whole matter, than the following; we correspond with a minority, which
has this advantage over that of England, that if this republic will
not declare itself our friend, it cannot be our enemy, on account of
the unanimity required by the constitution; this circumstance alone is
of high importance, and ought to persuade us to assist and confirm
that minority.
Every time I see our friend, he begs me not to fail to communicate to
him immediately any good news I may receive from America. He makes too
good a use of such information to allow any delay on my part.
The two letters, for which I am indebted to Mr A. Lee, have been
inserted in the Leyden Gazette. The Courier of the Lower Rhine
contains a fine eulogy on Mr Joseph Reed, member of Congress; it is
deserving of your notice. I wish I could send you the paper, but I
have only one copy, which I am about to forward to Congress.
I am, &c.
DUMAS.
* * * * *
TO M. DE SARTINE.
Passy, November 16th, 1778.
Sir,
We have the honor of your Excellency's letter of the 6th of this
month, but as the memoir of the French surgeon, which your Excellency
proposed to transmit to us, was by some accident omitted to be
enclosed in your letter, we are ignorant of his case, and consequently
unable to inform your Excellency whether it is in our power to afford
him any relief. If your Excellency will have the goodness to send us
the memoir, we will answer your letter without delay.
In the meantime we may acquaint your Excellency, that the United
States have not adopted any precautions for sending succors to their
subjects imprisoned in England. We have ventured, without orders or
permission from the United States, to lend small sums of money to
persons who have escaped from irons and dungeons in Great Britain, to
bear their expenses to Nantes, L'Orient and Bordeaux. But we have sent
no succor to them while in England, except a small sum of money, put
into the hands of Mr Hartley, to be disposed of by him for the relief
of such as should most want it.
We shall consider every Frenchman, taken by the English on board of
American vessels, in the same light as if he was an American by birth,
and entitled to the same assistance from us as Americans are in the
same situation.
We have the honor to be, &c. &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, November 7th, 1778.
Sir,
We have the honor to enclose a copy of the declaration concerning the
11th and 12th articles of the treaty of commerce, which we have
received from his Excellency the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, in exchange for a similar one signed by us, in pursuance of
the instructions of Congress.
We have also the honor to enclose copies of a correspondence with his
Excellency M. de Sartine, the Secretary of State for the Marine,
concerning cases of recaptures, that Congress may, if they judge
proper, take some resolution on this head; it seems to be equitable,
that the same rule should be observed by both nations.
We also enclose copies of a correspondence on the subject of
negotiation with the Barbary States. We do not find ourselves
authorised to treat with those powers, as they are not in Europe, and
indeed we are not furnished with funds for making them presents.
We have had the honor of a copy from the Auditor General, enclosing
the form of bills of exchange to be drawn upon us, for the interest
due upon loan office certificates, and acquainting us that this
interest will amount to two millions and a half of livres annually.
When it was proposed to pay the interest here, we had no idea of so
much being borrowed. We shall pay the most punctual obedience to these
and all other orders of Congress, as long as our funds shall last. But
we are obliged to inform Congress, that expenses on prisoners being
great, and being drawn upon by the order of Congress from various
quarters, and receiving no funds from America, we suffer the utmost
anxiety, lest we should be obliged to protest bills. We have exerted
ourselves to the utmost of our power to procure money, but hitherto
with little success. And we beg that some supplies may be sent us as
soon as possible. We are very sorry that we are not able to send to
Congress those supplies of arms, ammunition, and clothing, which they
have ordered; but it is absolutely impossible, for the want of funds,
and M. Beaumarchais has not yet informed us, whether he will execute
the agreement made for him with you or not.
We have the pleasure to inform Congress, that Mr Matthew Ridley of
Maryland has made a present to the United States of a valuable
manuscript upon naval affairs, which he has left with us. We shall
take the first opportunity of a frigate to send it to Congress.
We enclose to Congress copies of a correspondence between the
Ambassador of the king of the two Sicilies and us, which, as his
Majesty is the eldest son of the king of Spain, is considered as an
event indicative of the good will of a greater power, although, this
is respectable.
It is of great importance to penetrate the councils of an enemy, in
order to be prepared beforehand against his designs; we shall
therefore be happy to advise Congress of the intentions of Great
Britain as far as we conjecture.
We have every reason to believe, that the hostility of the disposition
of the British Court has no other bounds but those of their power.
Their threats, however, of large reinforcements and of Russian
auxiliaries, are without foundation. The interest of the king of
Prussia, and of the Empress Queen (who both choose at present to
pursue decent terms with Great Britain) to prevent a close alliance
between England and Russia, we apprehend, will prevent it. In short,
we see no probability of England's forming any alliance against
America in all Europe; or indeed against France; whereas, on the other
side, from the astonishing preparations of Spain, the family compact,
and other circumstances, and from the insolent tyranny of the English
over the Dutch, and their consequent resentment, which has shown
itself in formidable remonstrances as well as advances towards a
treaty with us, there is reason to believe, that if Great Britain
perseveres in the war, both of these powers will at length be involved
in it.
We had the honor to write to Congress on the 20th of July and the 17th
of September, of which we have sent duplicates and triplicates, and to
which we beg leave to refer. By this opportunity we shall send the
newspapers, which contain all the public intelligence.
We enclose a number of notes of hand, which have been taken from our
unhappy countrymen, who have escaped from England, to whom we have
lent money, as they had no other way of subsistence.
We have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
M. DUMAS TO THE COMMISSIONERS.
Translation.
Hague, November 10th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
My last of the 4th was despatched the 6th. Tomorrow will be an
important day, and will have serious consequences if Amsterdam
yields. You are already acquainted with the opinion, which will be
pronounced by the Admiralty. The committee appointed to confer with
the Admiralty on this point have made a report as follows.
1st. The conference desired by Sir J. Yorke, concerning the meaning of
the treaties relative to naval stores, shall be refused. 2dly. The
restitution of the vessels seized shall be strongly insisted on. The
Admiralty shall make certain arrangements with the merchants of the
country during these difficulties, that is, in plain English, shall
suspend the convoys, in so far as relates to the abovementioned
materials. This addition spoils all the rest.
Your friend appeared to me rather embarrassed. He has sent for the
most prudential persons on change to ask their advice concerning this
addition, which he considers arrant folly. Another person, very much
displeased with this addition, says, that if Amsterdam persists firmly
in demanding the strict observance of the treaties, and a perfect
neutrality, she can counteract this manoeuvre. Otherwise the servile
submission of the nation to the lash of the English, will expose it to
that of the French also, who will deprive it of the privileges it has
heretofore enjoyed in their country, and will seize its vessels, after
the example of the English.
You may therefore expect in my next to hear of a vigorous and
successful opposition on the part of the city, or of a dreadful blow
to the commerce and navigation of this country. It may then be said,
_quidquid delirant Britanni, plectuntur Belgae_. It will be their own
fault.
All this will probably be delayed somewhat; for our friend has told
me, that the Provincial Assembly will not rise this week. As I cannot
see him today, because he dines out, I have sent him a letter, of
which a copy is enclosed.
I am, Gentlemen, &c.
DUMAS.
* * * * *
M. DE SARTINE TO THE COMMISSIONERS.
Translation.
Versailles, November 12th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
M. de Fleury has represented to me, that his only son embarked for
America in 1778, where he served the United States in the army of
General Washington, with sufficient distinction to be raised to the
rank of Lieutenant Colonel, but having been made prisoner, and
conducted to fort St Augustine, he has not yet been able to procure
his exchange, and is in the most deplorable condition. The distinction
which this young officer obtained in the service of the United States
speaks in his favor, and I am persuaded, Gentlemen, that you will
attend to the request of M. de Fleury. I should be obliged to you, if
you would include him in the first exchange of prisoners.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE SARTINE.
* * * * *
TO M. DE SARTINE.
Passy, November 12th, 1778.
Sir,
Last night we had a letter from Nantes, a copy of which we have the
honor to enclose to your Excellency.
The subject of it appears to us of great importance to the United
States, as well as to the individuals, Frenchmen and Americans, who
are interested in the vessels destined to America; also to a
considerable number of gentlemen and others, who are going passengers
in this fleet, and ultimately to the common cause.
It gives us great pleasure to find so large a number of vessels going
out upon this occasion. Their cargoes are much wanted to enable our
countrymen to sustain the war. We therefore most cheerfully join with
the subscribers to the letter, who have also petitioned your
Excellency, in requesting a large convoy to protect those ships quite
home to America.
Upon this occasion we cannot refrain from submitting to your
Excellency our opinion, that the more of the king's ships are sent to
America, the more certainly France maintains a superiority of naval
power in the American seas, the more likely it will be that she will
have the advantage in the conduct of the war. Because the French
having the ports and the country, the provisions, the materials, and
the artificers of America open to them, and the English being obliged
to derive all these things from Europe, the former have a vast
advantage over the latter, in the conduct of the war in that quarter
of the world; not to mention that the French ships being newer and in
better condition than the English, are better able to sustain the
American seas.
Your Excellency will excuse our suggesting one reflection, that
whatever vessels of war are sent to America, they should be
plentifully furnished with marine woollen cloths, especially blankets
and gloves, or mittens, without which it is extremely difficult for
the men to do their duty in the cold season upon that coast.
We are, &c. &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
M. DUMAS TO THE COMMISSIONERS.
Translation.
Hague, November 13th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
The situation of affairs here is becoming extremely critical. The
resolution mentioned in my letter of the 10th, to deny convoy for
naval stores, has not yet been formally adopted. It has been decided
to determine this point next Wednesday, by the majority of voices. The
members from Amsterdam have protested against this, as contrary to the
constitution, which requires in such cases unanimity, and have entered
their protest in the books. They were, however, abandoned by all the
other cities. M. Van Berckel sustained the attacks of the whole
assembly with firmness; one might say, that he had to encounter the
whole province, and consequently the whole republic except his own
city. If the council upholds the regency, and the merchants continue
to oppose this measure, as in all probability they will, they must
succeed in their righteous cause. If the council, contrary to all
appearances, should yield, M. Van Berckel declares, that he will never
return, but will leave room for any one who wishes it to occupy his
place.
The French ambassador, on his side, declared several days ago to the
principal officers of government, and through them to the Pentionaries
of the cities, that the king expects that the republic will cause the
Dutch flag to be respected, and will protect efficiently and promptly
her commerce, in conformity with the treaties of 1674, &c. between
this country and England, on the faith of which reposes the confidence
in this flag; and if the republic does not answer to such reasonable
expectations, and undertakes to modify any part of those treaties to
the prejudice of commerce, the king is immovably fixed in his
determination, to deprive the nation of those advantages, which his
Majesty, out of pure kindness and without any obligation by treaty,
has hitherto permitted it to enjoy in the ports of France.
I have communicated this today to the friends of Amsterdam, to be made
known on change.
I shall set out in an hour for a place where my presence is considered
necessary. In the meanwhile,
I am, &c.
DUMAS.
* * * * *
M. DE SARTINE TO THE COMMISSIONERS.
Translation.
Versailles, November 14th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I have submitted to the king the reasons, which might determine his
Majesty to set at liberty citizens of the United States, prisoners in
France. But he has wisely decided, that this favor ought to be granted
only to those, who have been taken from American vessels, and
compelled to serve against their country; it will, therefore be
necessary for you, Gentlemen, to cause a list to be made, certified by
yourselves, which you will have the goodness to forward to me, that
only the good and faithful subjects of the United States may enjoy the
benefit of his Majesty's favor.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE SARTINE.
* * * * *
M. DUMAS TO THE COMMISSIONERS.
Translation.
Hague, November 20th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I returned here last Wednesday morning, and in the afternoon was
informed by our friend, that the despotic act, which I announced to
you in my last of the 13th of November, was passed in the Assembly of
the Province, after a session of three hours; and that the preamble
with the addition, of which I gave you an account in my letter of the
10th, was adopted by a majority. The city of Amsterdam has in
consequence entered a protest against this resolution, declaring it
null, as having been adopted contrary to the forms required by the
constitution of the State, which prescribes unanimity in such cases.
The injurious consequences which may result to the city are also
exposed.
Sir J. Yorke despatched a messenger with all haste to England, with
the news of the triumph of his party. His Court will not fail to boast
of this success in Parliament and in the journals; it appears to have
been desired for this purpose. No mention will be made of the protest,
which in reality converts this success into smoke, which will soon be
dissipated; for the members from the great city declare, that if the
protest is not printed with the resolution, they will have it printed
in the city, so that at least this nation shall not be deceived. It is
easy to foresee two important consequences resulting from this
measure; one, the blow predicted in my letter of the 10th; the other,
the close of a famous banking establishment, without which the others
cannot stand.
I might enter more into details; but besides that I have not time, I
am afraid to trust them to paper. I will only add, that tomorrow
morning, the members from the great city will depart, and with them
all the glory of Belgium. The others are ashamed of their own work,
dare not boast of it, and hang down their heads. It has even been
attempted to circulate the report, that the famous resolution was
adopted unanimously, and in conformity with the wishes of the great
city.
You cannot imagine, Gentlemen, how eager are your enemies in the
present situation of affairs, to propagate reports of dissensions and
divisions between the Americans and French, and among the Americans
themselves; their object is to animate their own party, and discourage
their opponents. We may despise them and laugh at them; but your best
friends are afflicted, that we receive no news from America by the way
of France. I pray God that we may soon have some, and of the most
favorable character.
I am, Gentlemen, &c.
DUMAS.
* * * * *
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, January 1st, 1779.
Sir,
Some late proceedings of the enemy have induced us to submit a few
observations to your Excellency's superior light and judgment.
His Britannic Majesty's Commissioners, in their manifesto of the 3d of
October, have denounced "a change in the whole nature and future
conduct of the war," they have declared, "that the policy as well as
the benevolence of Great Britain has thus far checked the extremes of
war," when they tended "to distress the people and desolate the
country;" that the whole contest is changed; that the laws of
self-preservation must now direct the conduct of Great Britain; that
these laws will direct her to render the United States of as little
avail as possible to France, if they are to become an accession to
her, and by every means in her power to destroy the new connexion
contrived for her ruin. Motions have been made and supported by the
wisest men in both Houses of Parliament, to address the king to
disavow these clauses, but these motions have been rejected by
majorities in both Houses, so that the manifesto stands avowed by the
three branches of the Legislature.
Ministers of State made in Parliament a question concerning the
meaning of this manifesto; but no man who reads it, and knows the
history of their past conduct in this war, can doubt its import. There
is to be a "change in the nature and conduct of the war." A change for
the worse must be horrible indeed! They have already burned the
beautiful towns of Charlestown, Falmouth, Norfolk, Kingston, Bedford,
Egg Harbour, and German Flatts, besides innumerable single buildings
and smaller clusters of houses, wherever their armies have marched. It
is true, they left Boston and Philadelphia unhurt, but in all
probability it was merely the dread of a superior army, that in these
cases restrained their hands, not to mention that burning these towns
would have been the ruin of the few secret friends they have still
left, of whom there are more in those towns than in all America
besides. They have not indeed murdered upon the spot _every_ woman and
child that fell in their way, nor have they in _all_ cases refused
quarters to the soldiers, that at _all_ times have fallen into their
power, though they have in many. They have also done their utmost in
seducing negroes and Indians to commit inhuman barbarities upon the
inhabitants, sparing neither age, sex, nor character. Although they
have not in all cases refused quarter to soldiers and sailors, they
have done what is worse than refusing quarters, they have thrust their
prisoners into such dungeons, loaded them with such irons, and exposed
them to such lingering torments of cold, hunger, and disease, as have
destroyed greater numbers than they could have had an opportunity of
murdering, if they had made it a rule to give no quarter. Many others
they have compelled by force to serve and fight on board their ships,
against fathers, brothers, friends and countrymen; a destiny to every
sensible mind more terrible than death itself.
It is therefore difficult to comprehend what they mean by a change in
the conduct of the war, yet there seems to be no room to doubt, that
they mean to threaten something more cruel, greater extremes of war,
measures that shall distress the people and lay waste the country more
than any thing they have yet done. "The object of the war is now
entirely changed." Heretofore their massacres and conflagrations were
to divide us and reclaim us to Great Britain. Now, despairing of that
end, and perceiving that we shall be faithful to our treaties, their
principle is by destroying us to make us useless to France. This
principle ought to be held in abhorrence, not only by all christians,
but by all civilized nations. If it is once admitted, that powers at
war have a right to do whatever will weaken or terrify an enemy, it is
not possible to foresee where it will end. It would be possible to
burn the great cities of Europe. The savages, who torture their
prisoners, do it to make themselves terrible; in fine, all the horrors
of the barbarous ages may be introduced and justified.
The cruelties of our enemies have heretofore more than once
exasperated the minds of the people so much as to excite
apprehensions, that they would proceed to retaliation, which, if once
commenced, might be carried to extremities; to prevent which, the
Congress issued an address exhorting to forbearance and a further
trial by examples of generosity and lenity, to recall their enemies to
the practice of humanity amidst the calamities of war. In consequence
of which, neither the Congress, nor any of the States apart, have ever
exercised or authorised the exercise of the right of retaliation. But
now, that Commissioners vested with the authority of the nation have
avowed such principles, and published such threats, the Congress have,
by a resolution of the 30th of October, solemnly and unanimously
declared that they will retaliate. Whatever may be the pretences of
the enemy, it is the manifest drift of their policy to disgust the
people of America with their new alliance, by attempting to convince
them that instead of shielding them from distress, it has accumulated
additional calamities upon them.