ESTABLISH COMMERCE.
For some time past the natives had commenced a brisk trade with ivory in
exchange for all kinds of trifles, which left a minimum profit for the
government of 1500 per cent. A few beads, together with three or four
gaudy-coloured cotton handkerchiefs, a zinc mirror, and a fourpenny
butcher's knife, would purchase a tusk worth twenty or thirty pounds. I
calculated all the expenses of transport from England, together with
interest on capital. In some cases we purchased ivory at 2,000 per cent.
profit, and both sellers and buyers felt perfectly contented.
I am not sure whether this is considered a decent return for an
investment of capital among the descendants of Israel; but I am
convinced that at the conclusion of a purchase in Unyoro each party to
the bargain thought that he had the best of it. This was the perfection
of business.
Here was free trade thoroughly established: the future was tinged with a
golden hue. Ivory would be almost inexhaustible, as it would flow from
both east and west to the market where such luxuries as twopenny
mirrors, fourpenny knives, handkerchiefs, ear-rings at a penny a pair,
finger signet-rings at a shilling a dozen, could be obtained for such
comparatively useless lumber as elephants' tusks.
Manchester goods would quickly supersede the bark-cloths, which were
worn out in a month, and, in a few years, every native of Unyoro would
be able to appear in durable European clothes. Every man would be able
to provide himself with a comfortable blanket for the chilly nights, and
an important trade would be opened that would tend to the development of
the country, and be the first step towards a future civilization.
Unfortunately for this golden vision, the young king, Kabba Rega,
considered that he had a right to benefit himself exclusively, by
monopolizing the trade with the government. He therefore gave orders to
his people that all ivory should be brought to him; and he strictly
prohibited, on pain of death, the free trade that I had endeavoured to
establish.
The tusks ceased to arrive; or, if any individual was sufficiently
audacious to run the risk of detection, he sent word beforehand, by
Monsoor (who was known to be confidential), that he would bring a tusk
for sale during the darkness of night.
This was a troublesome affair. Annexation is always a difficult question
of absolute right, but, as I trust my readers will acknowledge, I had
done all that lay in my power for the real benefit of the country. I had
to make allowance for the young king, who now had become a vassal, and I
determined to observe the extreme of moderation.
It was generally acknowledged that the conduct of the troops was most
exemplary. No thefts had been allowed, nor even those trifling
annexations of property which are distinguished from stealing by the
innocent name of "cribbing." Not a garden had been disturbed; the
tempting tobacco plantations had been rigidly respected, and the natives
could only regard my troops as the perfection of police. They were
almost as good as London police--there were no areas to the houses,
neither insinuating cooks or housemaids, nor even nursemaids with babies
in perambulators, to distract their attention from their municipal
duties.
Among my troops there was an excellent young man, named Ramadan, who was
the clerk of the detachment. This intelligent young fellow was a general
favourite among our own men, and also among the natives. He had a great
aptitude for languages, and he quickly mastered sufficient of the Unyoro
to make himself understood.
I arranged that Ramadan should become the schoolmaster, as it would be
useless to establish commerce as a civilizing medium without in some way
commencing a system of education.
Ramadan was proud at the idea of being selected for this appointment.
There was a son of Kittakara's, of about nine years old, named
Cherri-Merri. This nice little boy had paid us many visits, and had
become a great favourite of my wife's. He usually arrived after
breakfast, and was generally to be found sitting on a mat at her feet,
playing with some European toys that were his great delight, and gaining
instruction by conversation through the interpreter.
Although Cherri-Merri was a good boy, he possessed the purely commercial
instinct of Unyoro. He seldom arrived without a slave attendant, who
carried on his head a package of something that was to be SOLD.
He was told that it was bad taste to bring articles for sale to people
who had shown him kindness, at the same time no presents would be
received. The little trader quickly relieved himself of this difficulty
by marching off with his slave and package to the soldiers' camp, where
he exchanged his flour or tobacco for metal buttons, which they cut off
their uniforms; or for beads, or other trifles which they possessed.
Cherri-Merri was a general favourite, and he was to form the nucleus for
the commencement of a school.
The station was now in perfect order. Altogether, including the
soldiers' gardens, about three acres had been cleared and planted.
Everything was well above ground, and was growing with that rapidity
which can only be understood by those who have witnessed the vegetation
of the tropics on the richest soil.
English cucumbers, varieties of melons, pumpkins, tomatoes, Egyptian
radishes, onions, Egyptian cotton, &c., were all flourishing. Also a
small quantity of wheat.
Every cottage was surrounded by a garden; the boys had formed
partnerships, and, having been provided with seeds, they had beds of
pumpkins already nearly a foot above the ground.
The girls and women-servants were as usual extremely industrious; they
also had formed little companies, and the merits of the rival gardens
were often warmly discussed.
Three acres of land, thus carefully cultivated, made a very civilized
appearance. The cucumber plants had grown wonderfully, and had already
formed fruit. Not a leaf was withered or attacked by insects, and both
the soil and climate of Masindi were perfection for agricultural
experiments. The thermometer generally stood at 62 degrees F at six
a.m., and at 78 degrees F at noon. The air was always fresh and
invigorating, as the altitude above the sea-level was nearly 4,000 feet.
An industrious population would have made a paradise of this country,
but the Unyoro people are the laziest that I have ever seen. The days
were passed either in sleep, or by the assembly of large crowds of
idlers, who stood at the entrance of the broad, gravelled approach, and
simply watched our proceedings.
The only excitement was produced by the sudden rush of Kabba Rega's
guards (bonosoora) with big sticks among the crowd, whom they belaboured
and chased, generally possessed themselves of the best garments of those
who were captured, with which they returned to their quarters, as lawful
prizes.
This daring system of thieving was considered as great fun by all those
members of the crowd who had escaped; and the unfortunates who had been
reduced to nudity by the loss of their garments were jeered and
ridiculed by the mob with true Unyoro want of charity.
These bonosoora were an extraordinary collection of scoundrels.
The readers of "The Albert N'yanza" may remember the "Satanic Escort,"
with which I was furnished by Kamrasi for my journey from M'rooli to the
lake; these were bonosoora. I could never learn the exact number that
formed Kabba Rega's celebrated regiment of blackguards, but I should
imagine there were above 1,000 men who constantly surrounded him, and
gained their living by pillaging others.
Any slave who ran away from his master might find an asylum if he
volunteered to enlist in the bonosoora. Every man who had committed some
crime, or who could not pay his debts, could find a refuge by devoting
himself to the personal care of the young king, and enrolling within the
ranks of the royal guards. The general character of these ruffians may
be easily imagined. They lounged away their time, and simply relieved
the monotony of their existence by robbing passers-by of anything that
attracted their cupidity.
Umbogo belonged to this celebrated corps, and he informed me that hardly
a night passed without some person being murdered by these people, who
would always kill a man after dark, unless he yielded up his property
without resistance. The great number of vultures that continually
hovered over Masindi were proofs of Umbogo's story, as these birds
generally denote the presence of carrion. My men had, on several
occasions, found bodies lying in the high grass, neatly picked to the
bone, which had only recently died.
There was much to be done before the brutal customs of Unyoro could be
reformed: and I was by no means satisfied with the conduct exhibited by
Kabba Rega. He had promised faithfully that he would send a large force
to clear away the high grass by which our station was surrounded; this
was never fulfilled, neither could I engage the natives to work for
hire.
I had observed for some time past that his people were rapidly extending
the town of Masindi, by erecting new buildings upon both our flanks,
which, although only a few yards from our clearing, were half obscured
by the high grass; thus it appeared that we were being gradually
surrounded.
Since the departure of the post with my escort and the irregular levy,
nothing was done by the natives, except the usual lounging by day, and
drinking and howling, with drums and horns as an accompaniment,
throughout the night.
Kabba Rega had always declared that the natives would work for me and
obey every order when the slave-hunters should have been expelled from
the country. Although the people who were lately a portion of the
slave-hunter's company had now been enlisted in the service of
government, not one man remained in Masindi, as I had sent them all away
to Fatiko, at the particular request of Kabba Rega.
The real fact was, that so long as the slave-trader's people were in the
country, both the king and his people knew that we were independent of
native guides, as Suleiman's men knew all the paths, from their long
experience of the country when engaged in the civil wars. It was
considered that in the absence of the new levy of irregulars we should
be perfectly helpless to move, as we were dependent upon Kabba Rega for
guides.
From the general conduct of the people since the departure of my party
with the post to Fatiko, I had a strong suspicion that some foul play
was intended, and that, when the 300 native carriers should have taken
the people across the Victoria Nile, they would desert them in the
night, and return with the boats. I therefore wrote a letter addressed
to the second vakeel, Eddrees, ordering him to return at once to Masindi
with the entire party if he had any suspicion of treachery.
I concealed this note in a packet of blue cloth, together with a few
little presents for Shooli and Gimoro, at Fatiko; but I had written on
the brown paper cover of the parcel, instructions that Eddrees or
Mohammed, the dragoman, should search the contents, as a letter was
hidden within. I gave this packet to Umbogo, telling him that it was a
present for Shooli, and begging him to despatch a messenger without
delay to overtake the party before they should have crossed the Victoria
Nile. The native messenger, to whom I gave a small gratuity, immediately
started; thus I should be able to forewarn my people in the event of
trouble.
In the afternoon Kabba Rega sent for me to repair the small musical box
that I had given him, which was slightly deranged. I replied that, until
he fulfilled his agreement to clear the high grass from the
neighbourhood, I could not think of attending to any request, as he had
broken all his promises.
In half an hour after this answer he sent forty men, under Kittakara, to
commence the clearing, as he was in despair about his musical box.
Two native merchants from the distant country of Karagwe, who had been
sent by their king, Rumanika, to purchase ivory from Unyoro, had arrived
at Masindi. These people were brought to me on 26th May, accompanied by
Kittakara, together with Umbogo, the interpreter. I observed that
Kittakara was acting the part of spy, to overhear and to report the
substance of the conversation. Some excitement had been caused by the
report that two travellers were residing with Rumanika, and that these
people had arrived from the M'wootan N'zige. I was in hopes that one of
these travellers might be Livingstone.
The Karagwe merchants were well-dressed, and very civilized-looking
people. They stared upon arrival in the divan, and were shortly seated
upon a mat before me.
After some conversation, I questioned them concerning the travellers,
and I immediately wrote both questions and replies in my journal, which
I now give verbatim.
"Have you personally seen the travellers?"
Answer: "Yes; one is tall, with a long beard and white hair. The other
is a very black man (an African), and short."
Question: "How do they eat?"
Answer: "With a knife and fork and plate."
Question: "Have they a compass" (Compass exhibited)?
Answer: "No; but they have a small mirror like those in your
possession."
Question: "Do they purchase ivory?"
Answer: "Yes. We are now sent by Rumanika to buy ivory for them."
Question: "Have they a large quantity?"
Answer: "An immense quantity. They have a large house, which is quite
full."
Question: "How will they transport it?"
Answer: "They are building a vessel of iron on the M'wootan N'zige, upon
the borders of which they are now staying."
Question: "Do they know that I am commanding this expedition?"
Answer: "Yes; they have frequently asked `whether you had arrived;' and
they wish to go to Khartoum."
"There is no trace of poor Livingstone in their description. I imagine
that some enterprising Portuguese trader is building a ship to trade
upon M'wootan N'zige. God help him if he tries to transport his ivory by
this route.
"I shall write to Livingstone by the first opportunity. Like all other
of my informants, these native merchants told me that the M'wootan
N'zige extended to Karagwe, after a long turn to the west. It varied
much in width, and at Karagwe it was narrow."
For some days I had conversations with these intelligent people. They
brought me two elephants' tusks to sell, as they wished to show Rumanika
the quality of goods that were now introduced from the north. I made
them a few presents, after the bargain, to create a favourable
impression, and I once more cross-examined them upon geographical
questions.
Their description of the east shore of the M'wootan N'zige was as
follows:
Geographical Information:
"South of Unyoro is a country Kabboya;
" " Kabboyu " " Tambooki;
" " Tambooki " " M'Pororo;
" " M'Pororo " " Ruanda;
" " Ruanda " " Baroondi;
" " Baroondi " " Chibbogora;
" " Chibbogora " " Watuta;
" " Watuta " " Manchoonda;"
"Beyond the Machoonda they knew nothing, except that the lake extends
for an enormous and unknown distance.
"On the west shore, opposite Kabboyu and Tambooki, is situated the
cannibal country of Booamba.
"The route to Karagwe from Masindi, via the M'wootan N'zige (Albert
N'yanza), is--take boat from Chibero (a day's long march from Masindi)
to M'Pororo--at which spot you leave the boat, and proceed overland in
one day to the Karagwe frontier.
"The Kittangide river passes through M'Pororo, N'Kole, and Kishakka,
and, after a very winding course, it cuts through Karagwe, and falls
into the Victoria N'yanza.
"'Baroondi' must be Speke's 'Urundi;' as I find that many names that he
has prefixed with 'U' are here pronounced as 'B.'
"By Speke's map Urundi is in about 3 degrees south latitude. The
M'wootan N'zige is therefore known to pass through Ruanda, Baroondi, and
the Watuta--or beyond the north end of the Tanganyika Lake.
"This looks as though the Tanganyika and the M'wootan N'zige were only
one vast lake bearing different names according to the localities
through which it passes."
I have extracted this from my journal, as it was written at the moment
that the information was given. I have no theory, as I do not indulge in
the luxury of geographical theories; but I shall give my information in
the same words in which I received it from the natives. Speculative
geographers may then form their own opinions.
From the day when Kabba Rega had denied the possession of the guns and
ammunition belonging to the irregular levy, he had never appeared at his
new divan, neither had I seen him.
Upon many occasions I had sent to request his attendance, but he was
always in the sanctuary of his own private house, or rather
establishment of houses; these were a series of enormous beehive-shaped
straw and cane dwellings in a courtyard of about an acre, surrounded by
a fence, and guarded by many sentries, each of whom had a small but
built in the middle of the hedge.
Since the departure of the irregular levy, I had noticed a decided
change in the demeanour of the chiefs. Kittiakara, who had been our
greatest friend, could never look me in the face, but always cast his
eyes upon the ground when speaking or listening.
The food for the troops was obtained with the greatest difficulty, after
constant worry and endless applications. It was in vain that I insisted
upon the right of paying for a supply of corn; the chiefs replied: "Is
not Kabba Rega your son? can a son sell corn to his own father"
At the same time we never had two days' provisions in store, and we were
simply living from hand to month. This looked suspicious, as though the
troops were to be rendered helpless by the absence of supplies in the
event of hostilities.
My few Baris consisted of my good interpreter Morgian, together with
three other natives, who had been for some years in the employ of
Suleiman. I had kept these people with me, as they knew something about
the country and the Unyoros. They were all armed and were tolerably good
shots. One of these fellows (Molodi), a native of the Madi country, was
extremely useful and intelligent. He now told me that I could never
depend upon Kabba Rega, and that he had simply begged me to send the
irregulars out of the country in order that I should not hear the truth
of his former conduct from them; also, in their absence, I should be
quite ignorant of the paths that were now completely overgrown with
immensely high grass throughout the country.
An incident occurred on the 31st May which caused me serious anxiety.
The station was in complete order: the cultivation was thriving, and the
general appearance of the government settlement was a strong contrast to
the surrounding wilderness of high grass, and the large and dirty town
of Masindi.
My troops were now without occupation, therefore I instructed Colonel
Abd-el-Kader to drill them every morning.
It had been the daily practice of the band to march up and down the
broad approach, and to perform nearly opposite Kabba Rega's public
divan.
There was no clear place in which the troops could be drilled, except in
the public square at the back of Kabba Rega's divan; this was about the
centre of the town.
The square was an open space of about two acres, and was the spot at
which all public festivities were held, and where, upon many occasions,
Kabba Rega delighted to sit, in a large open shed, to witness the absurd
performance of his buffoons.
This open space was well adapted for the exercise of a company of
troops. I therefore ordered the men on parade, and I accompanied them
myself together with Lieutenant Baker.
The band played, as usual, at the head of the company, and we marched
through the town to the open square.
Here the troops were put through their musketry drill, and commenced
various evolutions.
To my astonishment, I saw the natives hurrying off in all directions. I
was perfectly unarmed, as were also the officers (excepting their side
arms) and Lieutenant Baker.
Almost immediately the huge war-drum sounded in the house of Kabba Rega,
and the dull hollow notes continued to beat the alarm!
In less than ten minutes, horns were blowing and drums were beating in
all directions, and with extraordinary rapidity, some five or six
thousand men came pouring down from every quarter, fully armed with
spears and shields, in a state of frantic excitement, and at once
surrounded the troops. Fresh bands of natives, all of whom were in their
costume of war, continued to concentrate from every side. The crowd of
warriors leapt and gesticulated around my little company of men as
though about to attack.
I immediately gave the order to form a square with fixed bayonets. This
manoeuvre puzzled the natives extremely.
They danced around the square, within a few feet of the glistening row
of bayonet-points, which were lowered so as to form an impenetrable
fence.
The officers were of course inside the square. I gave the men strict
orders not to fire under any provocation, unless I gave the word of
command, and attended by Lieutenant Baker and Monsoor, the latter with
his sword drawn, I left the square, and walked into the middle of the
crowd, towards the three chiefs, Rahonka, Kittakara, and Matonse, who
were all standing with lances in their hands, and apparently prepared
for action.
Although the situation was full of meaning, I thought the best policy
was to appear amused. At this moment Monsoor struck up with his sword, a
lance, which one of the frantic warriors, in the midst of his wild
gesticulations, had advanced within a few inches of my back.
The interpreters (many of whom I knew well) were all armed with muskets,
and the bonosoora were dressed in their usual fantastic manner when
prepared for war; a considerable number were provided with guns.
The slightest accident would have caused a general outbreak of
hostilities. I had eighty men on the ground; the remainder of the force
were at the station, about three hundred yards distant, where Lady
Baker, and all stores and ammunition, would have been in extreme danger,
had an attack become general.
I at once walked up to Rahonka and Kittakara, and calling an
interpreter, named Kadji-Barri, who was standing near them, dressed in
Arab clothes, with his musket in his hand, and his cartouche-belt on his
waist, I burst out laughing, and exclaimed: "Well done, Kadji-Barri!
this is famously managed; let us have a general dance. Ash Kitiakitri if
my band shall play, or will you dance to your own music?"
This was immediately translated to the chiefs, and my demeanour seemed
to cause some hesitation. I at once ordered our band to strike up.
The instant that a well-known lively air commenced, I begged them to
exhibit some native dance to amuse us. Seeing their hesitation, I
inquired whether they would wish to see my men perform? After a few
words between Kittakara and Rahonka, the former agreed that it would be
better for my men to commence the dance first.
I lost no time in explaining to Kittakara. At that he must at once
address the crowd and assure them that the performance about to commence
was intended for their amusement, and there was no cause for fear. At
the same time, I begged him to order the crowd to stand back, and to
afford space for my troops, who were about to advance with the bayonet.
In a loud voice Kittakara gave the necessary explanation.
I ordered the bugler to sound the advance, and the whole band sounded
the charge with the bayonet (sinjatre doran).
At the inspiriting call, each side of the square advanced at the double
with bayonets at the charge. The crowd, lately so demonstrative, fell
quickly back, and, having thus cleared the square, I told Kittakara to
order every individual of the crowd to sit down upon the ground.
The great mass of people obeyed the order with the discipline of
soldiers, and my troops fell back and re-formed their square as before.
The little square, with a single line of front of twenty men, now
occupied the centre of the clear space.
I lost no time in inquiring for Kabba Rega, whom I insisted upon seeing.
After a short delay he appeared, in company of some of his bonosoora. He
was in a beastly state of intoxication, and, after reeling about with a
spear in his hand, he commenced a most imbecile attempt at warlike
gestures.
Had my eighty men been armed with breech-loaders, I could have mown down
hundreds by a fire from the square, had hostilities been forced upon us;
but, as the greater portion were armed with old muskets, we might have
been overwhelmed by a general rush, when reloading after the first
volley.
Kabba Rega was so drunk that he did not appear to recognize me, but he
continued to reel about for a short time, and thus to expose his idiotic
condition, until his chiefs at length recommended him to retire.
Kittakara now explained that, if I wished to have a general dance, they
would prepare a grand entertainment at some future time; but he now
begged me to withdraw the troops, as the sun was very hot, and the
natives were fatigued.
I assured Kittakara and the chiefs that the people had no cause for
fear, and that now that my station was completed I should frequently
bring the troops to the public square for musketry drill, as there was
no other open space, unless Kabba Rega would order his people to clear
away the high grass, which he had so often promised to do.
The band now struck up, and the troops, in single file, marched through
the narrow lanes of the crowded town. I walked at their head, and I was
much pleased by seeing my little friend, Cherri-Merri, who ran out of
the crowd, and taking my hand, he marched with us as a volunteer, and
accompanied us to the station.
Upon arrival at the government quarters, I found all hands armed and
well stationed for the defence of the divan and powder-magazine, by my
wife, who was commandant in my absence. She had placed rockets in
readiness to fire the town on the instant of a volley of musketry being
heard. My good little officer had also laid out a large supply of spare
ammunition, together with every gun, rifle, and pistol, all of which
were laid on a table in the divan, ready to repel an attack.
I now sent for Rahonka, who was supposed to be the general of Kabba
Rega's forces.
The conduct of little Cherri-Merri was very gratifying, as he had
adhered to his true friends in a moment of great uncertainty.
Rahonka shortly appeared. My interpreter, Umbogo, was absent on leave
for two days to visit his farm; thus Rahonka was accompanied by
Kadji-Barri, who was well accustomed to us, and had often received
presents.
I now insisted upon an explanation concerning the sudden beating of the
war-drum and the extraordinary assembly of the people armed for war.
Rahonka looked foolish and nervous, as though he doubted the chance of a
safe retreat. He could not give any satisfactory reason for the hostile
display we had so recently witnessed, but he attributed it to the
drunken state of Kabba Rega, who had sounded the alarm without any
reason.
I assured Rahonka that such conduct would not be permitted; and that if
such a scene should occur again, I should not allow the troops to be
surrounded by thousands of armed men, in hostile attitudes, without
immediately taking the initiative.
Rahonka retired, and in a few minutes we received twenty loads of corn
for the troops, as a peace-offering.
Thus ended the month of May, which had nearly closed in bloodshed.
There could be no doubt that an attack upon the troops had been
intended; and I could not help admiring the organization of the people,
that enabled so large a force to be concentrated upon a given point in a
few minutes after the alarm had sounded. My wife, upon whose cool
judgment I could always depend, described vividly her apprehensions of
treachery. She had witnessed the extraordinary energy which the natives
had exhibited in rushing from the neighbouring villages, almost
immediately when the war-drum had sounded. They had poured in streams
past the station, and had brandished their lances and shields at her as
they thronged at full speed within fifty yards of the government
clearing.
Fortunately, when the big nogara had sounded, both she and the troops
understood the signal, and with praiseworthy speed she had placed every
man in position to defend the station. Even the servants and our black
boys were armed, and occupied the posts assigned to them. Without these
precautions it is highly probable that the station would have been
attacked, in which case it might have been at once overwhelmed by so
immense a superiority of force.
I felt that on the whole we had narrowly escaped from ruin. My
intention, when in the open square, had been to seize a rifle from a
soldier, and at once to shoot Kabba Rega had hostilities commenced after
his appearance; but, even had we been able to hold our own, with a party
of eighty men, we should have lost the entire station, together with all
our ammunition, and every soul would have been massacred.
I had serious misgivings for the future. This demonstration looked
extremely bad after the departure of my thirty-six men with the post to
Fatiko. If Kabba Rega and his people were treacherous, they could easily
murder the party whom they were pretending to escort as friends.
On the other hand, I could not conceive why Kabba Rega or his people
should be ill-disposed, unless he harboured resentment on account of the
discovery of his theft of the muskets and ammunition from the
irregulars, which I had forced him to restore.
My Baris and Molodi all declared that he was suspicious because I had
pardoned the slave-hunters and received them into government service.
This merciless young villain, who had so treacherously murdered his own
kith and kin, had no conception of forgiveness; thus he could not
understand why I had not killed the slave-hunters when they were once in
my power.
There was no doubt that discontent rankled deeply in his heart for some
cause or other; as he had never appeared, or received visits, for many
days, but had sulkily shut himself up within his own court.
He only went out daily, at a certain time, to collect subscriptions for
the pay of his beloved rascals, the bonosoora; but this led him through
the town in the opposite direction to our camp, therefore we never saw
him.
The collection of alms was a most undignified proceeding. At the hour of
his exit from his house, a band of fifes or flageolets struck up a
peculiar air which was well known as the signal for preparing to pay for
the king's visit. The few notes they played was a monotonous repetition
of :--
As his pipes played before him, Kabba Rega called at any houses that he
thought proper to select, and received from the inmates of each, a few
cowrie shells, which are used as the smallest coin in Unyoro. These
shells were afterwards divided among his bonosoora as their daily pay.
My station had not been arranged for defence, as I considered that
hostilities in this country could not be possible. Although black human
nature is the darkest shade of character, I never could have believed
that even Kabba Rega could have harboured treacherous designs against
us, after the benefits that both he and his people had received from me.
The country had been relieved from the slave-hunters, and my people were
actually on the road to Fatiko to liberate and restore to their families
about 1,000 women and children of Unyoro. I was about to establish a
school. No thefts had taken place on the part of the troops. The rights
of every native had been respected. The chiefs had received valuable
presents, and the people had already felt the advantage of legitimate
trade.
At the same time that hostility appeared impossible, I could not blind
myself to the fact of the late demonstration; it would therefore be
absolutely necessary to construct a small fort, for the security of the
ammunition and effects, which could no longer be exposed in simple straw
huts, without protection.
I explained this necessity to my officers and men, all of whom were
keenly alive to the evil spirit of Kabba Rega, from whom they expected
future mischief.
This miserable young fellow was nearly always drunk; his time was passed
in sucking plantain cider through a reed, until he became thoroughly
intoxicated. We were, therefore, subject to any sudden order that he
might give in a fit of drunkenness.
His people obeyed him implicitly, with that fanatical belief that is
held in Unyoro respecting the person who occupies the magic throne
(Bamba).
There could be no doubt that he was offended and insulted: therefore,
according to the principle in vino veritas, he might pluck up courage to
surprise us when least expected.
I determined to build a fort immediately.
I drew a plan of a circular stockade, surrounded by a ditch and earthen
parapet. The ditch ten feet wide by seven deep. The diameter from scarp
to scarp, sixty feet; diameter of inner circular court, thirty-six feet.
With the assistance of Lieutenant Baker I drew the plan on the ground,
and my troops set to work with that vigour which always distinguished
them.
There were numerous large trees of the fig tribe in the immediate
neighbourhood. This wood was exactly adapted for the purpose, as it was
easy to cut, and at the same time it was undying when once planted in
the ground. Any log of the bark-cloth tree will take root if watered.
The axes with which the men were provided now came into play, and the
clicking of so many tools at work at once surprised the natives.
Rahonka, Kittakara, and other chiefs came to inquire concerning our
intention.
I explained the necessity of storing the gunpowder in a fireproof
building. Only a few days ago several native huts had been burnt; such
an accident might endanger our station, therefore I should construct an
earthen roof over a building of strong palisades. I explained that
should the whole of the ammunition explode, it might ignite and destroy
Masindi.
My men thoroughly understood their work. Immense logs, nine feet in
length, and many upwards of two feet in diameter, were planted, close
together, in holes two feet deep. Any interstices were filled up with
smaller posts sunk firmly in the ground. The entrance to the little fort
was a projecting passage, about twelve feet long, and only three feet
wide, formed of two rows of enormous palisades, sunk two feet six inches
in the earth, which was pounded closely down with heavy rammers. This
passage was an important feature in the power of defence, as it added to
the flanking fire. A reference to the plan will show that the
arrangement of this small fort gave us three fireproof rooms for the
protection of stores and ammunition, and for the accommodation of the
necessary guard. Each of these rooms was formed of the strongest
palisades, upon which I arranged a flat roof of thick posts, laid
parallel, which were covered with tempered earth and chopped straw for
the thickness of a foot.
The earth from the ditch would lie against the outside face of the
stockade, at an angle of about 40 degrees from the edge of the ditch to
within eighteen inches of the projecting roof: thus the defenders could
fire from the strong rooms through the interstices of the upright
timbers.
We commenced this fort on the morning of 2nd June, and every palisade
was in its place and firmly rammed down by the evening of the 5th; thus,
in four days' hard work we had an impregnable protection in a position
nearly half-way between the entrance of the main approach and the
government divan.
The digging of the ditch was commenced, but this was a longer operation,
as we were provided with the light Unyoro hoes, which were not
sufficiently powerful to cut through the hard gravel subsoil.
The interpreter, Umbogo, returned on 3rd June. He could not in the least
explain the hostile demonstration of 31st May. This added to my
suspicion, as Umbogo must have known more than he chose to tell.
On the 4th June envoys arrived direct from M'tese, the king of Uganda,
with a letter of welcome, written in Arabic, addressed to myself.
The principal messenger was one of M'tese's headmen, named Waysooa. The
commander-in-chief, Congow, had also sent a representative, named
Bonneggesah; these people were accompanied by an interpreter named
Bokamba.
The envoys were remarkably well-dressed, in Indian clothes, and they
appeared quite civilized, as though native merchants of Bombay.
They now delivered their credentials from King M'tese: these were
objects that had been given to him many years ago by Speke and Grant. A
printed book (Kaffre laws), several water-colour drawings, including a
picture of a guinea-fowl and a yellow-breasted pigeon; also a little
folding-book with sketches of British soldiers of various regiments.
These I carefully examined and returned to the envoys, who wrapped them
neatly in a piece of calico as great treasures. (I must acknowledge
the important assistance rendered by the King M'tese, which was the
result of the good reputation left by my precursors, Speke and Grant.)
The general, Congow, had sent a tusk to SELL! I declined the offer, but
I sent him a scarlet blanket as a present. I also packed up an
assortment of handsome articles for M'tese, including many yards of
orange-coloured gold brocade, sufficient for a large flowing robe.
I gave presents to the envoys, and they appeared delighted, bowing
frequently to the ground while upon their knees, with their hands
clasped together, and repeating the word, "N'yanzig," "N'yanzig,"
"N'yanzig."
In reply to my inquiries, nothing had been heard of Livingstone. I sent
M'tese a letter in Arabic, begging him to use every exertion in a search
for the great traveller, and to forward him to me, should he be so
fortunate as to discover him. At the same time I wrote two letters,
which I addressed to Livingstone; in these I gave him the necessary
information. I consigned them to the care of M'tese, to be forwarded to
any travellers who might be heard of, far or near.
In my letter to M'tese, I complimented him upon the general improvement
of his country, and upon his conversion from heathenism to a belief in
the Deity. I explained, that owing to his kindness to Speke and Grant,
his name had become known throughout the world, and I begged him to show
the same attention to Livingstone.
I described the object of the expedition, in opening up a trade from the
north that would bring merchandise of every description to his kingdom;
but I advised him to send his own carriers, as I felt sure that Kabba
Rega was already jealous, and would endeavour to prevent the opening of
the commercial road to M'tese, as he would himself wish to monopolize
the trade.
This was a little stroke of diplomacy that I felt sure would open a
direct communication without delay, as M'tese looked down with contempt
upon Kabba Rega, and would at once feel insulted at opposition from such
a quarter. (The good effect of this policy will be seen towards the
close of the expedition.)
Should I have any open rupture with Kabba Rega, M'tese would at once
attribute the cause to the obstructive and selfish character of the
ruler in Unyoro.
I explained to the envoys all that I had written to M'tese, and having
exhibited the varieties of merchandise that belonged to the expedition,
I took them into the wonderful private house, where they were introduced
to the Queen, and the Princess of Wales, and the gaudy ladies, together
with the fox-hunters and hounds, the large mirrors, the wheel of life,
&c.; all of which were duly explained to them. A good shock with the
magnetic battery wound up the entertainment, and provided them with much
material for a report to their royal master upon their return to Uganda.
The geographical information afforded by these people I shall extract
verbatim from my journal, in which it was written at that particular
time: thus, geographers will hear all that I heard, and they may form
various opinions, which will perhaps add still further to the interest
pertaining to the mysteries of Central Africa.
"The native name for the Victoria N'yanza is Nerraa Bali: There are two
lakes adjoining each other, one is Nerraa Bali, the other Sessi; both of
which are very large, and they are separated by a neck of land about a
day's march across.
"On the Sessi Lake the natives live on floating islands, and subsist by
fishing; exchanging their fish for flour, &c., upon the main land.
"There is a narrow water-communication through the neck of land or
isthmus, which can be passed through by a canoe in one day."
On the 5th June the envoys returned towards Uganda, having been highly
gratified with their visit. They had appeared much concerned at hearing
of poor Speke's death; and continued to exclaim for some minutes, "Wah!
Wah! Speekee! Speekee! Wah! Speekee!"