RESTORATION OF THE LIBERATED SLAVES.
The work had now fairly commenced, and Kabba Rega and his chiefs were
assured of a grand reform. Already the slave-hunters had been punished:
the vakeel, Suleiman, was secured in the stocks, and the slaves that had
been kidnapped had been restored to their homes in Unyoro. I now
determined to insist upon the restoration of all the Unyoro slaves that
had been carried away from this country, and were captives in the
zareebas of Fatiko, Fabbo, Faloro, and Farragenia. From the descriptions
of Kabba Rega and his chiefs, I considered that these prisoners amounted
to about a thousand persons--women and children.
Umbogo, the interpreter, declared that Abou Saood's companies would
attack the government troops, should I insist upon the liberation of the
slaves. He had lived with these slave-hunters, and he had frequently
heard them declare, that, "should the Pacha ever arrive in this country,
and insist upon the suppression of slavery, they would shoot him rather
than lose their slaves." I treated this idea as an absurdity.
At the same time that Kabba Rega and his people were eager for the
restoration of the numerous women and children that had been stolen from
Unyoro, they were themselves great slave-dealers.
M'tese, the powerful King of Uganda, on the southern frontier of Unyoro,
was in the habit of purchasing ivory in that country for the merchants
of Zanzibar.
These purchases were made by an exchange of slaves, brass-coil
bracelets, and long cotton shirts; which were either of British or
Indian manufacture, that had arrived via Zanzibar.
M'tese, with his usual sagacity, did not permit the merchants of that
country to enter Uganda in force, but he received from them both slaves
and merchandise, which he sent into the surrounding countries for the
purchase of ivory. He thus monopolized the trade, and kept the price at
a minimum.
In Unyoro there was an established value for a healthy young girl. Such
a person was equal to a single elephant's tusk of the first class, or to
a new shirt. Thus a girl could be purchased for a shirt, and she might
be subsequently exchanged for a large elephant's tusk.
In the country of Uganda, where the natives are exceedingly clever as
tailors and furriers, needles are in great demand. A handsome girl may
be purchased for thirteen English needles! Thus for slave-traders there
existed an excellent opening for a profitable business. A girl might be
bought for thirteen needles in Uganda, to be exchanged in Unyoro for an
elephant's tusk that would be worth twenty or thirty pounds in England.
Abou Saood's brigands had been far too lawless even for this innocent
traffic, and in default of the merchandise necessary for such profitable
exchanges, they had found it more convenient to kidnap young girls,
which saved much trouble in bargaining for needles and shirts.
In every African tribe that I have visited, I found slavery a natural
institution of the country. I had at length discovered that it was bad
policy to commence a dissertation against the slave trade generally;
this attacked local interests, therefore it was more diplomatic to speak
against the capture of women and children that belonged to my hearers,
but to avoid a discussion upon the moral aspect of the slave trade.
The negro idea of the eighth commandment is: "Thou shalt not steal--from
ME;" but he takes a liberal view of the subject when the property
belongs to another.
I had been rather startled in the year of my arrival at Gondokoro, when,
during the voyage, I landed and conversed with some sheiks of the Shir
tribe. One of these headmen was loud in his complaints against the
slave-hunters and against the slave trade in particular, from which his
tribe had suffered. Many of the women and children had been carried off
by a neighbouring tribe, called the Berri, on the east of the Nile. The
sheik therefore proposed that I should join him with my troops and
capture all the women and children that belonged to his enemies. This
was natural enough, and was a simple example of the revenge that is
common to uneducated human nature. The sheik and I got on famously, and
I found a good listener, to whom I preached a touching sermon upon the
horrors of the slave trade, which I was resolved to suppress.
The good man was evidently moved at the allusion to the forcible
separation of children from their parents.
"Have you a son?" he asked.
"My sons are, unfortunately, dead," I replied.
"Indeed!" he exclaimed. "I have a son--an only son. He is a nice boy--a
very good boy; about so high (showing his length upon the handle of his
spear). I should like you to see my boy--he is very thin now; but if he
should remain with you he would soon get fat. He's a really nice boy,
and always hungry. You'll be so fond of him; he'll eat from morning till
night; and still he'll be hungry. You'll like him amazingly; he'll give
you no trouble if you only give him plenty to eat. He'll lie down and go
to sleep, and he'll wake up hungry again. He's a good boy, indeed; and
he's my only son. I'll sell him to you for a molote! (native iron
spade)."
The result of my sermon on the slave trade, addressed to this
affectionate father, was quite appalling. I was offered his only son in
exchange for a spade! and this young nigger knave of spades was
warranted to remain always hungry.
I simply give this anecdote as it occurred without asserting that such
conduct is the rule. At the same time, there can be no doubt that among
the White Nile tribes any number of male children might be purchased
from their parents--especially in seasons of scarcity.
Girls are always purchased, if required, as wives. It would be quite
impossible to obtain a wife for love from any tribe that I have visited.
"Blessed is he that hath his quiver full of them" (daughters). A large
family of girls is a source of wealth to the father, as he sells each
daughter for twelve or fifteen cows to her suitor. Every girl is certain
to marry; thus a dozen daughters will bring a fortune of at least 150
cows to their parents in all pastoral countries.
In Unyoro, cattle are scarce, and they belong to the king; therefore the
girls are purchased for various commodities--such as brass-coil
bracelets, bark-cloths, cotton shirts, ivory, &c.
I was anxious to establish a new and legitimate system of trade in this
country, which would be the first step towards a higher civilization. I
accordingly devoted every energy to the completion of the station, in
which we were assisted by the natives, under the direction of their
various headmen.
The order and organization of Unyoro were a great contrast to the want
of cohesion of the northern tribes. Every district throughout the
country was governed by a chief, who was responsible to the king for the
state of his province. This system was extended to sub-governors and a
series of lower officials in every district, who were bound to obey the
orders of the lord-lieutenant. Thus every province bad a responsible
head, that could be at once cut off should disloyalty or other signs of
bad government appear in a certain district.
In the event of war, every governor could appear, together with his
contingent of armed men, at a short notice.
These were the rules of government that had been established for many
generations throughout Unyoro.
The civil war had ceased, and Kabba Rega having ascended the throne, the
country had again fallen into the order that a previous good
organization rendered easy.
The various headmen of the district now appeared daily, with their men
laden with thatch grass and canes for the construction of the station.
I commenced a government house, and a private dwelling adjoining for
myself.
On my first arrival at Masindi I had begged Kabba Rega to instruct his
people to clear away about fifty acres of grass around our station, and
to break up the ground for cultivation, as I wished my troops to sow and
reap their own corn, instead of living at the expense of the natives.
The system, both in Uganda and Unyoro, is bad and unjust.
Should visitors arrive, they are not allowed to purchase food from the
people, but they must be fed by the king's order at the cost of the
inhabitants. This generally results in their not being fed at all, as
the natives quit the neighbourhood.
I had suffered much from hunger in Unyoro, during my former visit, in
the reign of Kamrasi; therefore I wished to protect myself against
famine by a timely cultivation of the surrounding fertile land, which
was now covered with rank grass about nine feet high.
In a military point of view it was impolitic to sit down within a
station incircled by a dense grass covert, and although I had not the
most remote suspicion of hostility in this country, I preferred a
situation whence we could enjoy an extensive landscape.
The Albert N'yanza lay distant about twenty miles on the west, in the
deep basin which characterizes this extraordinary sheet of water.
Immense volumes of cloud rose in the early morning from the valley which
marked the course of the lake, as the evaporation from the great surface
of water condensed into mist, when it rose to the cooler atmosphere of
the plateau 1,500 feet above the level.
The proposal of farming did not appear to please Kabba Rega. It was
explained that the men were not accustomed to labour in the fields, as
agricultural work was performed by the women, all of whom were now
absent and engaged in preparing their own land.
Although Masindi was a large town, I was struck by the absence of
females. The only women that I saw were two, one of whom was the pretty
wife of Umbogo the dragoman. It has already been explained, that the
absence of women generally denotes hostility, but as the rainy season
necessitated hard work, I accepted the explanation.
The corn for the supply of Masindi was brought from a distance of two
days' journey, and numbers of people were daily employed in going to and
fro for the general provisions of the station.
The slave-hunters belonging to Suleiman, who were now prisoners under a
guard, numbered twenty-five men: I employed these people daily to clear
away the high grass, which was piled and burnt, the ashes were then
spread, and the ground was hoed up and thoroughly prepared by the
troops.
It was in vain that I urged upon Kabba Rega and his chiefs the necessity
of cultivation for the supply of corn requisite for the troops. Every
day they promised to clear away the grass, provided the soldiers would
then dig and prepare the ground. This I agreed to do, but the natives
showed no intention of working.
I began to suspect that Kabba Rega had an objection to a large open
clearing. The tactics of all natives are concealment; if a man is
frightened, he hides in the grass; in case of hostilities, the high
grass is a fortress to the negro. It became evident that we were to
remain surrounded by this dense herbage, which not only obstructed the
view, but rendered the station damp and dreary.
I explained to the chiefs the folly of Kabba Rega in thus neglecting
such magnificent soil, which, with a little labour, would produce all
that we could require, and would save both him and his people the
trouble of feeding us. At the same time I set all hands of my own people
to clear a large space and to make gardens.
Unyoro had always been a country of cowardice and suspicion, and I could
plainly see that we were narrowly watched. Kabba Rega usually sat in his
public divan from about two p.m. till 4 daily, to transact public
business. This large circular building was extremely neat, and the
ground was carefully strewed with the long fringes of the papyrus rush,
after the fashion of our ancestors in England, who, before the
introduction of carpets, strewed the floor with rushes.
The young king informed me that, as he wished to be in constant
communication with me personally, he should build a new divan within a
few yards of my residence, so that we could converse upon all occasions
without being watched by his people.
This was merely an excuse for erecting a building within fifty yards of
my house, from which his guards could watch all that happened, and
report everything to their master.
The new building was constructed with wonderful quickness, and prettily
walled with canes inside to resemble basket-work.
Kabba Rega came to his new divan, attended by a number of his guards, or
bonosoora, armed with guns. To give him confidence, I went to see him
unattended, except by Lieutenant Baker and my ever-faithful attendant,
Monsoor, who did not at all approve of my going unarmed.
The conversation quickly turned upon guns. Kabba Rega was delighted with
the mechanism of Monsoor's snider rifle, which he at once understood and
explained to his body-guard. He appeared to have quite lost his shyness;
and he begged me to consider him simply in the light of my own son, and
to give him all the merchandise AT ONCE that I had brought with me to
establish a new trade.
I told him that fathers did not give their sons all their property at
once; but that if I saw that he performed his duty to the Khedive, he
need not fear. I had both the power and the good-will to reward him.
He continued the conversation precisely according to his late father
Kamrasi's style: "I have no one but yourself to regard. Does not a
father consider the interests of his son? You were my father's friend;
and I have always looked for your return. I knew that Abou Saood was a
liar when he spoke against you; I knew that he was an impostor when he
announced himself as the son of a sultan. Would the son of a sultan only
give me a present of an old carpet and a dirty washing-basin? I always
said, 'Wait till the Pacha comes', Mallegge, (Mallegge, or the Man with
the Beard, was my nickname in Unyoro during my former journey.) my
father's friend. He is truly a great man, who does not travel
empty-handed; and he will bring me presents worth my acceptance--things
that the impostor, Abou Saood, does not understand the use of.' By the
by, there was a magic instrument with which you could find your way
without a guide in strange countries, that you PROMISED to send to my
father; you have, of course, brought it for me?"
This demand amused me much, as I well remembered how Kamrasi had
bothered me for my compass. I pretended that he meant a watch, which I
had already given him.
At length I was obliged to promise that if he would clear away the grass
and cultivate the neighbouring ground, I would give him a compass.
I now explained the advantages of free trade, and I begged him to order
his men to complete the government house without delay, as I could not
unpack my numerous boxes until I had some place where I could exhibit
the contents. I described the difficulties of the route from Khartoum,
and the expense of transport from Gondokoro, owing to the unwillingness
of the Baris to carry loads, and I explained my intention of erecting
steamers on the Nile which would bring all kinds of merchandise to
Unyoro via the Albert N'yanza in exchange for ivory, thus the Zanzibar
trade would turn towards the north and the elephants' tusks that were
now purchased by M'tese, would remain in Unyoro, until delivered to the
Khedive's government in barter for manufactured goods.
The name of M'tese seemed to make him uncomfortable. He replied: "You
are my father, and you will stand by your son against his enemies. This
M'tese troubles me. In my father Kamrasi's lifetime he frequently
attacked us, and carried off our herds together with our women and
children. He is too strong to resist single-handed, but now that you are
hero I shall have no fear. Don't let us talk about merchandise, that
will come in due time; never mind trade; let us talk about guns and
gunpowder. You must give me muskets and ammunition in large quantities;
I will then arm all my bonosoora (soldiers) and with your assistance I
will fight M'tese. I will then fill your large new house with ivory for
the Khedive."
"There is no time to lose; you PROMISED to fight Rionga; my troops are
all ready, your men have nothing to do. Keep a few here, and send the
main force with my army to attack him at once, before he has time to
escape to the Langgos."
I could almost have imagined that I had been speaking with Kamrasi, so
thoroughly did his son resemble him in his diplomacy.
I answered him with caution, declaring that I could not allow any
reckless acts that would plunge the country in confusion. He (Kabba
Rega) had nothing to fear; but time was required to ripen my plans. I
had promised that I would dismiss Suleiman and his people from Unyoro:
at the same time I should liberate all the slaves that had been stolen
by Abou Saood's companies, and restore them to their homes. This was my
first duty, that would assure the natives of my sincerity, and establish
general confidence in the government.
Fatiko was 160 miles distant. I should therefore send Suleiman and his
people under an escort direct to Major Abdullah, the commandant, with
orders to recover from Abou Saood all the slaves that had been captured
from Unyoro.
Major Abdullah would then break up his camp at Fatiko, and march in
charge of the slaves, with his detachment of 100 men, together with all
effects, and join me at Unyoro. He would, upon arrival at the Victoria
Nile, occupy the now deserted station of Suleiman at Foweera; thus he
would be within a march of Rionga.
The old enemy of the family (Rionga) would then have an opportunity,
either of declaring his allegiance and remaining at peace, or, should he
become turbulent, a government force would be at hand to control him.
I therefore arranged that Kabba Rega should supply me with 300 carriers,
who would accompany my escort to Fatiko and transport all stores,
ammunition, &c., &c., so as to concentrate my force in Unyoro.
This plan seemed to delight Kabba Rega; he declared that the first step
necessary was the banishment of Suleiman and his people from the
country. The next move would be the attack upon Rionga. I explained to
him that it would be quite useless for any enemy to retreat for security
to the river islands, as the rockets would search them out in the middle
of the dense canes, and they would be only too glad to escape; but at
the same time, I should hope that Rionga would come to terms and avoid
the necessity of a resort to force.
That evening, after we had dined, and I was smoking my customary
chibouque, Kabba Rega astonished me by an impromptu visit; he was as
usual attended by some of his followers armed with muskets. He sat down
at the table, and having felt the table-cloth, he wished to know "why
the table was covered;" he then examined the tumblers, and everything
that was present, all of which he seemed to admire. I offered him some
gin and water. This he smelt but would not taste, as he suspected
poison; accordingly he poured it into wine glasses, and divided it among
three of his people, who were obliged to drink it, while their master
watched them attentively, in expectation of some ill effects. His people
rather approved of the poison, and asked for more. Kabba Rega seemed to
think that a larger dose was necessary; but as we could not afford to
waste Geneva by experiments upon numerous attendants, all of whom were
to be poisoned with our good liquor for the amusement of the king, I
sent the bottle away and turned the subject.
Kabba Rega now minutely examined the lamps and glass shades. The
principle was explained to him, and the candle was withdrawn from the
tube and spring, and again replaced. He expressed a wish to have one,
saying that he intended to have everything precisely as I had.
I assured him that this was my object; I wished to create new wants
among his people and himself, which would tend to develop commerce. He
might have everything in European style, and live in a civilized manner,
now that the route was open from the north. Ivory was abundant in this
country, and this would provide him with the means of purchasing all
that he could desire.
I had ordered Monsoor to arrange a stake in the ground, with a large
nail driven in the top at right angles to form a rocket-stand. I now
asked Kabba Rega if he would like to see a rocket fired.
The idea delighted him, and a few rockets having been brought, together
with port-fires and blue lights, we exhibited the fireworks. There was
no wind, thus the rockets did no damage, as they were inclined towards
the north, in which direction there were no buildings.
Kabba Rega himself ignited a rocket with a port-fire, and although
rather nervous at the great rush of fire, he seemed interested at the
fact that a town composed of straw huts could be destroyed from a
distance . . . .
On the following morning, Umbogo, the dragoman, told me that the natives
had been very much frightened at the rockets, as they said, "the Pacha
was going to set the sky on fire."
The station was progressing rapidly. The soil was of such extraordinary
richness that the seeds sprang up like magic. On the third day after
sowing, the cucumbers, melons, pumpkins, and cotton seeds, showed
themselves above ground.
I had made a broad walk of red gravel from Kabba Rega's new divan, to
the government house. The roads and approaches were finished, and all
neatly laid with fresh gravel stamped firmly down. The borders of all
paths and roads were sown with the best quality of Egyptian cotton,
known in Egypt as galleen. My large tent was pitched beneath an immense
banian-tree, close to which was the new government house. This
grand-sounding name was given to a very solid construction of a most
simple character. The divan was a building containing only one room
twenty-eight feet long by fourteen wide, and about twenty feet high. It
was carefully thatched with overhanging eaves, which formed a narrow
verandah, and it was entered by a commodious porch; this was arched in
the native fashion, and was so large that it formed a lobby, in which we
sometimes dined. The inside walls of the divan were neatly made with
canes closely lashed together.
There was a back door to this public room which communicated with a
separate house by a covered way.
This was our private residence, which also consisted of only one room;
but I had arranged it with extreme neatness, in order to excite the
admiration of Kabba Rega and his chiefs, who would, I hoped, imitate the
manners and customs of civilized life, and thus improve trade.
The room was twenty-four feet long by thirteen wide. The walls were as
usual made of canes, but these were carefully hung with scarlet
blankets, sewn together and stretched to the ground, so as to form an
even surface. The floor was covered with mats. Upon the walls opposite
to each other, so as to throw endless reflection, were two large oval
mirrors (girandoles) in gilt metal frames. A photograph of her Majesty
the Queen stood on the toilet table.
At the extreme end of the room was a very good coloured print, nearly
life size, of her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales. The scarlet
walls were hung with large coloured prints, life size, of very beautiful
women, with very gorgeous dresses, all the jewelry being imitated by
pieces of coloured tinsel. A number of sporting prints, very large, and
also coloured, were arranged in convenient places on the walls. There
were fox-hunting scenes, and German stag-hunts, together with a few
quiet landscapes, that always recalled the dear old country now so far
away.
The furniture was simple enough: two angarebs, or Arab stretchers,
which, during the day, were covered with Persian carpets and served as
sofas, while at night they were arranged as beds. The tables were made
of square metal boxes piled one upon the other and covered with bright
blue cloths. These were arranged with all kinds of odd trinkets of gaudy
appearance, but of little value, which were intended to be asked for,
and given away. Two native stools curiously cut out of a solid block
formed our chairs. The guns and rifles stood in a row against a rack
covered with red Turkey cloth; and a large Geneva musical box lay upon a
table beneath the Princess of Wales.
Altogether the room was exceedingly pretty. It would have been vulgar if
in England; but it was beautifully clean, and it shortly became the
wonder of Central Africa.
I had brought the large gilt mirrors from England specially for M'tese,
the king of Uganda, and for Kamrasi. I knew that if they were arranged
in my own house, the news would be carried to M'tese immediately; and
the fact of so great a curiosity and treasure being on the road to him
would at once open a communication.
On 8th May, the prisoners of Suleiman's company, numbering twenty-five
persons, came to the divan, headed by Ali Genninar, and supplicated
forgiveness. They all declared their desire to be registered on the
government books as irregular troops.
I had already witnessed an example of their duplicity, therefore I had
no confidence in their professions, but at the same time I did not know
what to do with them. The fact of their being in custody required twenty
soldiers to relieve the necessary guards. I therefore determined to be
magnanimous, as I was only too happy to be rid of such bad bargains
should they run away. The only man that I trusted was Ali Genninar; he
was a clever and plucky fellow that I had known in my former African
journey, at which time he belonged to the company of Ibrahim.
After a good lecture I forgave them, and they all received their serkis
(certificates) as members of the irregular corps. Ali Genninar was to
have the rank of lieutenant.
I told them that it was my intention to hoist the Ottoman flag, and to
officially annex the country in the presence of Kabba Rega and his
people, therefore I did not wish any subjects of the Khedive to be in
disgrace upon such an occasion, excepting only Suleiman, who would be
sent to Cairo on the first opportunity, to answer for the murder of the
prisoner at Foweera. I therefore divided a few pounds of beads among
them for the purchase of new bark-cloths, as I could not allow them to
appear in their dirty clothes on the day of the ceremony.
They all went away rejoicing, and swearing fidelity, at the same time
confessing their sins, and vowing that I had treated them better than
they had deserved.
As usual, our proceedings were narrowly watched by the guards stationed
at Kabba Rega's new divan, within fifty yards of my house. These spies
immediately ran off to their master with the report that I had forgiven
the slave-hunters who were lately prisoners, and that I had actually
made them presents of beads. (At that time I had not the slightest
idea that the liberation of the prisoners would excite suspicion in the
minds of Kabba Rega and his people, but there can be no doubt that this
act of clemency on my part destroyed the confidence which had previously
existed.)
This report was quickly confirmed, as the new and dirty members of the
irregular corps, who were now at liberty, presented themselves in the
town with their hands full of beads to purchase the necessary
bark-cloths. These cloths are prepared from the bark of a species of
fig-tree in a very simple manner, which I have personally witnessed.
A piece of bark about six feet long, and as wide as possible, is
detached from the trunk of the tree. The outside rind is pared off by a
lance-head used with two hands, like a cooper's drawing-knife. The bark
is then laid upon a beam of wood on the ground, on which it is hammered
with a mallet grooved in fine cuts, so that the repeated blows stamp the
bark with lines somewhat resembling corduroy. This hammering expands the
bark, which is repeatedly turned and hammered again, until at length it
is beaten into a cloth of rather fine texture. The action of the air
colours the material, which, although white when first stripped from the
tree, quickly assumes a delicate shade of brown, as a slice of an apple
oxydizes upon exposure in our own climate.
The finest cloths are ornamented with patterns in black. These are
simply produced by drawing the design with water from iron springs,
which combining with the tannin of the bark immediately stains it.
The sheets of bark-cloth are frequently dyed this colour by immersing
them for a short time in springs of the same water.
The finest cloths are produced in Uganda, and all that are used for
royal wear are brought from that country in exchange for ivory.
My new men, the late slave-hunters, who I hoped were "wicked men that
had turned away from their wickedness," had succeeded in purchasing a
quantity of new cloths ready for the day of annexation.
That night, at about nine o'clock, just before we were going to bed, we
had remarked an extraordinary stillness in the town of Masindi. There
was not a whisper to be heard throughout the capital, where generally
the night was passed in the uproar of drunken singing and blowing of
horns.
Suddenly this extraordinary silence was broken by the deep notes of a
nogara or drum. This sounded for a second or two, and ceased. Again all
was still as death.
A sudden burst of hellish noise, such as I have never heard before or
since, now startled every soldier to his feet, and without orders, every
man armed and fell into position!
Colonel Abd-el-Kader, with his sword belted on and a rifle in his hand,
came to me for orders on the instant. The ever-ready Monsoor was armed
and by my side.
In the mean time the din of very many thousands continued, yelling and
shrieking as though maniacs; I should imagine that at least a thousand
drums were beating, innumerable horns were blowing, with whistles,
fifes, and every instrument that would add to the horrible uproar.
At the same time not a human being was visible.
Mohammed, the dragoman, appeared, together with Umbogo. In reply to my
question as to the cause of such a sudden irruption of noise, Umbogo
laughed, and said it was "TO MAKE ME AFRAID, and to exhibit the great
numbers of people that were collected at Masindi."
This was all. I therefore at once ordered the band to play, as I
determined to accept the carefully planned surprise as a compliment that
I would return.
The band struck up, the cymbals clashed, the big drum thundered, and the
buglers blew their loudest, while the regimental drums rattled away as
hard as the sticks could roll upon the skins.
In a short time the noise of the town ceased, and the only sound was
occasioned by our own band.
I ordered them to cease playing. Once more there was perfect stillness.
I ordered the sentries to keep a sharp look-out, and we all went to bed.
This was a practical joke that did not please me, as it smacked of
distrust and defiance. It took place on the same day upon which I had
liberated the slave-hunter's people, and engaged them as irregular
troops.
On the following morning I sent several messengers to Kabba Rega to beg
him to pay me a visit. They all returned, some saying that he was
asleep--others, that he was drunk. It was the usual habit of this young
man to get very drunk every night, and to sleep until about 2 p.m., when
he dressed and attended at his public divan.
I now heard that native messengers had arrived from the country of
Faieera, which formed one of the districts within nine miles of Fatiko,
under the charge of the great sheik, Rot Jarma, who had sworn allegiance
to the government, and was under the protection of Major Abdullah.
These messengers had brought some guns and ammunition to sell to Kabba
Rega. They wished particularly to see me, as they had important news.
When they appeared in the divan, I at once recognized them as people
that I had seen at Fatiko.
They informed me that since my departure, Abou Saood and his people had
ridiculed the authority of my commandant, Major Abdullah; and to prove
to the natives how powerless he was to protect them, Abou Saood had sent
his men to attack Rot Jarma, and they had carried off his cattle and
slaves.
The messengers declared that both Rot Jarma and all the natives were
delighted with Major Abdullah and his troops, as they were very
different from the slave-hunters, but the latter were too numerous and
strong for Abdullah to contend against.
I told them that Abdullah was only waiting for orders; but if such was
the state of things "why had he not written a letter by this
opportunity?"
The natives asserted that the slave-hunters of Abou Saood had lost five
of their party, killed in the attack upon Rot Jarma; therefore they (the
messengers) were afraid to go near the station of Major Abdullah. They
had accordingly travelled fast to bring me the news (160 miles), at the
same time they brought the guns for sale to Kabba Rega.
It was the old story of deception and rebellion. Before my face Abou
Saood would cringe to the earth, but he became an open rebel in my
absence. It was absolutely necessary to place this man under arrest.
When the Baris were at open war with the government, he had not only
associated with their chief, but he had armed parties of these natives
with muskets, which he employed in his zareebas.
He now attacked, in defiance of government protection, those friendly
natives of Faieera who had become peaceable subjects of the Khedive.
This was the same spirit of defiance that had been exhibited by Suleiman
when he slaughtered the prisoner to whom I had granted an asylum.
Unless I should arrest Abou Saood, it would be ridiculous to attempt the
establishment of a government. This scoundrel knew the weakness of my
military force. He had himself requested Kabba Rega to attack me upon my
arrival in his country. He was now plundering and kidnapping in the
districts that were under government protection; this would immediately
be known to Kabba Rega and his people, who would naturally conclude that
my assurances of protection were valueless, and that Abou Saood was
stronger than the government of the Khedive.
I determined to send orders to Major Abdullah to arrest Abou Saood if
the reports were true concerning Faieera, at the same time he was to
insist upon the liberation of all the Unyoro slaves, which he was to
escort with his detachment to Foweera on the Victoria Nile.
There was no doubt that this fellow, Abou Saood, was confident of
support from some Egyptian authority behind the scenes; he had therefore
determined to be humble before my face, to avoid being pounced upon at
once, but to have his own way when my back was turned, as he trusted
that after the advice he had given to Kabba Rega I should never return
from Unyoro. It would then be said that I had been killed by the
natives, the affair would be ended, and the official supporters of Abou
Saood would reinstate him in his original business for a sufficient
CONSIDERATION.
I made arrangements for the departure of my new irregulars. After many
invitations I at length succeeded in allaying Kabba Rega's
apprehensions, and he promised to pay me a visit on the 11th May.
Lieutenant-Colonel Abd-el-Kader went to meet him, and escorted him to
the new house.
On arrival in the divan he was much astonished and delighted. The room,
twenty-eight feet by fourteen, was arranged with double rows of metal
boxes on all sides, so closely packed that they formed either low tables
or seats, as might be required. These were all covered with blue
blankets, which gave a neat appearance, upon which, at the east end of
the room, were exhibited samples of the various goods that I had brought
for the establishment of a regular trade in Unyoro. There were tin
plates as bright as mirrors, crockery of various kinds, glasses, knives
of many varieties, beautiful Manchester manufactures, such as Indian
scarfs, handkerchiefs, piece-goods, light blue serge, chintzes, scarlet
and blue blankets, blue and crimson cotton cloth, small mirrors,
scissors, razors, watches, clocks, tin whistles, triangles, tambourines,
toys, including small tin steamers, boats, carriages, Japanese spinning
tops, horn snakes, pop-guns, spherical quicksilvered globes, together
with assortments of beads of many varieties.
"Are these all for me?" asked Kabba Rega.
"Certainly," I replied, "if you wish to exchange ivory. All these things
belong to the Khedive of Egypt, and any amount remains in the magazines
of Gondokoro. These are simply a few curiosities that I have brought as
an experiment to prove the possibility of establishing a trade."
Among other things, the wheel of life attracted his attention. This had
frequently been exhibited, but neither Kabba Rega nor his chiefs ever
tired of the performance.
The magnetic battery was now called for, and Kabba Rega insisted upon
each of his chiefs submitting to the operation, although he was afraid
to experiment upon himself. He begged Lieutenant Baker, who managed the
instrument, to give as powerful a shock as he could, and he went into
roars of laughter when he saw a favourite minister rolling on his back
in contortions, without the possibility of letting the cylinders fall
from his grasp.
Every individual of his headmen had to suffer, and when all had been
exhausted, the ministers sought outside the divan among the crowd for
any particular friends that might wish to try "the magic."
At length one of the wires of the instrument gave way, as a patient
kicked and rolled frantically upon the ground; this was a good excuse
for closing the entertainment.
Kabba Rega now requested permission to see our private residence. I told
him that only himself together with four of his chiefs and the
interpreter, Umbogo, could be permitted to enter. These were Rahonka
(his maternal uncle), Neka (his uncle, Kamrasi's brother), Kitakara, and
Quonga. On that occasion the tall chief, Matonse, endeavoured to push
his way through, but was immediately turned back by the sentry and
Monsoor. (This little incident must be remembered, as the man took a
dislike to Monsoor from that moment.) The first exclamation upon
entering the room was one of surprise--"Wah! Wah!"--and Kabba Rega and
his chiefs covered their mouths with one hand, according to their custom
when expressing astonishment.
The large looking-glasses were miracles. Kabba Rega discovered a great
number of Kabba Regas in the endless reflections of the two opposite
mirrors. This was a great wonder that attracted particular attention.
It was then discovered that every person was multiplied in a similar
manner! This was of course "cojoor" (magic). It was difficult to draw
them away from the looking glasses, but at length the pictures were
examined. The Queen was exhibited and explained, and I described her
subjects to be as numerous as the white ants in Unyoro. The Princess of
Wales was a three-quarter face; and they immediately asked "why she had
only one ear?" The same question of unity was asked respecting the leg
of a man in a red coat on a white horse.
Every lady's portrait was minutely examined, but to our great
satisfaction, that of the Princess was declared by general consent to be
the most lovely.
I was much struck with this exhibition of good taste, as the other
portraits were pretty faces, but the hair and dresses were gaudily
ornamented, whereas that of the Princess of Wales was exceedingly
simple; the dress being an evening gown of white satin.
I should have suspected that natives would have preferred the gaudy
attire, without bestowing sufficient admiration on the features.
Kabba Rega now asked "why the women in the various portraits all looked
at him?" wherever he moved, their eyes followed him.
His chiefs now discovered that the faces in the pictures were also
looking at them; and the eyes followed them whether they moved to the
right or left! This was cojoor, or magic, which at first made them feel
uncomfortable.
One of my wife's female servants, Wat-el-Kerreem, would never remain by
herself in this room, for fear of "the eyes that stared at her."
Everything that we possessed was now minutely scrutinized. The guns and
rifles of various breechloading mechanism were all displayed and
admired. Kabba Rega thoughtfully asked "which of them I had intended for
him?" His uncle, Rahonka, exclaimed--"You have done wisely in bringing
all those guns as presents for Kabba Rega." My visitors were quite
charmed. The musical box played various delightful airs, and it was
remarked that it would be more convenient than an instrument which
required the study of learning, as "you might set this going at night to
play you to sleep, when you were too drunk to play an instrument
yourself; even if you knew how to do it."
This was my young friend Kabba Rega's idea of happiness--to go to sleep
drunk, assisted by the strains of self-playing melody.
Of course, the large musical box was asked for; and, of course, I
promised to give it as a present from the Khedive of Egypt, if I found
that Kabba Rega conducted himself properly.
My wife's trinkets, &c., were now begged for; but it was explained that
such things were private property belonging to the Sit (lady). "The Sit!
the Sit! the Sit!" the young cub peevishly exclaimed; "everything that
is worth having seems to belong to THE SIT!"
A small and beautifully-made revolver, with seven chambers, now
attracted his attention. "Does this also belong to the Sit?" inquired
Kabba Rega. "Yes, that is the Sit's own little revolver," was the reply;
at which the young king burst out laughing, saying, "Do women also carry
arms in your country? I see everything belongs to the Sit!"
My wife now gave him some of the finest Venetian beads, of which we only
had a few dozen. These were much prized. He was then presented with a
handsome gilt bracelet, set with four large French emeralds. This was a
treasure such as he had never seen. He also received a few strings of
fine imitation pearls.
After much delay and vexatious demands for everything that he saw, we at
length got rid of our visitor.
I had explained to Kabba Rega the intended ceremony of hoisting the flag
in the name of the Khedive, and that the country would be in future
under the protection of Egypt, but that he should remain as the
representative of the government. He seemed highly pleased at the idea
of protection and presents, and expressed himself as very anxious to
witness the ceremony. . . . . . . On the 14th May, 1872, I took formal
possession of Unyoro in the name of the Khedive of Egypt.
I recalled to the recollection of Kabba Rega and his chiefs the day
when, many years ago, I had hoisted the British flag, and thus I had
turned back the invading force of Wat-el-Mek, and saved Unyoro. I now
declared that the country and its inhabitants would be protected by the
Ottoman flag in the same manner that it had been shielded by the Union
Jack of England.
There was a tall flag-staff fixed at the east end of the government
house.
The bugle sounded the "taboor," the troops fell in, the irregulars (late
slave-hunters) formed in line with that charming irregularity which is
generally met with in such rude levies.
Kabba Rega had received due notice, and he quickly appeared, attended by
about a thousand people.
The band played; Kabba Rega's drums and horns sounded, and the troops
formed a hollow square to listen to a short address.
Kabba Rega was invited within the square; and the men faced about with
fixed bayonets, as though prepared to receive cavalry. It was now
explained to the young king that this formation defended all sides from
attack at the same time. He seemed more interested in getting out again,
than in the explanation of military tactics. He evidently had suspicions
that he was fairly entrapped when he found himself in the middle of the
square.
The flag was now hoisted with due formality; the usual military salutes
took place; volleys were fired; and the crowd at length dispersed,
leaving the Ottoman flag waving in a strong breeze at the head of the
flag-staff.
As a proof of his satisfaction, Kabba Rega immediately sent me a present
of twelve goats.
One of the soldiers had been caught in the act of stealing potatoes from
a native. This having been proved conclusively against him, I sent word
to Kabba Rega to summon his people to witness the punishment of the
offender.
A great crowd of natives assembled, and the thief having received
punishment in their presence, was confined in the stocks, and was
condemned to be sent back to Gondokoro. This strict discipline had a
strong moral effect upon my men; as thefts, which had formerly been the
rule, had now become the exception. The natives were always assured of
justice and protection.
On 19th May, my people were ready to start, with the post and the
prisoner Suleiman, to Fatiko. Kabba Rega declared that the 300 carriers
were in readiness with fifty loads of flour for the journey; and he said
that he had already sent orders to Foweera to prepare the deserted
zareeba of Suleiman for the reception of Major Abdullah and his
detachment on their arrival.
The party was to consist of a serjeant and ten men (regulars), together
with twenty-five irregulars under the charge of my old Cairo dragoman,
Mohammed.
Ali Genninar had the military command in the place of the second vakeel,
Eddrees, who was suffering from chronic dysentery. I had arranged that
the party should start on the following day.
In the afternoon I had an interview with Kabba Rega in his private
divan, within our garden. I was suddenly interrupted by Ali Genninar and
a few of his men, who presented themselves in the face of Kabba Rega, to
inform me that they could not start without their guns!
It appeared that on the day that Abd-el-Kader had ordered Kabba Rega to
disarm the people of Suleiman upon his first arrival at Masindi, the
young king had certainly ordered their disarmament, but he had himself
retained their arms and ammunition, in addition to a goatskin bag with
about 300 rounds of ball-cartridge. This had never been reported to me.
The mendacious young king had the audacity to deny this, in face of
several witnesses; and he would at once have retired from the divan (and
probably I should never have seen him again) had I not insisted upon his
remaining until the affair had been thoroughly explained.
It was then discovered that he had returned all the muskets to
Abd-el-Kader, except five; which were not forthcoming.
I requested him in future to adhere more strictly to the truth; as it
was a disgrace for a man in his position to tell a falsehood, which
would render it impossible for me to place implicit confidence in him;
at the same time I insisted upon the immediate return of the guns,
together with the cartouche-belts and ammunition.
The young king retired in great confusion and stilled anger, with a
promise that everything should be restored!
In the afternoon he sent five wretched old muskets that had been injured
in the stocks, and repaired with the raw hide of crocodiles. These had
never belonged to the irregulars; but he had kept their good guns, and
hoped to exchange these wretched weapons, which had been given some
years ago to Kamrasi by the vakeel, Ibrahim.
I spoke very strongly to Kittakara, his favourite minister; and
explained to him the folly and discredit of such conduct.
Kittakara replied: "Is not Kabba Rega your son? Do you begrudge him a
few good guns and ammunition taken from your late enemies, the
slave-hunters?"
It was in vain that I endeavoured to explain that these people were
subjects of the Khedive, and had now received forgiveness: therefore, as
they were engaged as irregulars they must receive their arms. Kittakara
simply replied: "Do you believe in these people? Do you think that,
because they have now enlisted through fear, they will ever change their
natures?"
I asked him "if soap would wash the black spots from a leopard's skin?"
but I explained that I could strip the skin at once off the leopard, and
should quickly change their natures.
Day after day passed, and the ammunition was only returned in driblets,
after constant and most urgent demands.
On 21st May I sent word to Kabba Rega (who had declined to appear in
public or private) that if he persisted in this deception I should
myself be compelled to return to Fatiko, as it would be impossible for
me to hold communications with any person in whom I could place no
confidence.
In the event of my departure from Unyoro he knew the consequences. He
would be ridiculed by Rionga, who would join the slave-hunters and
attack him should I withdraw my protection. On the south he would be
invaded by M'tese, who would imagine that Kabba Rega had prevented me
from visiting him; thus his country would be utterly ruined.
The chiefs, Neka, Kittakara, and Matonse, to whom I spoke, appeared
thoroughly to comprehend the position.
During the day the five missing guns were returned, together with the
goatskin bag (chorab), containing much of the missing ammunition--some
of which had been abstracted.
On 23rd May I sent off the party to Fatiko, together with the
post--including letters to Egypt, Khartoum, and England, to be forwarded
by first opportunity. (These never arrived in England.)
I wrote to Wat-el-Mek to offer him the command of an irregular corps of
400 men, which he was to raise immediately from those companies that
were now thrown out of employment by the termination of the contract
with Agad & Co.
I sent written instructions to Major Abdullah to arrest Abou Saood, and
to liberate all the Unyoro slaves in the possession of his people. He
was then to forward Abou Saood, together with Suleiman, as prisoners, to
the care of Raouf Bey at Gondokoro; and to march himself with his
detachment and all effects, together with the liberated slaves, to
Foweera.
Three hundred natives accompanied my party from Unyoro to transport the
baggage of Major Abdullah.
I had not seen Kabba Rega since the day when he had lied concerning the
possession of the muskets and ammunition. Whether from shame or anger I
could not tell, but he declined to appear.
The party started with the post, thus reducing my force by the departure
of thirty-six men, including eleven regulars and twenty-five of the new
irregular levy.
I was now left with one hundred regulars, four sailors, and four armed
Baris.