of what is now Belgium.

[49] Now south-eastern Germany.

[50] Now south-eastern France.

[51] Between the Germans and Burgundians.

[52] In modern Bavaria.

[53] _i.e._ west of the Rhone.

[54] _i.e._ the Visigoths.

[55] _i.e._ under a recognized imperial dynasty.

[56] In Gallia Narbonensis, modern Carcassone. Procopius has been

misled. The battle here described was fought in the neighbourhood of

Poitiers.

[57] Cf. Book III. ii. 14-24.

[58] At the capture of Jerusalem by Titus in 70 A.D. The treasures here

mentioned were removed from Rome in 410 A.D. The remainder of the Jewish

treasure formed part of the spoil of Gizeric, the Vandal. Cf. Book IV.

ix. 5 and note.

XIII

After Theoderic had departed from the world,[S] the Franks, now that

there was no longer anyone to oppose them, took the field against the

Thuringians, and not only killed their leader Hermenefridus but also

reduced to subjection the entire people. But the wife of Hermenefridus

took her children and secretly made her escape, coming to Theodatus, her

brother, who was at that time ruling over the Goths. After this the

Germans made an attack upon the Burgundians who had survived the former

war,[59] and defeating them in battle confined their leader in one of

the fortresses of the country and kept him under guard, while they

reduced the people to subjection and compelled them, as prisoners of

war, to march with them from that time forth against their enemies, and

the whole land which the Burgundians had previously inhabited they made

subject and tributary to themselves. And Amalaric, who was ruling over

the Visigoths, upon coming to man's estate, became thoroughly frightened

at the power of the Germans and so took to wife the sister of

Theudibert, ruler of the Germans, and divided Gaul with the Goths and

his cousin Atalaric. The Goths, namely, received as their portion the

land to the east of the Rhone River, while that to the west fell under

the control of the Visigoths. And it was agreed that the tribute which

Theoderic had imposed should no longer be paid to the Goths, and

Atalaric honestly and justly restored to Amalaric all the money which he

had taken from the city of Carcasiana. Then, since these two nations had

united with one another by intermarriage, they allowed each man who had

espoused a wife of the other people to choose whether he wished to

follow his wife, or bring her among his own people. And there were many

who led their wives to the people they preferred and many also who were

led by their wives. But later on Amalaric, having given offence to his

wife's brother, suffered a great calamity. For while his wife was of the

orthodox faith, he himself followed the heresy of Arius, and he would

not allow her to hold to her customary beliefs or to perform the rites

of religion according to the tradition of her fathers, and, furthermore,

because she was unwilling to conform to his customs, he held her in

great dishonour. And since the woman was unable to bear this, she

disclosed the whole matter to her brother. For this reason, then, the

Germans and Visigoths entered into war with each other. [T]And the

battle which took place was for a long time very stoutly contested, but

finally Amalaric was defeated, losing many of his men, and was himself

slain. And Theudibert took his sister with all the money, and as much of

Gaul as the Visigoths held as their portion. And the survivors of the

vanquished emigrated from Gaul with their wives and children and went to

Theudis in Spain, who was already acting the tyrant openly. Thus did the

Goths and Germans gain possession of Gaul.

DATES:

[S]526 A.D.

[T]531 A.D.

But at a later time[60] Theodatus, the ruler of the Goths, upon learning

that Belisarius had come to Sicily, made a compact with the Germans, in

which it was agreed that the Germans should have that portion of Gaul

which fell to the Goths, and should receive twenty centenaria[61] of

gold, and that in return they should assist the Goths in this war. But

before he had as yet carried out the agreement he fulfilled his

destiny.[U] It was for this reason, then, that many of the noblest of

the Goths, with Marcias as their leader, were keeping guard in Gaul. It

was these men whom Vittigis was unable to recall from Gaul,[62] and

indeed he did not think them numerous enough even to oppose the Franks,

who would, in all probability, overrun both Gaul and Italy, if he should

march with his whole army against Rome. He therefore called together all

who were loyal among the Goths and spoke as follows:

DATE:

[U]526 A.D.

"The advice which I have wished to give you, fellow-countrymen, in

bringing you together here at the present time, is not pleasant, but it

is necessary; and do you hear me kindly, and deliberate in a manner

befitting the situation which is upon us. For when affairs do not go as

men wish, it is inexpedient for them to go on with their present

arrangements in disregard of necessity or fortune. Now in all other

respects our preparations for war are in the best possible state. But

the Franks are an obstacle to us; against them, our ancient enemies, we

have indeed been spending both our lives and our money, but nevertheless

we have succeeded in holding our own up to the present time, since no

other hostile force has confronted us. But now that we are compelled to

go against another foe, it will be necessary to put an end to the war

against them, in the first place because, if they remain hostile to us,

they will certainly array themselves with Belisarius against us; for

those who have the same enemy are by the very nature of things induced

to enter into friendship and alliance with each other. In the second

place, even if we carry on the war separately against each army, we

shall in the end be defeated by both of them. It is better, therefore,

for us to accept a little loss and thus preserve the greatest part of

our kingdom, than in our eagerness to hold everything to be destroyed by

the enemy and lose at the same time the whole power of our supremacy. So

my opinion is that if we give the Germans the provinces of Gaul which

adjoin them, and together with this land all the money which Theodatus

agreed to give them, they will not only be turned from their enmity

against us, but will even lend us assistance in this war. But as to how

at a later time, when matters are going well for us, we may regain

possession of Gaul, let no one of you consider this question. For an

ancient saying[63] comes to my mind, which bids us 'settle well the

affairs of the present.'"

Upon hearing this speech the notables of the Goths, considering the plan

advantageous, wished it to be put into effect. Accordingly envoys were

immediately sent to the nation of the Germans, in order to give them the

lands of Gaul together with the gold, and to make an offensive and

defensive alliance. Now at that time the rulers of the Franks were

Ildibert, Theudibert, and Cloadarius, and they received Gaul and the

money, and divided the land among them according to the territory ruled

by each one, and they agreed to be exceedingly friendly to the Goths,

and secretly to send them auxiliary troops, not Franks, however, but

soldiers drawn from the nations subject to them. For they were unable to

make an alliance with them openly against the Romans, because they had a

little before agreed to assist the emperor in this war. So the envoys,

having accomplished the mission on which they had been sent, returned to

Ravenna. At that time also Vittigis summoned Marcias with his followers.

FOOTNOTES:

[59] Cf. chap. xii. 24 ff.

[60] Procopius resumes his narrative, which was interrupted by the

digression beginning in chap. xii.

[61] Cf. Book I. xxii. 4; III. vi. 2 and note.

[62] Cf. chap. xi. 28.

[63] Cf. Thuc. i. 35, [Greek: thesthai to paron], "to deal with the

actual situation"; Hor. _Od._ iii. 29, 32, "quod adest memento |

Componere."

XIV

But while Vittigis was carrying on these negotiations, Belisarius was

preparing to go to Rome. He accordingly selected three hundred men from

the infantry forces with Herodian as their leader, and assigned them

the duty of guarding Naples. And he also sent to Cumae as large a

garrison as he thought would be sufficient to guard the fortress there.

For there was no stronghold in Campania except those at Cumae and at

Naples. It is in this city of Cumae that the inhabitants point out the

cave of the Sibyl, where they say her oracular shrine was; and Cumae is

on the sea, one hundred and twenty-eight stades distant from Naples.

Belisarius, then, was thus engaged in putting his army in order; but the

inhabitants of Rome, fearing lest all the calamities should befall them

which had befallen the Neapolitans, decided after considering the matter

that it was better to receive the emperor's army into the city. And more

than any other Silverius,[64] the chief priest of the city, urged them

to adopt this course. So they sent Fidelius, a native of Milan, which is

situated in Liguria, a man who had been previously an adviser of

Atalaric (such an official is called "quaestor"[65] by the Romans), and

invited Belisarius to come to Rome, promising to put the city into his

hands without a battle. So Belisarius led his army from Naples by the

Latin Way, leaving on the left the Appian Way, which Appius, the consul

of the Romans, had made nine hundred years before[66] and to which he

had given his name.

Now the Appian Way is in length a journey of five days for an

unencumbered traveller; for it extends from Rome to Capua. And the

breadth of this road is such that two waggons going in opposite

directions can pass one another, and it is one of the noteworthy sights

of the world. For all the stone, which is mill-stone[67] and hard by

nature, Appius quarried in another place[68] far away and brought there;

for it is not found anywhere in this district. And after working these

stones until they were smooth and flat, and cutting them to a polygonal

shape, he fastened them together without putting concrete or anything

else between them. And they were fastened together so securely and the

joints were so firmly closed, that they give the appearance, when one

looks at them, not of being fitted together, but of having grown

together. And after the passage of so long a time, and after being

traversed by many waggons and all kinds of animals every day, they have

neither separated at all at the joints, nor has any one of the stones

been worn out or reduced in thickness,--nay, they have not even lost any

of their polish. Such, then, is the Appian Way.