to disappoint their purpose, stop the progress of their cruelties, and
vindicate the rights of humanity which are so much injured by this
manifesto. We therefore beg leave to suggest to your Excellency's
consideration, whether it would not be advisable for his Majesty to
interfere, by some declaration to the Court of London and to the
world, bearing the royal testimony against this barbarous mode of war,
and giving assurances, that he will join the United States in
retaliation, if Great Britain by putting her threats in execution
should make it necessary. There is another measure, however, more
effectual to control their designs, and to bring the war to a speedy
conclusion; that of sending a powerful fleet, sufficient to secure a
naval superiority over them in the American seas. Such a naval force,
acting in concert with the armies of the United States, would, in all
human probability, take and destroy the whole British power in that
part of the world. It would put their wealth and West Indian commerce
into the power of France, and reduce them to the necessity of suing
for peace. Upon their present naval superiority in those seas depend
not only the dominion and rich commerce of their islands, but the
supply of their fleets and armies with provisions and every necessary.
They have nearly four hundred transports constantly employed in the
service of their fleet and army in America, passing from New York and
Rhode Island to England, Ireland, Nova Scotia, and their West India
Islands, and if any one link in this chain was struck off, if their
supplies from any one of these places should be interrupted, their
forces could not subsist. Great numbers of these vessels would
necessarily fall into the hands of the French fleet, and go as prizes
to a sure market in the United States. Great numbers of seamen too
would become prisoners, a loss that England cannot repair. It is
conceived, that it would be impossible for Great Britain to send a
very great fleet after the French into those seas. Their men of war,
now in Europe, are too old, too rotten, too ill manned, and their
masts and yards are of too bad materials to endure such a navigation.
The impossibility of their obtaining provisions, artists and materials
in that country, which would be easy to the French, makes it still
clearer that they cannot send a great additional force, and the fear
of Spain's interfering, with her powerful navy, would restrain them.
Whereas France has nothing to fear in Europe from them, as the number
and excellence of their armies are an ample security against the
feeble land forces of Great Britain.
This naval superiority would open such commerce between the United
States and the French West India islands, as would enable our people
to supply themselves with the European and West India articles they
want, to send abroad the produce of the country, and by giving fresh
spirit and vigor to trade, would employ the paper currency, the want
of which employ has been one cause of its depreciation. The
maintenance of such a fleet in America, would circulate so many bills
of exchange as would likewise, in a great measure, relieve them from
that dangerous evil. And these bills would all return to France for
her manufactures, thereby cementing the connexion and extending the
trade between the two countries. Such a naval superiority would
contribute very much to extinguish the hopes of the remaining number
of persons who secretly wish, from sinister motives, to become again
subjected to Great Britain, and would enable the people of the several
States to give such consistency and stability to their infant
governments, as would contribute greatly to their internal repose, as
well as to the vigor of their future operations against the common
enemy. The late speedy supply and reparation of his Majesty's fleet at
Boston will show the advantages, which this country must enjoy in
carrying on a naval war, on a coast friendly to her and hostile to her
enemy. And these advantages will in future be more sensible, because
the appearance of the fleet before was unexpected, and the harvest in
that part of the country had been unfavorable. It is obvious to all
Europe, that nothing less is at stake than the dominion of the sea, at
least the superiority of naval power, and we cannot expect Great
Britain will ever give it up, without some decisive effort on the part
of France. With such an exertion as that of sending a superior fleet
to America, we see nothing in the course of human affairs, that can
possibly prevent France from obtaining such a naval superiority
without delay. Without it the war may languish for years, to the
infinite distress of our country, to the exhausting both of France and
England, and the question left to be decided by another war.
We are more earnest, in representing these things to your Excellency,
as all our correspondence from England, for some time, has uniformly
represented that the intention of the Cabinet is conformable to the
spirit of the manifesto, that all parties grow more and more out of
temper with the Americans; that it has become fashionable with the
minority as well as the majority and administration, to reproach us
both in and out of Parliament; that all parties join in speaking of us
in the bitterest terms, and in heartily wishing our destruction; that
great clamors are raised about our alliance with France, as an
unnatural combination to ruin them; that the cry is for a speedy and
powerful reinforcement of their army, and for the activity of their
fleet in making descents on the sea coast, while murdering and
desolating parties are let loose upon the frontiers of the Carolinas,
Virginia, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, and New England, and,
that very early in the year, they will carry all these projects into
execution. This whole system may, as we conceive, be defeated and the
power of Great Britain now in America totally subdued (and if their
power is subdued there, it is reduced every where,) by the measure we
have the honor to propose.
We submit the whole merely as our opinion to your Excellency's
superior wisdom, and have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO M. DE SARTINE.
Passy, January 2d, 1779.
Sir,
We had the honor of receiving your Excellency's letter of the 22d, and
are much obliged to you for the interest you take in what concerns the
unhappy prisoners, who may escape from England. We have not been
inattentive to that subject. There are persons who supply them at
Bordeaux, Brest, L'Orient, Nantes, and Dunkirk. A gentleman at Calais
has voluntarily done this service, for which we have directed him to
draw on us for his disbursements; and we shall as readily discharge
what may have been disbursed by your commissaries, when we have their
accounts.
As there is very little probability of prisoners coming to other
ports, we will not give your Excellency the trouble you are so good as
to offer to take.
The regulation your Excellency proposes, relative to the prisoners we
may take from the enemy and bring into the ports of France, is
entirely agreeable to us; and we shall direct our agents accordingly,
who will readily deliver such prisoners to the persons your Excellency
may appoint to receive them, having already requested us to procure
written orders from you, without which your commissaries were
unwilling to take charge of them.
We have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
M. DE SARTINE TO THE COMMISSIONERS.
Translation.
Versailles, January 13th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I have received your letter of the 2d instant. I know that you direct
your agents, in different ports of the kingdom, to supply American
prisoners escaped or returning from England with whatever may be
necessary on their arrival; but you appear not to have given these
orders in the ports of Normandy, and I am informed, that some
prisoners, who need assistance, have appeared in those ports. It seems
to me necessary, that you should take such measures as you may judge
proper on this subject. I will transmit to you an account of the
expenses, which have been incurred up to the last of December.
I have given orders in all the ports for the reception of English
prisoners, brought in by citizens of the United States, for their
detention in the prisons destined for that purpose, and for their
usual supply of rations; a particular account of this expenditure will
be kept. You may, therefore, direct your agents in all the ports to
deliver such prisoners, on their arrival, to the Commissaries-General,
and I have the honor to be, &c.
DE SARTINE.
* * * * *
TO WILLIAM LEE, AT FRANKFORT.
Passy, January 13th, 1779.
Sir,
The letter which you did us the honor to write us on the 16th of
December we have received. As we have heard nothing further of the
Congress in Germany, which you inform us was talked of, we presume
that no such measure will take place.
However, whether there be a Congress or not, we cannot comply with the
terms of the gentleman you mention, nor advise him to take any steps
in the business.
We have also the honor of your letter of the 9th of December,
informing us of your draft upon us for twentyfour thousand livres, at
one month's date, payable to Mr Grand. The bill of exchange itself has
also been presented to us and accepted.
We have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO JOHN LLOYD, AND OTHERS.
Passy, January 26th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
We had yesterday the honor of your letter of the 21st of this month.
You desire to know what port, or ports, is or are made free, pursuant
to the treaty? We believe that none has as yet been determined on; at
present all the ports of France are open to American vessels of all
denominations, and we are at present rather doubtful whether it would
be politic in us to apply to have any distinction made. If the
appointment of free ports would relieve us from the payment of duties,
import or export, we should apply immediately. But as we apprehend
this advantage would not be the consequence, the limits of the free
ports would be prescribed, and the same duties must be paid upon
removing goods, within or without those limits, as are now paid upon
the imports and exports. Goods, however, might be brought into such
free ports from abroad, and then landed and stand for a time, and then
exported without paying duties; but whether this would be any great
advantage to our trade, you are better judges than we. We shall be
glad of your advice upon this head, and if you think of any advantages
of considerable moment, that would arise, we shall be always ready to
apply for such an appointment.
We are sorry it is not in our power to give you any acceptable
information respecting the 8th article of the treaty, relating to the
Barbary corsairs. All we can say is, that we have applied to the
Ministry upon this head some months ago, and received satisfactory
expressions of the disposition of this government to do every thing,
which is stipulated in that article of the treaty. But some things
remain to be determined by Congress, to whom we have written upon the
subject, and we must necessarily wait their instructions.
There are two inquiries to be made, viz. which of all the nations, who
now trade with France, is the most favored, and what duties are paid
by that nation? These duties, and these only, we suppose we are to
pay, and as soon as circumstances will permit, (two of us having been
for a fortnight very ill, and one of us continuing so) we shall apply
to the Ministry for an eclaircissement upon this head, which we will
endeavor to communicate to you as soon as we shall obtain it.
We have received an answer to our last application for a convoy, from
their Excellencies Count de Vergennes and M. de Sartine; but the
answers convinced us, that M. de Sartine was under some
misinformation, or misunderstanding relative to the business, which
obliged us to write again. As soon as we shall be honored with an
answer, we will communicate the result of it to you.
Meantime we have the honor to be, with great respect, Gentlemen, your
most obedient humble servants,
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, February 9th, 1779.
Sir,
It is now six months since Captain M'Neil, of the Mifflin privateer
from America, has been embarrassed with a process on account of a
French ship, which he retook from the English, after she had been
three days in their possession. The laws of France are clear with
regard to the validity of this prize, and our Captains have orders,
contained in their commissions, to submit their prizes to the laws of
the country into which they carry them, and they ought undoubtedly to
regulate their own conduct by those laws, without any regard to the
laws of America relating to this matter, which may be different in
every one of the United States, and, therefore, too uncertain to be
made the rule for judgement in the courts here. But the persons
reclaiming this prize insist, among other reasons, that their cause
should be judged by the laws of Captain M'Neil's country, because more
favorable for them.
We believe that no Americans in France will ever think of claiming
here any advantage by virtue of the laws of their own country, and it
seems not just to put those laws in force against them in France, when
it may be done to their detriment. The vexation of these kinds of
processes, and the slowness and length of these expensive proceedings
before a decision can be obtained, discourage our armed vessels, and
have tended to impress them with an opinion that their operations
against the English cannot be carried on to advantage in the European
seas. We, therefore, request your Excellency to join your
solicitations to those we have had the honor to make to M. de Sartine,
that these processes may be more speedily determined, and that the
Americans in France may be treated, in those respects, on the same
footing with the subjects of his Majesty; of which we shall be glad to
give information to the Congress, that so some popular prejudices
occasioned by these affairs may be effectually removed, and the
American armed ships be encouraged to return and cruise again upon the
coasts of England.
We have the honor to be, with the greatest consideration and respect,
&c. &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO M. SCHWEIGHAUSER.
Passy, February 10th, 1779.
Sir,
Captain Jones has represented to us his desire and intention of
returning to the Countess of Selkirk some plate, which his people took
from her house.
We apprehend that Congress would not disapprove of this measure, as
far as it should depend upon them, and we therefore consent on the
part of the United States, that this plate should be returned. This
consent is to be understood to extend no further than to the share, to
which the United States may be supposed to have a claim. The claim of
the officers and men, Captain Jones must be responsible to them for.
This plate in the whole is represented to be worth about one hundred
guineas.
We are, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO JOHN PAUL JONES.
Passy, February 10th, 1779.
Sir,
As your separation from the Ranger, and the appointment of Lieutenant
Simpson to the command of her, will be liable to misinterpretations
and misrepresentations by persons, who are unacquainted with the real
cause of those facts, we hereby certify, that your leaving the Ranger
was by our consent, at the express request of his Excellency Monsieur
de Sartine, who informed us, that he had occasion to employ you in
some public service; that Lieutenant Simpson was appointed to the
command of the Ranger with your consent, after having consented to
release him from an arrest, under which you had put him.
That your leaving the Ranger, in our opinion, ought not, and cannot,
be any injury to your rank or character in the service of the United
States; and that your commission in their navy continues in full
force.
We have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
+--------------------------------------------------------------------+
| TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE. |
| |
| Omitted words, shown as blank spaces in the original, have been |
| transcribed as four hyphens ('----'). |
| |
| Spelling variations between letters have been preserved. |
+--------------------------------------------------------------------+