ARRIVAL AT FATIKO.
ON 6th March, 1872, we started from the bivouac at the base of the Shooa
mountain at 6.10 A.M.
The troops were in excellent spirits, the air was fresh and cool in this
elevated country, the horses had been well groomed, and the arms and
accoutrements had been burnished on the previous afternoon, in order to
make a good appearance before my old friends the natives of Fatiko and
Shooa.
The bright scarlet uniforms and snow-white linen trousers of 212 men
looked extremely gay upon the fresh green grass, which had lately sprung
up throughout this beautiful park.
There was no enemy in this country. From a former residence of five
months at Shooa, both my wife and myself were well known to the
inhabitants, and I felt sure that our arrival would be hailed with
gladness. In my former visit I had been a successful hunter, and had
always given the flesh to the natives; thus, as the road to a negro's
heart is through his stomach, I knew that my absence must have been
felt, and that the recollections of past times would be savoury and
agreeable.
I had with me a herd of 1,078 cows and 194 sheep. No guard was
necessary, and I intrusted the stock to the care of the three boatmen,
and my Bari interpreter, Morgian.
The line of march was thus arranged:--Myself, with my wife and
Lieutenant Baker, on horseback in advance, preceded by the guard of five
of the "Forty Thieves." Then came Colonel Abd-el-Kader and the remaining
forty-three, composing the gallant "Forty." After which came the
regiment, all necessarily in single file. Then came the baggage with 400
carriers, followed by the herd of cattle.
All our boys were dressed in their scarlet uniforms, and the girls and
women generally had dressed in their best clothes. Little Cuckoo as
usual carried my small travelling-bag upon his head, and kept his line
with the other boys, all of whom assumed an air that was intended to be
thoroughly regimental.
In this order the march commenced. The distance was only six miles. This
was as lovely a route as could be conceived.
Magnificent trees (acacias), whose thick, dark foliage drooped near the
ground, were grouped in clumps, springing from the crevices between huge
blocks of granite. Brooks of the purest water rippled over the time-worn
channels cut through granite plateaux, and as we halted to drink at the
tempting stream, the water tasted as cold as though from an European
spring.
The entire country on our left was a succession of the most beautiful
rocky undulations and deep verdant glades, at the bottom of which flowed
perennial streams. The banks of these rivulets were richly clothed with
ornamental timber, the green foliage contrasting strongly with the dark
grey blocks of granite resembling the ruins of ancient towers.
We travelled along a kind of hog's back, which formed the watershed to
the west. As we ascended, until we reached a large plateau of clean
granite of about two acres, we broke upon a magnificent panorama, which
commanded an extensive view of the whole country.
On the west, we looked down upon the plains through which we had
arrived, and the view stretched far away beyond the Nile, until it met
the horizon bounded by the grey outline of the distant mountains.
No one could feel unhappy in such a scene. I trod upon my old ground,
every step of which I knew, and I felt an exhilaration of spirits at the
fact that I was once more here in the new capacity of a deliverer, who
would be welcomed with open arms by the down-trodden natives of this
country.
Having descended from the clean plateau of rock, we carefully rode
across a slippery channel that had been worn by the sandy torrents of
the rainy season, and once more arrived at level ground. We were now on
the great table-land of Fatiko.
Upon our left, a mass of bold ruins, the granite skeleton remains of a
perished mountain, which formed a shelter from the morning sun, tempted
us to halt.
We had thus suddenly appeared upon the greensward of the plateau without
the slightest warning to the inhabitants of Fatiko. About a mile before
us stood the large station of Abou Saood, which occupied at least thirty
acres. On our right we were hemmed in by a wall of granite, sloped like
a huge whale, about three-quarters of a mile long and 100 feet high. The
southern extremity of this vast block of clean granite was the rocky and
fantastic hill of Fatiko crested with fine timber. To our left, and
straight before us, was a perfectly flat plain like a race-course, the
south end being a curious and beautiful assemblage of immense granite
blocks, and groups of weeping acacia.
A large village occupied the base of Fatiko hill ... The bugles and
drums sounded "the advance." The echoes rang from the hard granite rock
as the unusual sound gave the first warning of our presence.
I had dismounted from my horse, and was watching the slaver's camp with
a powerful telescope, as the bugles sounded and the men fell into order.
A number of people ran out of the camp, and stared at the blaze of
scarlet uniforms, which must have appeared as a larger force than the
reality, owing to the bright contrast of red with the green turf.
In an instant there was confusion in the camp. I soon distinguished
immense numbers of slaves being driven quickly out, and hurried away to
the south. The slaver's drum beat, and a number of crimson flags were
seen advancing, until they halted and formed a line close to the
entrance of the village. I now saw natives rushing wildly to and fro in
all directions armed with spears and shields.
Some time elapsed before the cattle and baggage arrived. In the meantime
I waited, perched on a block of granite, with my telescope, watching
every movement. There was no doubt that our sudden appearance had caused
intense excitement. I saw men running from the trader's station to the
large village opposite, at the foot of the hill.
At length, I observed two men approaching.
We were not yet ready for a general advance, therefore, as the servants
and carriers, cattle, &c., fell into order, the band struck up some
Turkish airs, which sounded extremely wild and appropriate to the
savagely-beautiful scenery around us.
In the meantime the two messengers drew nearer. They were both filthy
dirty, and appeared to be clad in dark-brown leather. One man seemed to
hesitate, and stood about sixty yards distant, and demanded who we were.
Upon hearing from Colonel Abdel-Kader that it was "the Pacha," and that
"he need not be afraid," he told us that Abou Saood was at the station,
and that he would run back with the news.
The other messenger came timidly forward, until he stood close beneath
me. My wife was on horseback by my side.
Can it be possible? MOHAMMED, my old Cairo servant of former years?
The grand dragoman of the lower Nile reduced to this! My wife exclaimed,
"Ah, Mohammed, I am very glad to see you; but how wretched you appear!"
This was too much for the prodigal son; he seized my wife's hand to
kiss, and burst into tears.
Poor Mohammed! he had gone through many trials since we last met. When I
left him in Khartoum ill with guinea-worm in the leg, he was on his way
to Cairo; but after my departure he had been tempted by the
slave-traders to re-engage in the infamous but engrossing career, and he
too had become a slave-hunter. He had never received any pay, as the
custom of the slavers was to pay their men in slaves. Mohammed had never
been fortunate in his domestic affairs; he was not a favourite of the
ladies; thus his female slaves had all run away; his fortune had walked
off, and he was left a beggar, with an overdrawn account in slaves.
Mohammed had never been a good English scholar, but want of practice
during many years had almost obscured the light of his former learning,
which was reduced to the faintest glimmer.
The bugles now sounded the "advance," and we marched forward in
admirable order, with the band playing.
In the meantime, several natives had approached, and having recognized
Lady Baker and myself, they immediately raced back to the village with
the news.
My men looked remarkably well, and the advance into Fatiko was a sight
that was entirely new to Central Africa. We were in magnificent order
for work, with a hardy disciplined force of 212 men, and a stock of
cattle and merchandise that would carry us to any direction I might
desire.
This arrival, in such perfect organization, was a fatal blow to the
hopes and intrigues of Abou Saood. I was actually among them, in the
very nest and hotbed of the slavers, in spite of every difficulty.
Abou Saood came to meet me, with his usual humble appearance, as we
neared his station; and he cringingly invited us to rest in some huts
that had just been prepared for our reception.
I declined the invitation, and prepared to camp beneath some grand
acacias, among the granite rocks, about a quarter of a mile beyond,
where I had rested some years ago. I accordingly led the way, until we
arrived at a very beautiful spot, among some immense granite blocks,
shaded by the desired foliage. Here the word was given "Halt!" and the
tent was quickly pitched in a favourable locality.
We were now distant from the junction of the Un-y-Ame river 48 miles,
from Lobore 85 miles, and from Gondokoro 165 miles.
Abou Saood ordered his people to bring a number of straw-roofs from his
station, to form a protection for the officers. The men quickly housed
themselves in temporary huts, and the cattle were placed for the night
in a regular amphitheatre of rock, which formed an excellent position.
On 8th March, I reviewed the troops, and having given the natives
warning of my intention, I had a sham-fight and attack of the Fatiko
mountain. Having fired several rockets at a supposed enemy, the troops
advanced in two companies to the north and south extremities of the
mountain, which they scaled with great activity, and joined their forces
on the clean plateau of granite on the summit of the ridge. The effect
was very good, and appeared to delight the natives, who had assembled in
considerable numbers. After firing several volleys, the troops descended
the hill, and marched back, with the band playing.
The music of our band being produced simply by a considerable number of
bugles, drums, and cymbals, aided by a large military bass-drum, might
not have been thought first-rate in Europe, but in Africa it was
irresistible.
The natives are passionately fond of music; and I believe the safest way
to travel in those wild countries would be to play the cornet, if
possible without ceasing, which would insure a safe passage. A London
organ-grinder would march through Central Africa followed by an admiring
and enthusiastic crowd, who, if his tunes were lively, would form a
dancing escort of the most untiring material.
As my troops returned to their quarters, with the band playing rather
cheerful airs, we observed the women racing down from their villages,
and gathering from all directions towards the common centre. As they
approached nearer, the charms of music were overpowering, and, halting
for an instant, they assumed what they considered the most graceful
attitudes, and then danced up to the band.
In a short time my buglers could hardly blow their instruments for
laughing, at the extraordinary effect of their performance. A fantastic
crowd surrounded them as they halted in our position among the rocks;
and every minute added to their number.
The women throughout the Shooli are entirely naked, thus the effect of a
female crowd, bounding madly about as musical enthusiasts, was very
extraordinary. Even the babies were brought out to dance, and these
infants, strapped to their mothers' backs, and covered with pumpkin
shells, like young tortoises, were jolted about without the slightest
consideration for the weakness of their necks, by their infatuated
mothers.
As usual, among all tribes in Central Africa, the old women were even
more determined dancers than the young girls. Several old Venuses were
making themselves extremely ridiculous, as they sometimes do in
civilized countries when attempting the allurements of younger days.
The men did not share in the dance, but squatted upon the rocks in great
numbers to admire the music, and to witness the efforts of their wives
and daughters.
The men of Shooli and Fatiko are the best proportioned that I have seen;
without the extreme height of the Shillooks or Dinkas, they are muscular
and well knit, and generally their faces are handsome.
The women were inclined to a short stature, but were very strong and
compact. It was singular, that throughout the great Shooli country, of
which Fatiko is simply a district, while the women are perfectly naked,
the men are partially clothed with the skin of an antelope, slung across
the shoulders, and covering the lower part of the body life a scarf. In
other countries that I had passed, the men were quite naked, while the
women were more or less covered.
After the dance, I was visited by several natives who had known me in
former years, among whom was my old guide, Gimoro, who had first led me
to Unyoro. Another excellent man named Shoeli now gave me all the
intelligence of the country. Both these men spoke Arabic.
It was a repetition of the old story. The country was half-ruined by the
acts of Abou Saood's people. The natives were afraid to resist them in
this neighbourhood, as every adjacent country had been plundered, and
the women and children carried off. Abou Saood had not expected that I
could leave Gondokoro; but he had told the Shooli natives to attack me
if I should arrive; thus on the day of my appearance, the natives, being
ignorant of my presence, had considered the dreaded Pacha must be an
enemy, until they had recognized my wife and myself as their old
friends.
Upon that day, when I had observed the natives running to and fro with
spears and shields, Abou Saood had told them to resist me at once, and
he had promised that his people should assist the Fatikos; but when the
natives saw our powerful force, they had known that an attack would be
useless; they had accordingly sent men to discover our intentions, and
these messengers had reported my return to their country in the capacity
of Pacha commanding the expedition.
My old friends now assured me, in reply to my explanation of the
Khedive's intentions, that the whole country would rally around a good
government, and all that the poor people desired was protection and
justice. The fact of my return would give confidence throughout the
country; and the news had already been carried to the great sheik, Rot
Jarma, who had never visited Abou Saood or his people, but who would
quickly tender his allegiance to me as the representative of the
Khedive.
I told Gimoro and Shooli to inform the headmen, and the people generally
throughout the country, of my pacific intentions, and to have no fear
now that the government was represented, as it would be impossible that
the atrocities committed by the slave-hunters of Abou Saood should
recur. At the same time I explained, that in about twenty days the
contract entered into between Agad and Co. with the Soudan government
would expire, and Abou Saood would be compelled to withdraw all his
people from the country, which would then remain solely in the hands of
the Khedive.
Throughout the subsequent expedition, I could always rely upon the
fidelity of these two men, Gimoro and Shooli.
After their departure to spread the good news far and wide, I had a long
conversation with my old servant, Mohammed, who I knew would give me
every information respecting the acts of Abou Saood and his people, as
he had been among them in these parts for many years.
He told me that my arrival at Fatiko was supposed to be improbable, as
the Gondokoro natives were known to be hostile to the government;
therefore it would be impossible to transport the baggage. Although the
Baris were at war with the government, Abou Saood had about seventy of
these natives at Fatiko, armed with muskets, in his employ; thus he was
openly in league with the enemies of the Khedive's government.
The report among the slave companies asserted that Abou Saood had been
in league with Raoul Bey to frustrate the expedition; thus the
conspiracy of the officers headed by Raouf Bey, which I had checkmated,
was the grand move to effect a collapse of the expedition, and to leave
a clear field for the slave-traders.
"Up to the present time, my arrangements have been able to overpower all
opposition."
The success of the corn collection at the moment of the conspiracy was
fatal to the machinations of Raouf Bey, and secured me the confidence of
the troops.
"The success of every attack that I have personally commanded has
clinched this confidence.
"The trader's people are discontented with their leaders; they are
without clothes or wages.
"Their parties have been massacred in several directions by the natives.
Nearly 500 loads of ivory have been burned, together with one of their
stations, by a night attack of the Madi, in which the slave-hunters lost
thirty-five killed, and the rest of the party only escaped in the
darkness, and fled to the forests.
"Thus I come upon them at a moment when they are divided in their
feelings. A dread of the government is mingled with confidence in the
arrival of a strong military force, which would be auxiliary in the
event of a general uprising of the country."
I found several of my old men engaged as slave-hunters. These people,
who had behaved well on my former voyage, confided all the news, and
were willing to serve the government. Kamrasi, the former king of
Unyoro, was dead, and had been succeeded by his son, Kabba Rega.
Some few of the people of Abou Saood had been on a visit to the king
M'tese at Uganda. This powerful ruler had been much improved by his
personal communication with the traders of Zanzibar. He had become a
Mohammedan, and had built a mosque. Even his vizier said his daily
prayers like a good Mussulman, and M'tese no longer murdered his wives.
If he cut the throat of either man or beast, it was now done in the name
of God, and the king had become quite civilized, according to the report
of the Arab envoys. He kept clerks who could correspond, by letters, in
Arabic, and he had a regiment armed with a thousand guns, in addition to
the numerous forces at his command.
The Arab envoys of Abou Saood had been treated like dogs by the great
M'tese, and they had slunk back abashed, and were only glad to be
allowed to depart. They declared that such a country would not suit
their business: the people were too strong for them; and the traders
from Zanzibar purchased their ivory from M'tese with cotton stuffs,
silks, guns, and powder, brass-coil bracelets, beads, &c. The beads were
exchanged by equal weight for ivory.
"Even at Fatiko the brass-coil bracelets from Zanzibar are now common.
Some of Abou Saood's people are actually dressed in Manchester
manufactures that have arrived via Zanzibar at Unyoro. This is a
terrible disgrace to the Soudan authorities; thus the Zanzibar traders
are purchasing by legitimate dealing ivory that should, geographically
speaking, belong to Cairo.
"While fair dealing is the rule south of the equator, piracy and ruin
are the rule of the north.
"Abou Saood and his people are now in a dilemma. For many years they
have pillaged the country, and after having taught the natives to regard
cows as the only medium of exchange for ivory, they have at length
exhausted the cattle. Thus the transport of their large stock of ivory
has for a time become impossible, as sufficient cows cannot be collected
for the purpose.
"Every load from Fatiko to Ismailia (Gondokoro) requires two cows; one
to Lobore, and another thence to the journey's end.
"By the Nile traders' arrangements, the companies of Abou Saood receive
as their perquisite one-third of all the cattle that may be stolen in
successful razzias.
"The consumption of cattle by these brigands is enormous. All flour is
purchased in exchange for flesh, while flesh is also necessary for food;
thus the cow is being eaten at both ends.
"The frightful drain upon the country may be imagined by
the following calculation, which is certainly below the truth:--
"If 1,000 loads of ivory must be carried to Ismailia,
2,000 cows are required as payment of carriers;
To capture in a razzia 3,000 cows,
1000 belong to the brigands as their perquisite;
300 are necessary to feed the native carriers and soldiers
_____ during the journey;
3,300 cows are required to deliver 1,000 loads of ivory a
distance of 165 miles, from Fatiko to Ismailia (Gondokoro).
A station of 350 men consumes
daily . . . . 700 lbs.
In addition, they require to
exchange for flour . . . . 350 lbs.
-----
Daily consumption of flesh . . 1,050 lbs.
"The oxen of the country do not average more
than 170 lbs. cleaned.
2,255 beasts are thus required annually.
-----
5,555 oxen are necessary to feed and pay for the transport
from a station only 350 strong; according to the
customs of White Nile brigandage.
"It must be remembered that at least a thousand, and sometimes double
that number of slaves, are prisoners in each station. All these must be
fed. The same principle is adopted in the exchange of flesh for flour;
thus the expenditure of cattle is frightful. Not only oxen, but all the
breeding cows and young calves are killed without the slightest
reflection. No country can support such wilful waste; thus after many
years of ravage, this beautiful province has become almost barren of
cattle. The central districts occupied by the slave-traders having been
denuded of cattle, it has become necessary to make journeys to distant
countries."
The slave-hunters of Abou Saood had recently suffered a terrible defeat,
at the hands of the warlike tribe of Umiro, which was a just reward for
the horrible treachery of their party.
A man named Ali Hussein was a well-known employee of Abou Saood. This
ruffian was an Arab. He was a tall, wiry fellow, with a determined but
brutal cast of countenance, who was celebrated as a scoundrel among
scoundrels. Even his fellows dreaded his brutality. There was no crime
that he had not committed; and as his only virtue was extreme daring,
his reputation was terrible among the native population.
This fellow had waited upon my orders daily since my arrival at Fatiko.
At the death of the former vakeel of Fatiko, Ali Hussein had succeeded
to the command of the station.
He had arranged to make a descent upon the Umiro tribe, about six days'
march to the south-east.
He accordingly sent natives as spies, with specious messages to the
Umiro, announcing his intention of visiting them to purchase ivory.
With a party increased by volunteers from other stations to a force of
about 300 men, he arrived at Umiro.
The simple natives received him gladly, and showed extreme hospitality.
The country was thickly populated, and abounded with vast herds of the
finest cattle.
After a week's sojourn among the Umiro, during which he had received
large presents of elephants' tusks, and seventy head of oxen from the
confiding natives, the treacherous ruffian gave an order to his brigands
at sunset. They were to be under arms an hour before daybreak on the
following morning, to set fire to the adjacent villages of their
generous hosts, and to capture their large herds of cattle, together
with their women and children.
At the time appointed, while every Umiro slept unconscious of
approaching danger, several villages were surrounded, and volleys of
musketry were poured upon the sleeping inmates. The straw huts were
ignited, and the flames rapidly spread, while a massacre commenced
similar to the butcheries to which the slave-hunters were so well
accustomed.
The Umiro, thus taken by surprise, and appalled by so dastardly a
treachery, were easily defeated. Their children and wives were captured,
together with large herds of cattle, which are celebrated for their
size. All these were driven in triumph to Fatiko.
The success of this infernal scheme, raised the reputation of Ali
Hussein to the highest pitch. The reports of the vast pastoral wealth of
the Umiro excited the cupidity of the various companies in the stations
of Abou Saood.
It was determined to make a grand attack upon a people, who, in spite of
their warlike character, had exhibited a total want of power to resist.
Ali Hussein sent an expedition of about 350 men, in addition to a large
number of Fatiko allies. They arrived on the borders of Umiro, within
about an hour's march of the villages doomed to pillage. The party was
under the command of a notorious ruffian named Lazim, whom I had known
during my former exploration.
Upon arrival in the Umiro country, during the night after a forced
march, he sent a detachment of 103 men, together with about 150 natives,
to attack the villages by a surprise at dawn, and to capture the slaves
and cattle in the usual manner.
The party started at the early hour of first cock-crow, while the main
body under Lazim waited for the result.
Hours passed, but the company did not return. A few shots had been heard
in the distance.
The country was clear and open, but nothing could be seen. There was no
lowing of cattle, neither did the heavy clouds of smoke, usual on such
occasions, point out the direction of burning villages.
Presently, drums were heard in every direction, the horns and whistles
of the Umiro sounded the alarm, and large bodies of natives rushed
across the plain to the attack of Lazim's main body.
They had just time to form, and to post the men around the strong cattle
kraal, which they had occupied, when the stream of enemies came down
upon them.
Upon the open plain, the Umiro had no chance in attacking so well
defended a position, and the muskets, loaded with heavy mould shot, told
with great effect upon the naked bodies of the assailants.
The Umiro were beaten back with some loss, and the slave-hunters held
the position, although in a state of terror, as they felt that some
terrible calamity must have befallen the party which had started to
surprise the villages.
After dark, a Bari native cried out to the sentries to let him pass.
This was a wounded man of their own people, the only survivor of all
those who had left the main body on that morning.
The Bari described, that the Umiro, having gained information of the
intended attack, had lain in ambush within high withered grass, in which
they had awaited the arrival of their assailants.
The slave-hunters were advancing as usual, in single file, along the
narrow track through the high grass, unsuspicious of an enemy, when the
Umiro rushed from both sides of the ambuscade upon them.
Taken by surprise, a panic seized the slave-hunters, very few of whom
had time to fire their muskets before they were speared by the pitiless
Umiro, who wreaked wholesale vengeance by the massacre of 103 of Abou
Saood's men and about 150 of their allies.
The main body under Lazim were completely cowed, as they feared an
overwhelming attack that might exhaust their ammunition. The Umiro had
now become possessed of 103 guns and several large cases of cartridges,
in addition to those in the pouches of the soldiers.
Night favoured the retreat, and the remnant of the expedition under
Lazim returned by forced marches to Fatiko.
The defeat had spread consternation among the various stations, as it
followed closely upon the destruction of a station belonging to Abou
Saood in the Madi country.
This zareeba had been under the command of a vakeel named Jusef, who had
exasperated the natives by continual acts of treachery and
slave-hunting. They had accordingly combined to attack the station at
night, and had set fire to the straw huts, by shooting red-hot arrows
into the inflammable thatched roofs.
These calamities had happened since the arrival of Abou Saood in the
Shooli country, and it was he who had given the order to attack the
Umiro. His own people, being naturally superstitious, thought he had
brought bad luck with him.
It appeared that when Abou Saood had first arrived at Fatiko from
Gondokoro, the vakeels of his different stations were all prepared for
the journey to deliver the ivory. They had given the cattle obtained in
the first attack upon Umiro to the native carriers of Madi and Shooli,
and the tusks had been arranged in about 2,000 loads for transport.
The sudden arrival of Abou Saood changed all their plans, as he
immediately gave orders to return the ivory to the store huts; he did
not intend to deliver it at Gondokoro that year. He also sent a letter
to his Latooka station, nine days' march to the north-east, together
with a party of eighty men, with instructions to his vakeel to deliver
the ivory at the Bohr station below Gondokoro.
He thus hoped to defraud the government out of the two-fifths due to
them by contract with Agad. At the same time, he had intended to remain
concealed in the interior of the country until I should have returned to
England; after which he had no doubt that affairs would continue in
their original position.
It may be imagined that my sudden arrival at Fatiko had disconcerted all
his plans.
In spite of his extreme cunning, he had over-estimated his own power of
intrigue, and he had mismanaged his affairs.
According to the agreement with Agad & Co., the representative of that
firm, Abou Saood, had contracted to supply the government troops with
all provisions at a given price, including even sheep and butter, as he
declared that he was in possession of these articles in his various
stations. He was also to assist the government expedition in every
manner, and to supply not only carriers, but even troops, should they be
necessary.
I read this contract to some of his principal men, who fairly laughed
outright at the audacity of Abou Saood in subscribing to such utter
falsehoods.
Not only had he secretly fraternized with the enemy, instead of
assisting the government, but he had cautioned the Baris not to carry
our loads, and he had incited the Fatiko natives to attack us. The
supply of food was too ridiculous. Instead of giving to the troops, he
had been obliged to borrow corn from the government magazines at
Gondokoro for his own people, and I had given him 200 cattle to save his
men from famine.
The deceit and treachery of this man were beyond belief. He now came to
me daily at Fatiko, and swore by the eyes of the Prophet, eternal
fidelity. He wished to kiss my hand, and to assure me how little his
real character had been understood, and that he felt sure I had been
influenced against him by others, but that in reality I had no servant
so devoted as himself. He declared that he had only attacked the Shir
and stolen their cows in order to supply the government troops with
cattle according to contract. (Thus he had the audacity to assert that
the government would become the purchaser of cattle stolen expressly for
their use.)
In spite of these protestations, he could not explain his reason for
having returned the ivory to store, instead of transporting it to
Gondokoro. He therefore met the difficulty by a flat denial, as usual,
calling upon the Prophet as a witness.
Only a few days of his contract remained, at the expiration of which he
should have withdrawn his establishments from the country, according to
my written orders that had been given many months ago.
He had entirely ignored these orders, as he had never expected my
arrival; therefore he had concealed all such instructions from his
people, in the hope that my terms of service would expire fruitlessly at
Gondokoro, and that, after my departure, he would have little difficulty
in arranging for the future with his friend Raouf Bey, who would most
probably succeed to the command.
I at once issued written orders to the vakeels of his different
stations, that, at the end of the month Mohurram, the contract with Agad
would cease, and that all future action would be illegal.
I gave all employees of Abou Saood due notice, that they must either
quit the country, or become respectable subjects.
I granted them permission to settle at Gondokoro, and to commence farms
on the fertile islands of the Nile free of all taxation.
Or, should they wish to enter the government service as irregular
troops, I offered the same pay as the regulars, with the advantage of an
annual engagement.
I met several headmen whom I had known in my former journey. These men
found fault with Abou Saood for having left them in the dark respecting
the contract with the government; and they at once declared that they
should be happy to serve as irregulars at the expiration of the
agreement.
There was a great difficulty respecting the ivory, which comprised in
all the stations 3,200 tusks.
The cattle that had been given to the native carriers for the transport
of the ivory to Gondokoro had only partially been returned by the
disappointed Madi. Many of these people had killed and eaten the beasts,
and had declared that they had died, when they found the necessity of
restoring them.
It was now necessary to move the ivory, together with all the
establishments, to Gondokoro. This would require at least 6,000 cows. It
was a complete fix. There were no cattle in any of Abou Saood's
stations; they had all been consumed; and he now came to me with a
request that I would lend him eighty oxen, as his people had nothing to
eat.
It was clearly impossible to move the ivory. Thus, in spite of my orders
given to Abou Saood about ten months previous, the opportunity of moving
had been lost, and the time of departure was reduced to sine die. This
was a hopeless condition of affairs. There were no cattle in Abou
Saood's possession, and without cows the ivory could not be moved. At
the same time, it would be impossible for me to permit him to make
razzias upon distant countries, as I had arrived to establish
government, and to afford protection to all tribes that would declare
their allegiance.
I now discovered that the principal vakeel of Abou Saood, named Mohammed
Wat-el-Mek, had only recently started with a large force, by Abou
Saood's orders, to invade the Kooshi country on the west side of the
White Nile, close to its exit from the Albert N'yanza.
This was a tribe that could not possibly have interfered with Abou
Saood; but as the cattle had been exhausted on the east bank of the
river, he had commenced a series of razzias upon the west. The Koshi
were people with whom friendship should have been established, as they
were on the navigable Nile that would eventually be traversed by the
steamer, when constructed at Ibrahimeyah. It was thus that all tribes
were rendered hostile by the slave-hunters.
Mohammed Wat-el-Mek (son of the king) was the man who had first
discovered and opened up the countries south of Gondokoro. This person
was a curious but useful character that I had always wished to employ,
as he had great power with the natives, and he knew every nook and
corner of the country.
I had known him during my former journey, and it appears that he had
always wished to serve me in the present expedition. The slave-traders
of Khartoum had been determined to prevent Wat-el-Mek from communicating
with me; thus, when I had arrived in Khartoum, this important personage
was actually there; but he was quickly sent by Abou Saood under some
frivolous pretext up the Blue Nile, to keep him out of the way.
On arrival at Gondokoro, he had studiously been retained on the west
bank of the river, and his name had been kept so secret, that I had
never heard it mentioned. Thus, although both at Khartoum and at
Gondokoro Wat-el-Mek had been within a few hundred paces of me, I had
always supposed that he was in Central Africa.
Abou Saood now declared that Wat-el-Mek had started many days ago from
Fatiko to Koshi; but I subsequently discovered that he had only left
Fatiko on the morning of my arrival, and that he was kept waiting at
Fabbo station, only twenty-two miles west of Fatiko, for several days,
while I had been told by Abou Saood that he had gone to Koshi.
Mohammed Wat-el-Mek was the son of a petty king far away up the Blue
Nile, beyond Fazokle.
He had in early life been a serjeant or choush in the Egyptian army; but
having an adventurous disposition, he had taken to the White Nile, as
the vakeel of Andrea Debono, a Maltese ivory merchant.
Mr. Debono, being a British subject, retired from the trade when the
slave-hunting arrived at such a pitch that it became impossible for
Europeans to continue business on the White Nile. (The slave trade
arrived at such a maximum that all European traders in ivory were driven
from the White Nile, including Mr. Petherick, British Consul.)
Debono had amassed a considerable fortune entirely through: the energy
of Wat-el-Mek, who had pushed into the interior, and had established his
stations with considerable forethought and skill throughout the formerly
unvisited Madi country.
Wat-el-Mek was an exceedingly black man, about the middle height, and
much pitted with the small-pox. While in the service of Debono, he had
commanded the station of Faloro, where he had most hospitably received
Speke and Grant on their arrival from Zanzibar. These great travellers
were entertained at Faloro during many weeks, and were afterwards
conducted by their host to Gondokoro, where I had the good fortune to
meet them.
Wat-el-Mek was a very courageous fellow; and although he would not
perhaps have been considered a good character at London police court, he
was a man who would be most useful to an expedition in Central Africa,
where his vicious propensities could be restrained by the discipline of
government.
When Speke parted from him at Gondokoro, he presented him with a
beautiful double-barrelled gun by Blissett, in addition to other
articles.
The worst vice of this man was drinking. When drunk, he could be induced
to yield to any absurdity.
However, with all his faults, I should have been glad of Wat-el-Mek to
command the irregular force.
In the days when Debono was the proprietor of the Madi station,
Wat-el-Mek had been the sole vakeel; and although he was a tyrant, he
was not disliked by the natives. Since Debono had sold his stations to
the firm of Agad & Co., every separate camp was governed by an
independent vakeel; thus there were many tyrants instead of one.
These numerous agents acted in opposition to each other in the purchase
of ivory. If a native of Fatiko should take a tusk to sell at the
station of Fabbo, he would run the chance of being shot upon his return.
This system of attempted monopoly was carried out throughout the
country, and naturally resulted in anarchy. Although all the vakeels and
companies belonged to one firm, they acted as rival traders. Thus, if
slaves ran away from one station and took shelter with the natives of a
village belonging to the people of another vakeel, an attack would be
made upon the village that harboured the runaways, and their women and
children would be immediately captured.
This onslaught on the village under the protection of a certain station
would be quickly returned by a counter-attack upon a village belonging
to the encroaching vakeel. This system was purposely adopted, as it
served to divide the country into opposing sections, which prevented the
natives from forming a general coalition.
It may readily be imagined that my arrival was hailed with satisfaction
by the natives throughout the country. Should a stranger have filled my
position, there might have been some suspicion in the minds of the
natives, but I had been so well known during my former journey, that the
people accepted the new government with thorough confidence.
Wat-el-Mek, who was always the discoverer of unknown lands, had lately
visited a new country in the east.
It may be remembered by the readers of "The Albert N'yanza," that
shortly before my return from Shooa (only six miles from Fatiko) a new
country named Lira had been discovered by the vakeel of Koorshad
Agha--"Ibrahim." Poor Ibrahim was dead, otherwise I should have had a
good and dependable man.
The Lira country was rich in ivory, but the greatest prize discovered
was the presence of donkeys, which are quite unknown in the White Nile
districts.
Wat-el-Mek had now penetrated beyond Lira, and had reached the country
of Langgo, which was exceedingly interesting.
From the description of the people, it appeared that the portion of the
Langgo visited by them was entirely different from the country between
Gondokoro and Unyoro.
The expedition HAD CROSSED THE SOBAT RIVER, and had arrived in the
Langgo about 130 miles due east of Fatiko. They described the country as
similar to portions of the Soudan. Generally, flat plains of the rich
grass known as negheel, which never grows high, and is the finest
pasturage. The trees were for the most part Soont (Acacia Arabica),
which is not met with in the White Nile countries south of the Sobat
junction.
The Langgos were an immense tribe, but were, like the Baris, divided
under many chiefs. These people were exceedingly large and powerful, and
were esteemed as great warriors. They seldom ate flour, but lived upon
the milk and flesh of their innumerable herds.
The cattle were as large as those of England, and were celebrated for
the extreme size of their horns.
Wat-el-Mek had made a razzia with a very powerful force, collected from
all the stations of Abou Saood, and he had succeeded in capturing an
enormous number of these fine animals, together with a large herd of
donkeys.
These strange cattle would not live at Fatiko, as the herbage was quite
different to that to which they had been accustomed. They died in such
numbers, that in three months only three or four remained out of as many
thousand. Thus all these beautiful beasts were wasted.
The river Sobat was described as flowing from the south, and was known
as the Chol. The Asua river is only one day's march or about twenty
miles, east of Fatiko. The Sobat is never dry and is reported to be a
noble river; this suggests that Speke Victoria N'yanza, or the Bahr
Ingo's eastern corner, must have an effluent in addition to the Victoria
Nile, that flows from M'tese's capital of Uganda.
Beyond Langgo there is a country called Lobbohr, which is said to
possess camels. In the Lobbohr there is a river called Jooba. This is, I
believe, the Juba that flows into the Indian Ocean, as the report
continues that: "Arabs arrive at Lobbohr mounted upon camels, and armed
with swords and pistols, but without guns." Horses and donkeys are also
reported to exist in Lobbohr.
There can be no doubt that most important countries lie to the east of
Fatiko, and should the story of camels prove correct, there will be no
difficulty in opening up a commercial route.
It appears that at Langgo the demand for beads is very great, as the
natives work them into patterns upon their matted hair. Ivory has little
or no value, and exists in large quantities.
The natives refuse to carry loads, and they transport an elephant's tusk
by boring a hole in the hollow end, through which they attach a rope; it
is then dragged along the ground by a donkey. The ivory is thus
seriously damaged . . . . .
Such was the position of affairs at Fatiko in March, 1872. New and
important countries had been investigated, not by explorers or traders,
but by the brigands of Abou Saood, whose first introduction was the
unprovoked attack and carrying off of slaves and cattle.
Such conduct could only terminate in an extension of the ruin which a
similar course had determined in every country that had been occupied by
the traders of the White Nile.
I trusted that my arrival would create a great reform, and restore
confidence throughout the country. The news had spread far and wide. The
scarlet soldiers were regarded as a distinct species, and the report
quickly circulated, that the "Pacha's troops were entirely different
from any that had hitherto been seen, as their clothes were red, and
their muskets were loaded from the wrong end."
I now determined to establish a station at Fatiko, to represent the
government during my absence in the south.
Abou Saood had sworn fidelity. Of course I did not believe him, but as
the natives had welcomed the government, I could not leave them without
protection.
It was therefore arranged with Abou Saood that after the expiration of
the contract, all operations should cease. He would simply remain on
sufferance in the country, until he should be able to transport his
ivory to Gondokoro. This could only be effected by the arrival of
carriers from his stations, about 180 miles west of the Nile, in the
Makkarika country. His first step would therefore be to communicate with
the vakeel Atroosh, who commanded about 600 men in the west station.
I ordered Abou Saood to disarm the seventy Baris who were in his service
at Fatiko, as I would not allow muskets to be placed in the hands of
natives who were hostile to the government.
This he promised to do, but of course he evaded the order, by returning
the arms to the Baris the instant I had departed.
It may appear to the public that having "absolute and supreme power," I
was absurdly lenient towards Abou Saood, whom I knew to be so great a
villain. I confess to one fault. I should have arrested and transported
him to Khartoum when he first arrived at Gondokoro with the cattle
stolen from the Shir; which caused the subsequent massacre of the five
soldiers of the government.
At the same time that I admit this error, it must be remembered that I
was placed in an awkward position.
"Absolute and supreme power" is a high-sounding title; but how was I to
exert it?
I was an individual possessing a nominal power, the application of which
required extreme delicacy. I was determined to win, and with God's help
I did win, but every step necessitated the coolest judgment. Had I
adopted severe or extreme measures against Abou Saood, I might have
ruined the expedition at commencement.
It was impossible to know who was faithful. There was a general leaning
towards his favour among all the officers, with whom he had been in
close connection when in Khartoum. He was a man in a high social
position in the Soudan, the partner of the great firm of Agad & Co., who
commanded about 2,500 armed men. He had worked for many years in company
with the government, according to his connection by agreement with the
governor-general.
I knew that I had him in my power, provided I should be supported by the
authorities in Egypt; therefore I gave him line, and occasionally held
him tight, as though he had been a salmon on a single gut; but I was
determined to land him safe at last, in such a manner that his greatest
supporter should be obliged to acknowledge that he had received the
fairest play. Abou Saood's Fatiko station was crowded with slaves. His
people were all paid in slaves. The stations of Fabbo, Faloro, and
Farragenia were a mass of slaves.
I did not enter a station to interfere with these wretched captives, as
I knew that such an act would create irretrievable confusion.
I had only 212 men, and I wished to advance to the equator.
Fatiko was in north latitude 3 degrees 01 minutes, and 165 miles from
headquarters. Had I attempted to release some thousand slaves from the
different stations, I should have required a large military force to
have occupied those stations, and to have driven out the whole of the
slave-hunters bodily.
If the slaves had been released, it would have been impossible to have
returned them to their homes, as they had been collected from every
quarter of the compass and from great distances. If I had kept them, I
could not have procured food for so large a number: as the stations
contained several thousand.
Under the circumstances, I took the wiser course of non-interference
with the stock in hand, but I issued the most severe orders respecting
the future conduct of Abou Saood's companies. I arranged to leave a
detachment of 100 men, under the command of Major Abdullah, to form a
station adjoining that of Abou Saood in Fatiko, together with the
heavier baggage and the greater portion of the ammunition.
The government would be thus represented by a most respectable and
civilized officer, who would give confidence and protection to the
country; as I concluded that the prestige of the Khedive would be
sufficient to establish order among his subjects, by the representation
of one of his officers and a detachment of 100 troops.
I gave orders to Gimoro and Shooli to prepare carriers for the journey
to Unyoro.
An untoward occurrence had taken place shortly after our arrival at
Fatiko.
As has already been described, the Lobore natives had not only cheated
us out of many cows that had been received, for which the carriers had
not been forthcoming, but numbers had deserted on the road, which had
caused the troops great trouble and fatigue, as they had been obliged to
divide among them the abandoned loads. Upon our arrival at Fatiko, the
son of sheik Abbio, of Lobore, would have absconded with all his people,
had he not been retained by the troops. This man was responsible for the
natives who had engaged themselves for the journey.
It would have been the height of imprudence to have permitted the
immediate departure of our carriers before I had arranged for the
future, thus about eighty were secured by the soldiers, including the
sheik's son, from a general stampede that took place.
I ordered them to be disarmed, as I considered that if unarmed, they
would not venture alone through the Madi country.
In the evening they were secured by a slight line tied round each man's
neck, and connected in gangs of five. A guard was placed over them in
addition to the usual sentries.
At about 4 a.m. a signal was given by one of their people. Every man had
gnawed through his cord with his teeth during the darkness, and at the
concerted cry in a language that no one understood, the entire party, of
upwards of eighty men, knocked down the astonished guard, also the
sentries, and rushed headlong over the rocks in the direction of Lobore.
It was a natural impulse and a soldier's duty to fire in the direction
of the assailants, as the overturned sentries quickly recovered and
joined the guard in a volley.
I was up in an instant, and upon arrival at the spot I was informed of
the occurrence. It was pitch dark, therefore a lantern was brought, and
after a search, three bodies were discovered of the rash and unfortunate
Lobore. I was exceedingly sorry that such an event had happened, at the
same time I could hardly blame the sentries. I was much afraid that if
three were shot dead, others must have escaped wounded, and altogether
the affair would have a bad effect at Lobore.
The sheik of Fatiko was named Wat-el-Ajoos. This name had been given him
by the slave-hunters, meaning "Son of the old man." His village was not
quite half a mile from our camp, and he frequently came to see me with
his interpreter, accompanied by his wives.
Upon his first visit I gave him a long blue shirt, together with some
yards of Turkey red cambric, to form a waist sash; also a red fez and
two razors, with a quantity of beads for his wives.
Fatiko is merely a district of the great country of Shooli, which is
governed by the sheik, Rot Jarma. This person had sent word that he
intended to visit me, to tender his allegiance to the government.
On 16th March, a wild sound of many horns was the first introduction,
and shortly after, a number of his people advanced chanting a peculiar
low song, and dancing a solemn slow step. The great sheik came behind
them. He was quickly ushered into my presence beneath a shady acacia,
close to my tent door. He was perfectly red from head to toes, having
been freshly smeared with red ochre and grease for the interview. A
well-dressed skin of an antelope was slung across his shoulder, and
descending across his loins it constituted his scanty clothing.
His conversation was merely a repetition of the old story being a series
of complaints against the slave-hunters. He declared that he had never
visited Abou Saood or any of his people, but that when he had heard of
my arrival, he had determined at once to offer his allegiance, and he
and all adjacent countries would serve the government faithfully, in
return for protection and justice.
I assured him that he had nothing to fear from the slave-hunters in
future, as I should leave Major Abdullah and a detachment of troops to
represent the government during my absence. He was to supply them with
corn, and to yield the same obedience to Major Abdullah as he would to
me. I gave him nine yards of red cotton cloth, six pounds of beads, two
razors, one comb, two horn snakes in boxes, one knife, one burning
glass, one zinc mirror, two nickel spoons, three rods of thick brass
wire, two finger rings, two pair of ear-rings, two red and yellow cotton
handkerchiefs.
The total value of this extensive present was about twenty-one
shillings.
Before he had arrived, he had requested that a goat might be sent to be
slaughtered at a stream before he should cross over; otherwise bad luck
would attend his visit. Of course this was acceded to, and the goat was
sacrificed and eaten by his people.
I gave him, according to my usual custom with all sheiks and headmen,
seeds of the best Egyptian cotton, tomatoes, pumpkins, cucumbers,
water-melons, sweet-melons, barmian, maize, &c., &c.
Before parting, I amused and shocked him with the magnetic battery, and
he went away surprised and delighted.
I subsequently discovered that a large quantity of flour, together with
some fowls which he had forwarded to me, had been stopped and
appropriated by the renowned Ali Hussein. The intriguing spirit of these
slave-hunters was extraordinary. It is their custom never to receive a
sheik unless he brings a present. He therefore considered that if Rot
Jarma should appear for the first time before me empty-handed, I should
either not admit him, or perhaps be prejudiced against him; thus he had
stolen the customary gift of introduction in order to create ill-will on
my part towards Rot Jarma, who had never yet condescended to visit the
station of Abou Saood . . . . .
Wat-el-Ajoos, with the assistance of Shooli and Gimoro, had collected
200 carriers, all of whom had received each a cow.
I had assorted the luggage, and although I had not the slightest
suspicion of any fighting, nevertheless my ammunition formed a
considerable portion of the heavier baggage.
Major Abdullah had received his instructions, and a site had been chosen
for his station within a hundred yards of the south extremity of that of
Abou Saood. This position was backed by a high rock, upon which I had
already commenced to build a powder magazine of solid masonry.
Abou Saood having as usual sworn upon the eyes and head of the Prophet
to do all that was right and virtuous, and the natives throughout the
country being confident of protection, I prepared for the journey to
Unyoro--a distance across the uninhabited prairies of seventy-eight
miles from Fatiko, due south.
Our excellent and trusty friend Shooli was to be our guide. Gimoro was
prevented from accompanying us owing to a wounded foot.