“I wish you’d advise me about Laurie,” said Violet one day, with a

troubled glance down the verandah to the bed of down cushions where her

brother was devoting to _La Vie Parisienne_ the hours demanded by the

institutes of Justinian. “He’s rather a problem.”

“The whole of his generation is a problem,” I said. “He stands between

Jim, who’s dead, and Sandy, who’s still a child. He and his like have

already borne the burden of the war; now he’ll have to bear the burden

of clearing up after the war.”

My proposal found less than no favour in the hearing to which it was

directed.

“I’m not bearing any more burdens till I’ve made myself secure,”

Laurence declared. “Nor’s any one else. Half the men I know have come

back to see another fellow doing their job; the other half are like me

and never had a job to come back to. And, while we were away, you let a

pack of women into all the professions,” he grumbled.

“Laurie will marry a rich wife,” Sam Dainton prophesied. “I’d do the

same myself, only I’m so precious ugly.”

“That doesn’t matter when men are scarce,” said Laurence reassuringly;

“but I’d much prefer it if _you_ married the rich wife and let me blow

in as the _tertium quid_. That’s the way all the best marriages are

arranged nowadays.”

“I wonder what the modern girl will turn into,” drawled Philip Hornbeck

at a tangent.

“The modern girl is a contradiction in terms,” answered Lucien de

Grammont. “To modernize yourself is to change; and woman never changes,

she only adapts herself.”

“She adapted herself in the war, good and plenty,” said Sam Dainton with

authority.

“She was brought up to know nothing,” rejoined Barbara; “she thought she

knew everything. With luck she’ll learn enough to bring her daughters up

better than she was brought up herself.”

“This from you!,” Violet laughed.

“It’s only now that I see what narrow squeaks I had,” said Barbara

reflectively. “Whenever a girl makes a mess of her life, I believe it’s

the parents who are to blame.”

While this theme was developed in the uneasy hearing of my mother,

Violet took a last look at my manuscript before handing it back to me.

“You say nothing about religion,” she commented in an undertone. “It’s

the biggest thing in life for many people.”

“For women more than for men,” I submitted. While we were still at

school, Darwin, Huxley and Renan were made accessible to us in cheap

reprints. I have felt, ever since, that, if my salvation depends on

faith in something that ignores ordinary rules of evidence, I would

prefer not to be saved. “And you couldn’t have had a bloodier war, if

we’d all been followers of Anti-Christ. By a paradox, the only people

who tried to live up to their religion were persecuted as conscientious

objectors.”

“What will you put in its place?,” Violet asked.

I should only have hurt her feelings if I had suggested that

Christianity might now be given a trial: to her, that faith is

synonymous with the Holy Roman Catholic Church; to me, it is the service

of man, and the Christian churches with their deadening forms and dead

rules, their deferred punishments and rewards, their proscriptions and

feuds and exclusive salvations have gone far to stifle Christianity.

“If people thought less about the next world,” I answered, “they might

make a more tolerable place of this.”

And it was in some such words that I ended my criticism of the war. The

folly and suspicion and malevolence of all the nations had made it

possible; when it came, all the nations engaged in it exhibited much the

same endurance, if simultaneously they exhibited much the same savagery.

“Well, is it ‘the Great War’ or ‘the Great Waste’?,” Violet asked. “Jim

was over age when he gave up the staff. They didn’t want him to go. He

felt that every one who got so much out of England in peace _must_ go.

_I_ felt that, too. I shouldn’t like to think I’d helped to have him

killed for no purpose.”

If we had taken a poll of the eager disputants at the other end of the

verandah, I doubt if the verdict would have satisfied her. On their own

admission, the mailed fist of Philip Hornbeck, the diplomacy of Lucien

de Grammont and the first-hand experience of war which Laurence and Sam

Dainton had won on four fronts provided no more security than the

religion of Violet Loring that another war, equally or more cruel,

unnecessary and futile, should not break out as soon as the memories of

one generation were grown dim and the exhaustion of one generation had

been repaired.

“Doesn’t that depend on the people who’ve survived?,” I asked. “Until

the conscriptionists turned a crusade into a hunt for cannon-fodder, the

war had a moral grandeur. Whether Jim’s death served a useful purpose

for any one but himself depends on our power to recapture the spirit of

1914.”

For this elastic formula I can claim little credit. The cynic is now

sure of his laugh if he mocks the idea of “a war to end war”; but I saw

too much of my contemporaries in 1914 to join the later chorus of

fashionable disparagement. Before their first idealism became jaded, the

young men who had been reared in an atmosphere of war-preparations and

war-scares, who aspired to a world orderly and a life beautiful and who

saw their aspirations thwarted by men too old for hope or faith,

resolved to create from the war a world of which they need not be

ashamed. They enlisted in the service of man. From their deaths I

learned the phrase. One of them, the last and best of my friends, who

was literally and awfully crucified, came back blinded and broken to

tell me that he was unrepentant.

“_I was in New York_,” O’Rane wrote at this time, “_when the armistice

was proclaimed. If you’d shouted ‘as you were’ from the Woolworth Tower,

you couldn’t have scattered people more quickly. ‘As you were before the

war’ is the general feeling. I expect it’s been the same in England. We

must do better than that._” . . .

“I’m not sure that I know what you mean,” said Violet.

“And I’m not sure that I can put it into words,” I answered. “In general

terms, no sacrifice was too great in the war; I want people to feel no

sacrifice is too great in peace. It’s an empty victory if a high

proportion of the victors are diseased, hungry, verminous, discontented.

Any one of imagination must be ashamed of the slums in our big cities;

but we _won’t_ make the effort or the sacrifice to cure them. I want to

fan the crusading spirit of 1914 back to life. . . . Before that,

though, we must make sure that we aren’t going to drift into another

war. That means a crusade covering the whole inhabited world.”

“I don’t know how you’ll begin.”

“Nor do I yet. I may be able to tell you more in a week’s time. Have you

heard that the O’Ranes are coming here? He cabled to say that he was in

urgent need of my advice. I cabled back that I was in much more urgent

need of his.”

Glancing at my manuscript for the last time before sending it to be

typed, I felt that, in a week’s time, I might know better how to paint

my third panel. We had to see now whether those who had failed to avert

war were capable of ending war.

5

Though I charged O’Rane at the time with disturbing the repose of our

retreat, I can see now that, even before I invited him to Cannes, I was

resigned to moving at least one stage nearer to the heart of politics.

It is true that my uncle Bertrand’s appeal for help in his election was

answered with a lame reference to Barbara’s health; simultaneously I

told Frank Jellaby, without a trace of lameness or indecision, that I

was too little in sympathy with the liberal party to fight a seat on my

own account; all the time, however, I was conscious of a chilling

remoteness. I did not want to go back; I was thankful that Barbara

seemed content to vegetate; but, if I was right in thinking that the

fruits of the war remained to be gathered, I was right in thinking that

they could not be gathered in Cannes.

I hoped that O’Rane, with his knowledge of other countries, would tell

me whether my derided ‘will to peace’ was practicable or even necessary.

If he shared my misgivings, I wanted his help in planning a campaign

that would be bounded only by the confines of the inhabited earth and

would engage our energies for the rest of our lives. A train of

reasoning is sometimes so persuasive in its premises and overwhelming in

its conclusion that human intelligence rejects it without argument; and

a train of this kind was presented to me on the eve of the armistice,

when Hornbeck declared in succeeding breaths that another war would be

synonymous with the end of the world and that nothing could prevent

another war. His first premise was substantiated by all the evidence of

the late war; his second was at least supported by every soldier and

statesman whose memoirs I had been reading for the last month. The

syllogism could only be refuted by a general strike against war. This

was my revelation and mission; and I had suffered too long from the

revelations and missions of others to trust my own until I had been put

to the question.

The O’Ranes arrived, with my sister and her husband, a week before

Christmas. It was characteristic of the times that I should first set

eyes on my brother-in-law two years after his marriage. Beryl wrote in

1916 to say that she was engaged to a certain Gervaise Maxwell, whom she

had nursed at the Lorings’ hospital in Scotland. They parted after a

week’s honeymoon: Beryl went back to House of Steynes, Gervaise rejoined

his battalion in Mesopotamia; and they met for the second time four days

after the armistice.

Now they were coming to exploit my influence in finding work for

Gervaise; and I, knowing the slender proportions of that influence and

recollecting the claims already advanced by Sam Dainton and my cousin

Laurence, wondered helplessly whether the government did wisely in

releasing men from the army before they had found civil employment. For

a week before leaving London my telephone had been agitated by the

voices of anxious friends who assured me that they could be demobilized

at once if I would invent some urgent private business for them. “Good

pay, light work and decent holidays,” they all said. I suppose the army

let them go because the army could not retain them. At Wilminster and

Yareham the troops demobilized themselves and walked home; at Enstaple

and Durncliffe they threatened to mutiny if they were ordered back to

France. It was one thing, however, to kick a uniform into a cupboard;

and something quite different to find civilian clothes that would fit.

Gervaise, I decided, must wait until I had discussed with O’Rane my own

plans. It might be that, within a few months, I should want all the men

I could get; or it might be that I should be cultivating my garden in

Ireland. I must wait, too, until I had heard O’Rane’s proposals.

Eighteen months had passed since I hunted him out to America, nominally

to lecture on the war and really to make a fresh start with Sonia after

her disaster with Vincent Grayle. In that time I had purposely not

enquired how they were getting on, as a fresh start might well be the

fresh start only to more trouble. The woman who jilts two men, marries a

third, runs away with a fourth and returns with his child, all before

the age of thirty-three, has either too much emotion in her nature or

else too little.

I must confess to a feeling of embarrassment as the train drew in. The

feeling passed as Sonia waved ecstatically from her window and announced

breathlessly that no one would believe what a success she had had in

Paris, that she was insolvent, that this no longer mattered, that she

had the most wonderful news for me, that she was going to have an

unprecedented success in London, that it was heavenly to see me again

and that she was really going to enjoy herself in Cannes.

A woman who lived only for the moment was not likely to be disturbed by

regrets or fears; and, as Sonia swung down from the train into my arms,

her eyes were as limpid and innocent, her lips were as moistly red and

provocative, as when I took her to supper at her first parties fifteen

years before. Then and now, she was of those who make the world take

them at their own valuation. Then she had babbled of her earliest

ball-room triumphs; now she described the men who had thrown themselves

at her feet from San Francisco to Paris.

“Then you enjoyed yourself?,” I asked, when she paused for breath.

“_They_ enjoyed _me_,” she answered complacently. “I don’t think they’d

ever seen anything quite like me before. Oh, George! Has David told you

our news? We met Mr. Stornaway in London; and he wants us to come and

work with him! Say, kid, can you beat it? I asked him what the work was;

and he said it was just helping him to spend money. If there’s one thing

I _do_ know about . . . We’re going to be the new big noise in London.

Collect David; and we’ll tell you all about it!”

If my embarrassment returned as I went forward to give her husband a

hand, it vanished as he took up the interrupted tale. In voice and

manner there was nothing to hint that he had ever been estranged from

his radiant wife; and I decided that, in a sense, he too lived only for

the moment. When we first met, a small boy without a friend in the world

had decided that he must put himself to school. His father had been

killed, fighting for Greece against Turkey; and David made his way to

England, with enough money for one term, by working his passage round

the world. When he had sucked in all that Melton and Oxford could give

him, he banished them into the past, as he had already banished his

wanderings, and concentrated all his energies on making money; when the

money was made, he turned his back for ever on the oil-fields of Mexico

and devoted himself to English politics until the war imposed on him a

more urgent duty. On the day that he was discharged from hospital,

blinded and maimed, he called to tell me that he had already secured new

work. When Sonia left him, he set himself to get her back; and, when she

returned, I am sure that he set himself with equal singleness of purpose

to forget that they had ever been parted.

Now he could think of nothing but Raymond Stornaway’s proposal.

“That’s where I want your advice,” he explained gravely, as though in

all his thirty-five tempestuous years of life he had ever taken advice

from anybody.

“And I want yours,” I told him. “I’m sorry to find Raymond butting in: I

expect to need your help much more.”

That evening after dinner, when the others had gone away to gamble, we

talked of the war and of that other evening, when we stood on the

dividing ridge between two worlds. Of the men who dined at Loring Castle

on the last night of peace, he and I alone had survived. We talked of

the war that was over as then we had talked of the war that was coming.

I quoted him the words in which he had described his vision of what the

world might be after the war; and I challenged him to say whether he

still believed in the perfectibility of man.

“I’ve acquired a lot of patience in the last four years,” he answered.

Then I tested him with Hornbeck’s prediction that wars would be fought

so long as the human race survived to fight them.

“I want you to help me organize a general strike against war,” I said,

as I began to blow out the candles. Then I paused to frame a question

which I had kept unasked since our last evening of peace: “D’you

remember blowing out the candles that night?” He nodded. “You left two.

Why?”

As he hesitated, I saw that he was frowning. I saw also that, like the

rest of us, he had aged in the last five years, though the thin face had

its old passionate vitality and the fine black hair its old gay

disorder. Slight as ever, boyish as ever, he was none the less lined

with the mental and physical tortures of the war. His very hesitation

was a subtle mark of decline, as though for the first time in his life

he doubted himself.

“I knew in my bones that only two of us would come through,” he

muttered. “I should be one; I couldn’t make a guess at the other.”

“There aren’t more than half-a-dozen left out of all our generation,” I

told him. “The old club-groups at Oxford. . . . I can’t look at them.”

“And I couldn’t see ’em if I _did_ look. Not that I need to be reminded

of them.” . . . The unseeing eyes flashed in sudden exaltation. “What

death takes away, George, is very little by comparison with what he

leaves! The men I’ve loved best in the world have been my father and

your uncle and old Burgess and you and Jim. Three of you, thank God!,

are alive: I stayed with Burgess for his last night before he retired

from Melton; but you’re no more alive than my father and Jim. Nothing

can take away the time I spent with them. . . . I shan’t see again in

this world, but nothing can take away all that I’ve seen in the past. I

still see the men I recruited, the men who trained with me, though I

helped to bury more than a few.”

“Some of them were here to-night,” I said.

“Yes! And what death has done is just to put their bodies out of action

. . . . That means there are fewer hands and more work.” . . .

As I led him to the door, O’Rane’s fingers ran lightly down my arm.

“It’s about twenty years since you first came to stay with us,” I

reminded him.

“I suppose it must be. Good, full years.”

“I was feeling middle-aged till you came. Middle-aged and depressed.”

He laughed and gripped my hand:

“We’ve no time to grow middle-aged. It’s the next twenty years that will

count. We must pull together. In a sense we _are_ the last two.”

As I blew out the remaining candles, the room once more seemed to fill

with our friends of other days. We were indeed almost the only

survivors; and I could not tell these ghosts that they had given their

lives, I could not tell O’Rane that he had given his sight, to no

purpose.

“Think over what we’ve been saying,” I suggested. “Tell me if you can

see any reason why just such another war shouldn’t break out with just

as little reason.”

“If it does, then this war wasn’t worth while. . . . And it’s our

business to make it worth while,” he answered.

CHAPTER THREE

THE DAWNING OF MORN

“‘Rise up, rise up, thou Satan, upon the Earth to go,

And prove the peace of Dives if it be good or no;

For all that he hath planned

We deliver to thy hand,

As thy skill shall serve to break it or bring low.’”

RUDYARD KIPLING: _The Peace of Dives_.

1

Average, sensual man is no match for an enthusiast. When O’Rane wrote

that he wanted to ask my advice, vague instinct warned me that he wanted

the costlier, if no more valuable, privilege of my personal cooperation.

And it was my intention that he should cooperate with me. If I seemed a

doctrinaire to Lucien, a fanatic to Hornbeck and a

‘bolshevist’—whatever that might mean—to Deganway, I seemed to myself

the mildest revolutionary that had ever schemed to carry out a

revolution by deputy. When, at this time, people talked of “winning the

peace” and asked what we meant to do, I felt and said that no active man

or woman who had survived the war was justified in sitting idle. I was

ready to write, speak and subscribe money on behalf of any organization

that would rouse the world to the danger which I saw threatening it. I

would work for my “will to peace” as others worked, in the years that

followed and along lines which I deplored, for the League of Nations. I

lacked the fire and the endurance, however, to inspire a crusade. This,

I felt, was O’Rane’s part.

Nevertheless, from our first conversation I divined that we were

thinking on different planes. To “make the war worth while”, in my view,

was to secure, first and foremost, that there should be no future wars.

Perhaps because he had spent so many months in America, where by now the

world seemed already to have been made “safe for democracy”, perhaps

because he had seen too much of the late war to fancy that any one

wanted more of it, O’Rane assumed the end at which I was aiming.

“If the war is to be made ‘worth while’,” he pronounced at the end of

our first night together, “we have . . . in some way . . . to make

England . . .”

“‘A land fit for heroes’ and what not,” Philip Hornbeck interrupted

flippantly.

After that, though we conducted our debates in private, I felt that

O’Rane’s enthusiasm was sapping my will to the point when I should be

drawn from my own leisurely crusade and pressed into his. If, at the end

of ten days, he returned to London without me, I can only explain his

failure by saying that in the meantime I had fallen to the assault of a

yet more formidable enthusiast.

2

“You heard what Sonia said about Stornaway’s proposal?,” O’Rane began on

the second day.

The rest of the party had disappeared to Monte Carlo; and I was

imprisoned in the shade of a palm-tree until I surrendered or bolted.

“He made the same proposal to me,” I said. “I turned it down because I

thought there was more important work nearer to hand.”

“Our work won’t lack in importance.”

“Then you’ve accepted his offer?,” I asked. “You’re giving up the

House?”

“I’m committed in principle,” he answered. “Yes, I shan’t stand again:

this coupon business leaves no scope for the independent member. Why the

prime minister wants an election at all, when his position is

impregnable . . .”

“He wants to keep it impregnable,” I said. “Well, you’re going in with

Raymond to succeed where Deryk Lancing and his father and every

millionaire in history has so far failed? It’s easier to make money

honestly than to spend it wisely, you’ll find. How much is there?”

“About twelve hundred thousand a year.”

“You can do a lot of harm with that,” I said. “How will you spend it?”

“For the first year or two it’s ear-marked for universities and

hospitals.”

“And after that?”

“We might make the war worth while,” he laughed. “But you must help. The

trouble with England at present is that we’ve so little sense of

responsibility. Isn’t it about time we educated people up to a civic

conscience? In the war, I admit . . .”

“You found a hundred men who would die for their country to one who

would live for it.”

“Because, in peace, we call people ‘good citizens’ if they obey the laws

and pay their taxes. That’s not enough for a civilized state, George!

Good God, when a man commits murder, we hire another man to hang him!

It’s you and I who ought to be hanged for not teaching him our own

reverence for law. We hire people to persecute other people for beating

their wives or neglecting their children or concealing their diseases!

It’s _we_ who ought to be persecuted. Illness, to me, is the wound

inflicted on society by the indifference of the healthy. Poverty.

Degradation.” . . .

“And your civic conscience . . .?,” I reminded him.

“Another word for imagination! You’d be ashamed of yourself if your

tenants in Ireland died of want; if the men drank or the women turned

prostitutes. Yet I’ve seen sights in different parts of the world that

would make your blood run cold. Famines and pestilences and massacres.

Things we don’t allow in England: we’ve got _that_ far. Now it’s time we

went farther. If the war’s to be worth while, you must satisfy yourself

that what has been saved was worth saving.”

“But how on earth are you to do it?”

In other days I had heard Aylmer Lancing, as he wheeled himself with

slow impatience about his workroom, muttering of a dread project to

corner the raw material of high explosives throughout the world. Some

Central American republic was causing him trouble; and he had decided to

make future wars impossible. Later, I had been present when Raymond

Stornaway schemed to force up the standard of living for manual labour

by paying uneconomic wages in one place and raising a storm of envious

discontent in every other. Both men had been wonderfully convincing; but

they had done nothing. Behind O’Rane’s shining eyes, in a stain of

shadow between two white sheets of sunshine, I seemed now to see

Raymond’s tired face at his luncheon-party on Armistice Day.

“So far,” said O’Rane thoughtfully, “no one’s gone about it in the right

way.”

“It was not for want of intelligence. Can it be that the modern world

has grown too fast for any one to control it?”

To-morrow and to-morrow ... a novel · 第 3 / 23 段