THE CAMP AT TEWFIKEEYAH.
"May 1.--The camp is beginning to look civilized. Already the underwood
has been cleared, and the large trees which border the river have their
separate proprietors. There is no home like a shady tree in a tropical
climate; here we are fortunate in having the finest mimosas, which form
a cool screen. I have apportioned the largest trees among the higher
officers. The English quarter of the camp is already arranged, and the
whole force is under canvas. A few days ago this was a wilderness; now
there are some hundred new tents arranged in perfectly straight rows so
as to form streets. This extensive plot of white tents, occupying a
frontage of four hundred yards, and backed by the bright green forest,
looks very imposing from the river.
"The English quarter was swept clean, and as the surface soil on the
margin of the river was a hard white sand, the place quickly assumed a
neat and homely appearance. I had a sofa, a few chairs, and a carpet
arranged beneath a beautiful shady mimosa, where I waited the arrival of
the true king of the Shillooks--Quat Kare.
"In a few minutes he was introduced by an aide-de-camp, accompanied by
two wives, four daughters, and a large retinue. Like all the Shillooks,
he was very tall and thin. As his wardrobe looked scanty and old, I at
once gave him a long blue shirt which nearly reached to his ankles,
together with an Indian red scarf to wear as a waistband. When thus
attired I presented him with a tarboosh (fez); all of which presents he
received without a smile or the slightest acknowledgment. When dressed
with the assistance of two or three of the soldiers who had volunteered
to act as valets, he sat down on the carpet, upon which he invited his
family to sit near him. There was a profound silence. The king appeared
to have no power of speech; he simply fixed his eyes upon myself and my
wife; then slowly turned them upon Lieutenant Baker and the officers in
attendance. The crowd was perfectly silent.
"I was obliged to commence the conversation by asking him `whether he
was really Quat Kare, the old king of the Shillooks? as I had heard his
death reported.'
"Instead of replying, he conferred with one of his wives, a woman of
about sixty, who appeared to act as prime minister and adviser. This old
lady immediately took up the discourse, and very deliberately related
the intrigues of the Koordi governor of Fashoda, which had ended in the
ruin of her husband. It appeared that the Koordi did not wish that peace
should reign throughout the land. The Shillooks were a powerful tribe,
numbering upwards of a million, therefore it was advisable to sow
dissension amongst them, and thus destroy their unity. Quat Kare was a
powerful king, who had ruled the country for more than fifty years. He
was the direct descendant of a long line of kings; therefore he was a
man whose influence was to be dreaded. The policy of the Koordi
determined that he would overthrow the power of Quat Kare, and after
having vainly laid snares for his capture, the old king fled from the
governor of Fashoda as David fled from Saul and hid in the cave of
Adullam. The Koordi was clever and cunning in intrigue; thus, he wrote
to Djiaffer Pacha, the governor-general of the Soudan, and declared that
Quat Kare the king of the Shillooks was DEAD; it was therefore necessary
to elect the next heir, Jangy for whom he requested the firman of the
Khedive. The firman of the Khedive arrived in due course for the
pretender Jangy, who was a distant connexion of Quat Kare, and in no way
entitled to the succession. This intrigue threw the country into
confusion. Jangy was proclaimed king by the Koordi, and was dressed in a
scarlet robe with belt and sabre. The pretender got together a large
band of adherents who were ready for any adventure that might yield them
plunder. These natives, who knew the paths and the places where the vast
herds of cattle were concealed, acted as guides to the Koordi; and the
faithful adherents of the old king, Quat Kare, were plundered,
oppressed, and enslaved without mercy, until the day that I had
fortunately arrived in the Shillook country, and caught the Koordi in
the very act of kidnapping.
"I had heard this story a few days before, and I was much struck with
the clear and forcible manner in which the old wife described the
history.
"Here we have an average picture of Soudan rule. In a country blessed
with the most productive soil and favourable climate, with a population
estimated at above a million, the only step towards improvement, after
seven years of possession, is a system of plunder and massacre. Instead
of peace, a series of intrigues have thrown the country into hopeless
anarchy. With a good government, this fertile land might produce
enormous wealth in the cultivation of corn and cotton. I arranged with
the king that he should wait patiently, and that I would bring the
affair before the proper authority; in the mean time, his people should
return to their villages.
"After a feast upon an ox, and the entertainment of the magnetic battery
and the wheel of life, I gave Quat Kare, and the various members of his
family, an assortment of presents, and sent them back rejoicing in the
No. 8 steamer. I had been amused by the stoical countenance of the king
while undergoing a severe shock from the battery. Although every muscle
of his arms was quivering, he never altered the expression of his
features. One of his wives followed his example, and resisted a shock
with great determination, and after many attempts she succeeded in
extracting a necklace from a basin of water so highly charged, that her
hand was completely cramped and paralysed.
"I have thoroughly gained the confidence of the natives, as vast herds
of cattle are now fearlessly brought to graze on the large island
opposite the camp. The natives assure me that all the male children that
may be born this year will be called the `Pacha,' in commemoration of
the release given to the captives.
"A soldier was caught this afternoon in the act of stealing a fowl from
a native. I had him flogged and secured in irons for five days. I have
determined upon the strictest discipline, in spite of the old prejudice.
As the greater portion of the Egyptian regiment is composed of felons,
convicted of offences in Cairo, and transported to the White Nile, my
task is rather difficult in establishing a reformation. The good taste
of the authorities might be questioned for supplying me with a regiment
of convicts to carry out an enterprise where a high state of discipline
and good conduct are essential to success."
I gave the name Tewfikeeyah [*] to the new station, which rapidly grew
into a place of importance. It was totally unlike an Egyptian camp, as
all the lines were straight. Deep ditches, cut in every necessary
direction, drained the station to the river. I made a quay about 500
yards in length, on the bank of the river, by which the whole fleet
could lie, and embark or disembark cargo. A large stable contained the
twenty horses, which by great care had kept their condition. It was
absolutely necessary to keep them in a dark stable on account of the
flies, which attacked all animals in swarms. Even within the darkened
building it was necessary to light fires composed of dried horse-dung,
to drive away the these persecuting insects. The hair fell completely
off the ears and legs of the donkeys (which were allowed to ramble
about), owing to the swarms of flies that irritated the skin; but in
spite of the comparative comfort of a stable, the donkeys preferred a
life of out-door independence, and fell off in condition if confined to
a house. The worst flies were the small grey species, with a long
proboscis, similar to those that are often seen in houses in England.
[*Footnote: After the Khedive's eldest son, Mahomed Tewfik Pacha]
In an incredibly short time the station fell into shape. I constructed
three magazines of galvanized iron, each eighty feet in length, and the
head storekeeper, Mr. Marcopolo, at last completed his arduous task of
storing the immense amount of supplies that had been contained in the
fleet of vessels.
This introduced us to the White Nile rats, which volunteered their
services in thousands, and quickly took possession of the magazines by
tunneling beneath, and appearing in the midst of a rat's paradise, among
thousands of bushels of rice, biscuits, lentils, &c. The destruction
caused by these animals was frightful. They gnawed holes in the sacks,
and the contents poured upon the ground like sand from an hour-glass, to
be immediately attacked and destroyed by white ants. There was no lime
in the country, nor stone of any kind, thus it was absolutely impossible
to stop the ravages of white ants except by the constant labour of
turning over the vast masses of boxes and stores, to cleanse them from
the earthen galleries which denote their presence.
I had European vegetable seeds of all kinds, and having cleared and
grubbed up a portion of forest, we quickly established gardens. The
English quarter was particularly neat. The various plots were separated
by fences, and the ground was under cultivation for about two acres
extending to the margin of the river. I did not build a house for
myself, as we preferred our comfortable diahbeeah, which was moored
alongside the garden, from the entrance of which, a walk led to a couple
of large shady mimosas that formed my public divan, where all visitors
were received.
In a short time we had above ground sweet melons, watermelons, pumpkins,
cabbages, tomatoes, cauliflowers, beet-root, parsley, lettuce, celery,
&c., but all the peas, beans, and a very choice selection of maize that
I had received from England, were destroyed during the voyage. Against
my express orders, the box had been hermetically sealed, and the
vitality of the larger seeds was entirely gone. Seeds should be simply
packed in brown paper bags and secured in a basket.
The neighbouring country was, as usual in the White Nile districts, flat
and uninteresting. Forest and bush clothed the banks of the river, but
this formed a mere fringe for a depth of about half a mile, beyond which
all was open prairie.
Although there was a considerable extent of forest, there was a dearth
of useful timber for building purposes. The only large trees were a
species of mimosa, named by the Arabs "kook." We were very short of
small rowing boats, those belonging to the steamers were large and
clumsy, and I wished to build a few handy dingies that would be
extremely useful for the next voyage up the obstructions of the Bahr
Giraffe. I therefore instructed the English shipwrights to take the job
in hand, and during a ramble through the forest they selected several
trees. These were quickly felled, and the sawyers were soon at work
cutting planks, keels, and all the necessary wood for boat-building. It
is a pleasure to see English mechanics at work in a wild country; they
finish a job while an Egyptian workman is considering how to do it. In a
very short time Mr. Jarvis, the head shipwright, had constructed an
impromptu workshop, with an iron roof, within the forest; several sets
of sawyers were at work, and in a few days the keel of a new boat was
laid down.
The chief mechanical engineer, Mr. McWilliam, was engaged in setting up
the steam saw-mills, and in a few weeks after our first arrival in this
uninhabited wilderness, the change appeared magical. In addition to the
long rows of white tents, and the permanent iron magazines, were
hundreds of neat huts arranged in exact lines; a large iron workshop
containing lathes, drilling machines, and small vertical saw machine;
next to this the blacksmith's bellows roared; and the constant sound of
the hammer and anvil betokened a new life in the silent forests of the
White Nile. There were several good men who had received a European
mechanical education among those I had brought from Egypt; these were
now engaged with the English engineers in repairing the engine of the
No. 10 steamer, which required a new piston. I ordered a number of very
crooked bill-hooks to be prepared for cutting the tangled vegetation
during our next voyage. The first boat, about sixteen feet long, was
progressing, and the entire station was a field of industry. The gardens
were green with vegetables, and everything would have been flourishing
had the troops been in good health. Those miserable Egyptians appeared
to be in a hopeless condition morally. It was impossible to instil any
spirit into them, and if sick, they at once made up their minds to die.
It is to be hoped that my regiment of convicts was not a fair sample of
the spirit and intelligence of the Egyptian fellah. Some of them
DESERTED.
There is an absurd prejudice among the men that the grinding of flour
upon the usual flat millstone is an unmanly task that should always be
performed by a woman. This is a very ancient prejudice, if we may judge
by the symbols found upon the flat millstones of the ancient Egyptians.
We also hear in the Testament, "two women shall be grinding together;
one shall be taken, the other left." There was a scarcity of women in
our station, and the grinding of the corn would have given rise to much
discontent had I not experienced this difficulty in a former voyage, and
provided myself with steel corn-mills. I had one of these erected for
each company of troops, and in addition to the usual labour, I always
sentenced men under punishment to so many hours at the mill.
Although this country was exceedingly rich in soil, it was entirely
uninhabited on our side (the east) of the river. This had formerly been
the Dinka country, but it had been quite depopulated by razzias made for
slaves by the former and present governors of Fashoda. These raids had
been made on a large scale, with several thousand troops, in addition to
the sharp slave-hunters, the Baggara Arabs, as allies. The result was
almost the extermination of the Dinka tribe. It seemed incomprehensible
to the Shillook natives that a government that had only lately made
slave-hunting a profession should suddenly turn against the
slave-hunters.
I frequently rode on horseback about the country, and wherever I found a
spot slightly raised above the general level, I was sure to discover
quantities of broken pottery, the vestiges of villages, which had at a
former time been numerous. There was very little game, but now and then
ostriches were seen stalking about the yellow plains of withered grass.
On one occasion I was riding with Lieutenant Baker, accompanied by a few
orderlies, when I distinguished the forms of several ostriches at a
great distance. They were feeding on the flat plain where it was
hopeless to attempt an approach. I was just replacing my telescope, when
I observed an ostrich emerge from behind some bushes, about 400 yards'
distance. This was a male bird, by the black colour, and it appeared to
be feeding towards the scattered bush on my left. We were at the moment
partially concealed by the green foliage. I immediately dismounted, and
leaving the party behind the bushes, I ran quickly forward, always
concealed by the thick thorns, until I thought I must be somewhere
within shot, unless the bird had discovered me and escaped without my
knowledge. I now went cautiously and slowly forward, stooping under the
bushes when necessary, and keeping a good look out on all sides, as I
expected that the ostrich must be somewhere in the jungle. At length, as
I turned round a clump of thick thorns, I sighted the bird racing away
with immense speed straight from me at about 130 yards. I raised the
150-yard sight of the Dutchman, and taking him very steadily, as the
bird kept a perfectly straight course, I fired. The ostrich at once fell
with so great a shock upon the hard, parched ground, that the air was
full of feathers. I stepped 130 long paces, and found that the bullet
had struck the bird in the centre of the back, killing it instantly. My
party came up to my whistle, and I despatched a mounted orderly to camp
to bring men and donkeys.
Although I have been many years in Africa, this was the first and the
last ostrich that I have ever bagged. It was a very fine male, and the
two thighs and legs were a very fair load for a strong donkey.
I have seen erroneous accounts of ostriches designated as two varieties,
the black and the grey. The black, with white feathers in the wings and
tail, is simply the male, and the grey the female. The feathers of this
bird were old and in bad order. The fat is much esteemed by the Arabs as
an external application for rheumatism. I found the stomach rich in
scorpions, beetles, leaves of trees, and white rounded quartz pebbles.
The bird must have come from a considerable distance as there was
neither rock nor pebble in the neighbourhood.
On my return to camp I carved an artificial ostrich head from a piece of
wood, and made false eyes with the neck of a wine bottle. I intended to
stick this head upon a pole, concealed in a linen fishing rod case, and
to dress up my cap with thick plumes of ostrich feathers. I have no
doubt that it would be possible to approach ostriches in grass by this
imitation, as the pole would be carried in the left hand, and all the
movements of the ostriches might be easily imitated. The pole in the
left hand rested on the ground would make a good rest for the rifle when
the moment arrived for the shot.
Heavy rains set in, and the hitherto dry plains became flooded and
swampy, thus I never had an opportunity to try my false ostrich.
The Shillooks were now become our fast friends. The camp was crowded
daily with natives who came by water from a considerable distance to
traffic with the soldiers. Like all negroes, they were sharp traders,
with a Jewish tendency in their bargains. They brought raw cotton and
provisions of all kinds in exchange for cotton manufactures and iron.
Their country consists simply of rich alluvial soil, therefore all iron
must be imported, and it is of great value. The best articles of
exchange for this country would be pieces of wrought iron of about four
ounces in weight and six inches long, and pieces of eight ounces, and
eight inches in length. Also cotton cloth, known as grey calico,
together with white calico, and other cheap manufactures. The cotton
that is indigenous to the country is short in staple, but it grows
perfectly wild. The Shillooks are very industrious, and cultivate large
quantities of dhurra and some maize, but the latter is only used to eat
in a green state, roasted on the ashes. The grain of maize is too hard
to grind on the common flat millstones of the natives, thus it is seldom
cultivated in any portion of Central Africa on an extended scale. I gave
some good Egyptian cotton-seed to the natives, also the seed of various
European vegetables. Tobacco was in great demand by the troops, and I
considered the quality supplied by the Shillooks superior to that
cultivated in the Soudan.
Although the camp was visited by hundreds of natives, including their
women, daily, there were seldom any quarrels over the marketing, and
when a disagreement took place it was generally the fault of a soldier,
who took something on credit, and pleaded inability to pay. I
administered a rough-and-ready justice, and appointed an officer to
superintend the bazaar to prevent squabbles.
I was much struck with the honesty of the natives, who appeared
thoroughly to appreciate the protection afforded them, and the fair
dealing insisted upon on the part of the troops. The river was about 700
yards wide, but the land on the west shore was only a large island,
through which several small streams cut deep channels. This island was
separated from the main western shore by a branch of the White Nile. The
west bank was thickly lined with villages for about 200 miles of river
frontage throughout the Shillook country, thus affording admirable
opportunities for direct trade with vessels from Khartoum. It was a
tedious journey for the natives to visit us daily, as they had to cross
first their western branch of the Nile, then to carry their canoes
across the island for about a mile, and again to cross the main river to
arrive at our camp. The Shillook canoe has often been described. It is
formed of long pieces of the ambatch-wood, which is lighter than cork.
These curious trees, which grow in the swamps of the White Nile, are
thick at the base, and taper to a point, thus a number are lashed
securely together, and the points are tied tightly with cord, so as to
form a bow. These canoes or rafts generally convey two persons, and they
are especially adapted for the marshy navigation of the river, as they
can be carried on the head without difficulty, when it may be necessary
to cross an island or morass.
Our native traders arrived daily in fleets of ambatch canoes from a
considerable distance. The soldiers trusted them with their rations of
corn to grind, rather than take the trouble to prepare it themselves.
The natives took the corn to their homes, and invariably returned with
the honest complement of flour. I never had a complaint brought before
me of dishonesty when a Shillook had been trusted. I have great hopes of
these people, they simply require all assurance of good faith and
protection to become a valuable race.
From the Shillook country to Khartoum the river is superb and can be
navigated at all seasons. The northern end of this country is rich in
forests of the Acacia Arabica (Soont), a wood that is invaluable as fuel
for steamers, and is the only really durable wood for ship-building in
the Soudan. The rains begin in May, and are regular throughout four
months, thus cotton may be cultivated without the expense of artificial
irrigation; at the same time the dry summer offers an inestimable
advantage for gathering the crop.
The Dinka country on the east bank would have been of equal value, but,
as I have already described, it has been depopulated.
There was an old blind sheik who frequently visited us from the other
side, and this poor old fellow came to an untimely end when returning
one day with his son from marketing at Tewfikeeyah. I was walking on the
quay, when I heard a great commotion, and I saw a splashing in the
river, the surface of which was covered with the ambatch fragments of a
native canoe. There were many canoes on the river, several of which
immediately went to the assistance of two men who were struggling in the
water. A hippopotamus had wantonly charged the canoe, and seizing it in
his mouth, together with the poor old blind sheik who could not avoid
the danger, crunched the frail boat to pieces, and so crushed and
lacerated the old man that, although he was rescued by his comrades, he
died during the night.
As peace and confidence had been thoroughly established among the
Shillooks, I determined to send for the governor of Fashoda, and to
introduce him personally to the old king, Quat Kare, whom he had
officially reported to be dead. I therefore summoned Quat Kare, and
having informed him of my intention, I sent the steamer to Fashoda
(sixty-five miles), and invited the Koordi to pay me a visit.
When he arrived, I received him beneath the tree which formed my divan,
and after a preliminary pipe and coffee, we proceeded to business. I
told him that he must have been in error when he reported the death of
the old king, as I had proved him to be still alive. He replied that he
did not believe the real Quat Kare was in existence, as he had heard on
the best authority that he was dead. I gave an order to an aide-de-camp,
and in a few minutes the tall and stately figure of the old king was
seen approaching, accompanied by his wives, ministers, and a crowd of
most orderly retainers, including several of his sons. The king sat down
upon a carpet in a dignified manner, without taking the slightest notice
of the Koordi governor. His two wives sat down by him, but his sons
stood with his followers a few yards distant.
The Koordi, who was a remarkably handsome old man, with a snow-white
beard, sat equally unmoved, smoking the long chibook, without apparently
regarding the king or his people. The chibook is a most useful
instrument for a diplomat. If the situation is difficult, he can puff,
puff, puff, and the incorrigible pipe will not draw; in the mean time,
he considers a reply. At length the pipe draws, a cloud of smoke issues
from the mouth. "I beg your pardon," says the embarrassed diplomat,
evidently relieved by the little unreal difficulty with his pipe, "what
were we talking about?" and having considered his reply, he is ready for
argument. The pipe then draws leisurely, the smoke ascends in steady
clouds, while he listens to the arguments of the other side. There is no
necessity for a too sudden reply. Even if the conversation has ceased,
the pipe may be calmly smoked, while the facts of the case are arranged
in the owner's mind before he commits himself to an answer.
In the present instance nobody spoke, but the Koordi governor of Fashoda
smoked steadily. Presently Quat Kare fixed his eyes upon him with a
steady and determined stare, but with his usual immovable features, and
he thus silently regarded him during several minutes. "Have I found
thee, O mine enemy?" might have been the Shillook king's idea, but he
kept silence.
How long this tableau vivant would have continued it is impossible to
say, therefore I proceeded to business by asking the governor if he knew
Quat Kare by sight? He only replied "yes."
At this reply, the king, without altering his position or expression,
said, "Then who am I?"
The Koordi raised his eyes for the first time, and looked at Quat Kare,
but said nothing; he only puffed--the pipe did not seem to draw well. At
length a fair volume of smoke was emitted, and the Koordi answered by a
question: "If you are Quat Kare, why did you hide yourself? why did you
not present yourself before me at Fashoda? then I should have known that
you were alive."
Quat Kare regarded him fixedly, and he replied slowly, "Where are all my
cattle that you stole? where are the women and children that you
kidnapped? I considered that if you took my cattle and captured my
people, you might probably take ME, therefore I declined the
opportunity."
The Koordi puffed and puffed vigorously, but the long pipe did not draw;
something had evidently choked the tube.
It would be tedious to describe the whole dialogue, but there was no
question that the old Shillook king had the best of the argument;
therefore, after a long discussion, during which the king was
continually prompted by his favourite wife, in excited whispers that
every one could hear, I examined both the governor and the king upon
various points; and came to the conclusion that the governor was a great
scoundrel, and the king a very cunning fellow; at the same time he had
been shamefully treated. The Koordi had reported him as dead, and
obtained a firman conferring the title of Sheik of the Shillooks upon an
impostor, who had been a brand enemy of Quat Kare. Since that time the
adherents of Quat Kare had been subject to constant raids and pillage,
and the old king was a fugitive, who, if caught by the Koordi, would
assuredly have been quietly put OUT OF THE WAY.[*]
[*Footnote: Eventually the old king, Quat Kare, was imprisoned at
Fashoda, and died in a mysterious manner. There are no coroners'
inquests in Central Africa.)
I decided that the affair must be settled in the following manner:--I
explained that I had no jurisdiction in the Shillook country, which was
under the government of Ali Bey, the Koordi; but as I held the positive
and special orders of the Khedive to suppress the slave trade, I had
been compelled to interfere and to release those captives who had been
thus shamelessly kidnapped.
With regard to the general pillage of the country instead of direct
taxation, the governor would explain his conduct to the Khedive.
With regard to the false report of Quat Kare's death, there could be no
doubt that the firman for his rival Jangy had been obtained from the
Khedive under false pretences.
I therefore recommended Quat Kare and his sons to go direct to Khartoum,
and plead his cause at the divan of Djiaffer Pacha, who was the
governor-general of the Soudan, which included the Shillook country;
thus the whole affair was within his jurisdiction. I also explained that
I should send an official despatch to the Khedive of Egypt, and also to
Djiaffer Pacha, describing the general state of the Shillook country and
the special case of Quat Kare, with a direct report upon the kidnapping
of slaves by the government's representative.
At the same time, I assured Quat Kare and his people that the Khedive
had only one object in forming a government: this was to protect the
natives and to develop the resources of the country. I persuaded the
Koordi and Quat Kare to become friends and at once to declare peace;
thus, all hostilities having ceased, the responsibility for further
disturbance would rest with him who should recommence a breach of the
peace.
I advised the Shillook king to forget the past, where there had
evidently been a mistake, and he should trust to his application to
Djiaffer Pacha, who would speedily give him justice. The Shillook king
then replied, without moving a muscle of his features, "If I forget the
past, what is to become of all my cattle that the Koordi has stolen from
me? Is he going to return them, or keep them himself, and forget the
past? I can't forget my cows."
This practical question was difficult to answer. The Koordi's pipe was
out: he therefore rose from his seat and retired, leaving the stoical
Quat Kare master of his position, but not of his cattle. I advised him
to say nothing more until he should see Djiaffer Pacha, and he would
receive a direct reply from the Khedive.
Quat Kare, with his wives and daughters and general retinue, determined
to pass the night in our station.
I therefore ordered an ox to be killed for their entertainment. I gave
the king a large Cashmere scarf, also one of red printed cotton, and a
dozen small harness bells, which he immediately arranged as anklets. His
usually unchangeable countenance relaxed into a smile of satisfaction as
he took leave, and the bells tinkled at every footstep as he departed.
Quat Kare never eats or drinks in the presence of his people, but his
food is taken to him either within a hut or to a lonely tree.
On the following morning both the governor of Fashoda and the old king
returned to their respective homes.
On the 10th May, a sail was reported by the sentries in the south. None
of the slave-traders had any intelligence of my station at Tewfikeeyah.
The people of Kutchuk Ali, on the Bahr Giraffe, were under the
impression that we had returned direct to Khartoum. I was rather curious
to know whether they would presume to send slaves down the White Nile
during this season, knowing that the Khedive had sent me expressly to
suppress the trade. I could not believe that the Koordi governor of
Fashoda would have the audacity to allow the free passage of slave
vessels after the stringent orders that had been given. Although I had
heard that this governor had amassed a considerable fortune by the
establishment of a toll per head for every slave that passed Fashoda, I
imagined that he would this year make up his mind that the rich harvest
was over.
If any vessels should attempt to descend with slave cargoes, they must
pass my new station, of which they were ignorant, and the fact would
prove the complicity of the governor of Fashoda, as it would
substantiate all the reports that I had heard concerning his connivance
with the slave-traders. The strange sail now reported was rapidly
approaching on her route to Khartoum, without the slightest suspicion
that a large military station was established within four miles of the
Sobat junction. If guilty, she was thus approaching the jaws of the
lion.
As she neared the station, she must have discovered the long row of
masts and yards of the fleet moored alongside the quay. Of these she
appeared to take no notice, and keeping well in the middle of the river,
she would have passed the station, and continued on her voyage. This
looked very suspicious, and I at once sent a boat to order her to halt.
When she was brought alongside, I sent my trusty aide-de-camp, Colonel
Abd-el-Kader, on board to make the necessary inquiries. She was quite
innocent. The captain and the vakeel (agent and commander of station)
were amazed at my thinking it necessary to search their vessel. She had
a quantity of corn on board, stowed in bulk. There was not a person
beside the crew and a few soldiers from Kutchuk Ali's station.
The vakeel was the same whom I had seen at the station at the Bahr
Giraffe, to whom I had given advice that he should not attempt to send
slaves down the river again. All was in order. The vessel belonged to
Kutchuk Ali, who now commanded the government expedition sent by
Djiaffer Pacha to the Bahr Gazal. She was laden with ivory beneath the
corn, which was for the supply of the crew and soldiers.
Colonel Abd-el-Kader was an excellent officer; he was one of the
exceptions who took a great interest in the expedition, and he always
served me faithfully. He was a fine powerful man, upwards of six feet
high, and not only active, but extremely determined. He was generally
called "the Englishman" by his brother officers, as a bitter compliment
reflecting on his debased taste for Christian society. This officer was
not the man to neglect a search because the agent of Kutchuk Ali
protested his innocence, and exhibited the apparently naked character of
his vessel. She appeared suspiciously full of corn for a boat homeward
bound. There was an awkward smell about the closely-boarded forecastle
which resembled that of unwashed negroes. Abd-el-Kader drew a steel
ramrod from a soldier's rifle, and probed sharply through the corn.
A smothered cry from beneath, and a wriggling among the corn, was
succeeded by a woolly head, as the strong Abd-el-Kader, having thrust
his long arm into the grain, dragged forth by the wrist a negro woman.
The corn was at once removed; the planks which boarded up the forecastle
and the stern were broken down, and there was a mass of humanity
exposed, boys, girls, and women, closely packed like herrings in a
barrel; who under the fear of threats had remained perfectly silent
until thus discovered. The sail attached to the mainyard of the vessel
appeared full and heavy in the lower part; this was examined, and upon
unpacking, it yielded a young woman who had thus been sewn up to avoid
discovery.
The case was immediately reported to me. I at once ordered the vessel
to be unloaded. We discovered one hundred and fifty slaves stowed away
in a most inconceivably small area. The stench was horrible when they
began to move. Many were in irons; these were quickly released by the
blacksmiths, to the astonishment of the captives, who did not appear to
understand the proceeding.
I ordered the vakeel, and the reis or captain of the vessel, to be put
in irons. The slaves began to comprehend that their captors were now
captives. They now began to speak, and many declared that the greater
portion of the men of their villages had been killed by the
slave-hunters.
Having weighed the ivory and counted the tusks, I had the vessel
reloaded; and having placed an officer with a guard on board, I sent her
to Khartoum to be confiscated as a slaver.
I ordered the slaves to wash, and issued clothes from the magazine for
the naked women.
On the following day I inspected the captives, and I explained to them
their exact position. They were free people, and if their homes were at
a reasonable distance they should be returned. If not they must make
themselves generally useful, in return for which they would be fed and
clothed.
If any of the women wished to marry, there were many fine young men in
the regiments who would make capital husbands. I gave each person a
paper of freedom, signed by myself. This was contained in a hollow reed
and suspended round their necks. Their names, approximate age, sex, and
country were registered in a book corresponding with the numbers on
their papers.
These arrangements occupied the whole morning. In the afternoon I again
inspected them. Having asked the officer whether any of the negresses
would wish to be married, he replied that all the women wished to marry,
and that they had already selected their husbands!
This was wholesale matrimony, that required a church as large as
Westminster Abbey, and a whole company of clergy!
Fortunately, matters are briefly arrranged in Africa. I saw the loving
couples standing hand in hand. Some of the girls were pretty, and my
black troops had shown good taste in their selection. Unfortunately,
however, for the Egyptian regiment, the black ladies had a strong
antipathy to brown men, and the suitors were all refused. This was a
very awkward affair. The ladies having received their freedom, at once
asserted "woman's rights."
I was obliged to limit the matrimonial engagements, and those who were
for a time condemned to single blessedness were placed in charge of
certain officers to perform the cooking for the troops and other
domestic work. I divided the boys into classes; some I gave to the
English workmen to be instructed in carpenter's and blacksmith's work;
others were apprenticed to tailors, shoemakers, &c., in the regiment,
while the best looking were selected as domestic servants. A nice little
girl, of about three years old, without parents, was taken care of by my
wife.
When slaves are liberated in large numbers there is always a difficulty
in providing for them. We feel this dilemma when our cruisers capture
Arab dhows on the east coast of Africa, and our government becomes
responsible for an influx of foundlings. It is generally quite
impossible to return them to their own homes, therefore all that can be
done is to instruct them in some useful work by which they can earn
their livelihood. If the boys have their choice, they invariably desire
a military life; and I believe it is the best school for any young
savage, as he is at once placed under strict discipline, which teaches
him habits of order and obedience. The girls, like those of other
countries, prefer marriage to regular domestic work; nevertheless, if
kindly treated, with a due amount of authority, they make fair servants
for any rough employment.
When female children are about five years old they are most esteemed by
the slave-dealers, as they can be more easily taught, and they grow up
with an attachment to their possessors, and in fact become members of
the family.
Little Mostoora, the child taken by my wife, was an exceedingly clever
specimen of her race, and although she was certainly not more than three
years old, she was quicker than most children of double her age. With an
ugly little face, she bad a beautifully shaped figure, and possessed a
power of muscle that I have never seen in a white child of that age. Her
lot had fallen in pleasant quarters; she was soon dressed in convenient
clothes and became the pet of the family.
On June 17, 1 sent the No. 9 steamer to Khartoum with the post, together
with three sons of Quat Kare, who were to represent their father at the
divan of Djiaffer Pacha. The old man declined the voyage, pleading his
age as an excuse. Mr. Wood also returned, as his health required an
immediate change to Egypt. On the 25th, four vessels arrived from the
south, two belonging to Kutchuk Ali, one to Agad, and one to a trader
named Assaballa, from the Bahr Gazal. The latter had thirty-five slaves
on board. The others had heard, by some vessels that had gone up from
Khartoum, that I had formed a station near the Sobat, and had captured
the vessel and slaves of Kutchuk Ali, thus they had landed their slaves
at the Bahr Giraffe station. The Bahr Gazal vessel having arrived from a
different direction had not received the information. I seized the boat
and cargo, and liberated the slaves.
On board the diahbeeah of Kutchuk Ali were four musicians, natives of
Pongo, on the river Djoor. Their band consisted of two iron bells, a
flageolet and an instrument made of hard wood that was arranged like the
musical glasses of Europe. The latter was formed of ten pieces of a
metallic sounding-wood suspended above long narrow gourd shells. Each
piece of wood produced a separate note, and the instrument was played by
four sticks, the ends of which were covered with india-rubber. The
general effect, although a savage kind of harmony, was superior to most
native attempts at music.
The station of Tewfikeeyah had now assumed an important aspect, and I
much regretted that when the time should arrive for our departure to the
south it would be abandoned: however, I determined to keep all hands
employed, as there is nothing so demoralizing to troops as inaction. At
the same time there was a general dislike to the expedition, and all
trusted that something might happen that would prevent another attempt
to penetrate the marshes of the Bahr Giraffe. There was much allowance
to be made for this feeling. The seeds of dangerous disorders, that had
been sown by the malaria of the swamps, had now exhibited themselves in
fatal attacks of dysentery, that quickly formed a cemetery at
Tewfikeeyah.
The Egyptian troops were generally sickly and dispirited, and went to
their daily work in a slouching, dogged manner, that showed their
passive hatred of the employment.
I arranged that the sailors should cultivate a piece of ground with
corn, while the soldiers should be employed in a similar manner in
another position. The sailors were all Nubians, or the natives of
Dongola, Berber, and the countries bordering the Nile in the Soudan.
These people were of the same class as the slave-hunter companies, men
who hated work and preferred a life of indolence, lounging sleepily
about their vessels. I quickly got these fellows into order by dividing
them into gangs, over which I placed separate headmen, the captains of
vessels; one superior officer commanded, and was responsible for the
whole.
They only worked six hours daily, but by this simple organization I soon
had thirty acres of land cleaned. The grass and roots were burnt in
piles, the ashes spread, and the entire field was dug over and sown with
barley, wheat, and dhurra. There is a civilizing influence in
cultivation, and nothing is so cheering in a wild country as the sight
of well-arranged green fields that are flourishing in the centre of the
neglected wilderness. I had now a promising little farm of about thirty
acres belonging to our naval brigade; and a very unpromising farm, that
had been managed by my Colonel, Raouf Bey. The soldiers had never even
cleared the rough native grass from the surface, but had turned up the
soil in small lots at intervals of about a foot, into which they had
carelessly dropped a few grains of corn.
We now found agricultural enemies that were unexpected. Guinea-fowl
recognized the importance of cultivation, and created terrible damage.
Small birds of the sparrow tribe infested the newly-sown land in clouds,
but worse than these enemies were the vast armies of great ants.
These industrious insects, ever providing for the future, discovered the
newly sown barley and wheat, and considering that such an opportunity
should not be neglected, they literally marched off with the greater
portion of the seed that was exposed. I saw them on many occasions
returning in countless numbers from a foray, each carrying in its mouth
a grain of barley or wheat. I tracked them to their subterranean nests,
in one of which I found about a peck of corn which had been conveyed by
separate grains; and patches of land had been left nearly barren of
seed.
The large crimson-headed goose of the White Nile quickly discovered that
barley was a food well adapted for the physical constitution of geese,
and great numbers flocked to the new farm. The guinea-fowl were too wild
to approach successfully; however, we shot them daily. I set little boys
to scream from daylight till sunset to scare the clouds of small birds;
but the boys screamed themselves to sleep, and the sparrows quickly
discovered the incapacity of the watchers. Wild fowl were so numerous on
an island opposite the farm that we not only shot them as we required,
but on one occasion Lieutenant Baker and myself bagged in about two
hours sixty-eight ducks and geese, most of which were single shots in
flight overhead.
I found the necessity of re-sowing the land so thickly that there should
be sufficient grain to allow for the depredations of our enemies. I set
vermin traps and caught the guinea-fowl. Then the natural enemy appeared
in the wild cats, who took the guinea-fowls out of the traps. At first
the men were suspected of stealing the birds, but the unmistakable
tracks of the wild cats were found close to the traps, and shortly after
the wily cats themselves became victims. These were generally of the
genus Herpestris.
When the crops, having resisted many enemies, appeared above ground,
they were attacked by the mole crickets in formidable numbers. These
destructive insects lived beneath the small solid clods of earth, and
issuing forth at night, they bit the young shoot clean off close to the
parent grain at the point of extreme sweetness. The garden suffered
terribly from these insects, which destroyed whole rows of cucumber
plants.
I had brought ploughs from Cairo. These were the native implements that
are used throughout Egypt. There is always a difficulty in the first
commencement of agricultural enterprise in a wild country, and much
patience is required.
Some of my Egyptian soldiers were good ploughmen, to which employment
they had been formerly accustomed; but the bullocks of the country were
pigheaded creatures that for a long time resisted all attempts at
conversion to the civilized labour of Egyptian cattle. They steadily
refused to draw the ploughs, and they determined upon an "agricultural
strike." They had not considered that we could strike also, and
tolerably hard, with the hippopotamus hide whips, which were a more
forcible appeal to their feelings than a "lock-out." However, this
contest ended in the bullocks lying down, and thus offering a passive
resistance that could not be overcome. There is nothing like arbitration
to obtain pure justice, and as I was the arbitrator, I ordered all
refractory bullocks to be eaten as rations by the troops. A few animals
at length became fairly tractable; and we had a couple of ploughs at
work, but the result was a series of zigzag furrows that more resembled
the indiscriminate ploughings of a herd of wild boar than the effect of
an agricultural implement. Nothing will ever go straight at the
commencement, therefore the ploughs naturally went crooked; but the
whole affair forcibly reminded me of my first agricultural enterprise on
the mountains of Ceylon twenty-five years earlier. [*]
[*Footnote: See "Eight Years' Wanderings in Ceylon," published by
Longman & Co.]
The mean temperature at the station of Tewfikeeyah had been:
In the month of May, at 6 a.m. 73 degrees Fahrenheit
" at Noon 92 degrees "
" June, at 6 a.m. 72 degrees "
" at Noon 86 degrees "
" July, at 6 a.m. 71 degrees "
" at Noon 81 degrees "
During May we had heavy rain during 3 days.
" " light " " 4 " 7 days.
During June we had heavy rain during 5 days.
" " light " " 6 " 11 days
" July heavy " " 10 "
" " light " " 4 " 14 days
Sickness increased proportionately with the increase of rain, owing to
the sudden chills occasioned by the heavy showers. The thermometer would
sometimes fall rapidly to 68 degrees Fahr. during a storm of rain,
accompanied by a cold rush of air from the cloud. Fortunately I had
provided the troops with blankets, which had not been included in their
kit by the authorities at Khartoum.