We mean in this letter to give you a succinct view of the state of our

military affairs. You must, long before this reaches you, have been

made acquainted with the signal success of the American arms in the

northern department, particularly the several engagements in that

quarter previous to the surrender of General Burgoyne and his whole

army to General Gates. Since that time, Ticonderoga and Mount

Independence have been evacuated by the enemy, so that the whole of

that department is now in our possession. The Indians are perfectly

quiet, and we have lately received intelligence, that those formerly

in the interest of our enemies incline to our side, as also, that the

inhabitants of Canada, where the enemy have but small force, are in

general much disposed to favor us. General Burgoyne and his troops are

now near Boston; and on account of several very exceptionable parts of

his conduct, Congress have resolved, that he shall not be suffered to

depart, till the convention of Saratoga is ratified by the Court of

London.

A part of the enemy's army is still in possession of Newport, in Rhode

Island. An expedition intended to dispossess them of that place, on

account of some mistakes and neglect of those who were to make the

proper preparations for it, was obliged to be laid aside, but we

expect it will sometime hence be resumed.

As to the armies in this State, General Howe is still in Philadelphia,

but possesses no part of the country round it. General Washington's

army is in huts to the westward of Schuylkill, refreshing and

recruiting during the winter; and it is in contemplation to call in a

number of militia to attempt to expel Howe before he can be reinforced

in the spring. A part of our army is stationed at Wilmington, and

they, with the militia on both sides of the river, have been very

successful in taking several of the enemy's vessels since the winter

set in. A committee of Congress is just going off to the army, to

assist in regulating it for the next campaign, and to concert measures

for the most early and vigorous operations.

Copies of newspapers, and the proceedings of Congress relating to the

convention of Saratoga, are sent to you by this conveyance, besides

which, we hope you will have the advantage of information from Mr

Adams in person.

We are, with much regard, &c.

J. WITHERSPOON,

J. LOVELL.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, 8th February, 1778.

Sir,

We have now the great satisfaction of acquainting you and the

Congress, that the treaties with France are at length completed and

signed. The first is a treaty of amity and commerce, much on the plan

of that projected in Congress;[49] the other is a treaty of alliance,

in which it is stipulated, that in case England declares war against

France, or occasions a war by attempts to hinder her commerce with us,

we should then make common cause of it, and join our forces, and

councils, &c. The great aim of this treaty is declared to be to

"establish the liberty, sovereignty, and independency, absolute and

unlimited, of the United States, as well in matters of government as

commerce;" and this is guarantied to us by France, together with all

the countries we possess, or shall possess at the conclusion of the

war; in return for which the States guaranty to France, all its

possessions in America. We do not now add more particulars, as you

will soon have the whole by a safer conveyance, a frigate being

appointed to carry our despatches. We only observe to you, and with

pleasure, that we have found throughout this business, the greatest

cordiality in this Court; and that no advantage has been taken, or

attempted to be taken of our present difficulties, to obtain hard

terms from us; but such has been the King's magnanimity and goodness,

that he has proposed none which we might not readily have agreed to in

a state of full prosperity and established power. The principle laid

down as the basis of the treaty, being as declared in the preamble,

"the most perfect equality and reciprocity," the privileges in trade,

&c. are mutual, and none are given to France, but what we are at

liberty to grant to any other nation.

On the whole, we have abundant reason to be satisfied with the good

will of this Court, and of the nation in general, which we therefore

hope will be cultivated by the Congress, by every means which may

establish the Union, and render it permanent. Spain being slow, there

is a separate and secret clause, by which she is to be received into

the alliance, upon requisition, and there is no doubt of the event.

When we mention the good will of this nation to our cause, we may add

that of all Europe, which having been offended by the pride and

insolence of Britain, wishes to see its power diminished; and all who

have received injuries from her, are, by one of the articles, to be

invited into our alliance. The preparations for war are carried on

with immense activity, and it is soon expected.

With our hearty congratulations, and our duty to the Congress, we have

the honor to be very respectfully, &c.

B. FRANKLIN,

SILAS DEANE.

FOOTNOTES:

[49] This _plan of a treaty_ is contained at length in the _Secret

Journals of Congress_, Vol. II. p. 7. It is accompanied with a draft

of instructions to the commissioners, who were to propose it, in which

modifications are suggested.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Passy, February 16th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

We have now the pleasure of sending you the treaties of amity and

alliance, which France completed after long deliberation, and signed

the 6th instant. This is an event, which will give our States such an

appearance of stability, as must strengthen our credit, encourage

other powers in Europe to ally themselves with us, weaken the hopes of

our internal as well as our external enemies, fortify our friends, and

be in many other respects so advantageous to us, that we congratulate

you upon it most heartily. And we flatter ourselves, that the Congress

will approve of the terms, and despatch the ratifications as soon as

possible.

It is understood that Spain is shortly to accede to the same treaties.

We have in ours of December 18th, mentioned the reasons of her delay,

which still subsist, but will probably not subsist much longer. These

treaties continue a secret here, and may do so till the commencement

of the war, which is daily expected. Our little fleet formerly

mentioned, which has been long watched and detained in Nantes' river,

by the English cruising off Belisle, is now on the point of sailing

under the convoy of a French squadron. As the English are pretty

strong in the Bay, it is probable that their attack, and the French

defence of our ships, may be the prelude of a Declaration on both

sides.

Having received part of the 3,000,000 livres we formerly mentioned to

you, we have furnished Mr W. Lee, and Mr Izard with 2,000 guineas each

for the expenses of the missions to Germany and Italy. And as we have

received intimations from Holland, that the appearance of one of us

there might at this juncture have good effects, we have resumed the

purpose formerly communicated to you, and as soon as our treaty with

France is known, and the winter over, probably either Mr Deane or Mr

Franklin will make a journey thither.

But as we apprehend it may be known here, by some means or other,

should we furnish the expense of these embassies out of the aids

received from this Court, which we think not reputable to the

Congress, we must again press you to make us the necessary remittances

to replace what we have borrowed from the fund destined for your

supplies. And particularly we pray more earnestly, that you would

forward as soon as possible the 5,000 hhds of tobacco for the

Farmers-General, who will soon be in want of it, and who long since

advanced us a million for your use. Our honor is concerned in the

fulfilment of this contract.

The seizing and delivering up to the English two prizes taken by

Captain Babson, on account of their being illegally entered under a

false declaration, made a good deal of noise among our people in the

ports, and gave unfavorable impressions of the friendship of this

Court, which possibly may extend to America. We think it therefore

necessary to inform you, that though the confiscation of these prizes

on the above account, is _said to be_ agreeable to the laws here, yet

the king, after a condemnation, had the power of disposing of the

produce, for what purpose, political or otherwise, he might think

proper, and accordingly restored it at this juncture, perhaps

usefully, to the English claimants. Yet as it is thought a hard case

with respect to the captors, a beginning is made of indemnification,

and we hope on the same principle on which we are to receive soon a

part, 50,000, we shall be able in time to recover the whole.

We have, to avoid disputes at a particular time, delivered up the

cargo brought by the Amphitrite to M. Beaumarchais. We hear he has

sent over a person to demand a great sum of you on account of arms,

ammunition, &c. We think it will be best for you to leave the demand

to be settled by us here, as there is a mixture in it of public and

private concern, which you cannot so well develop.

We send you herewith a great many newspapers; you will see Lord

North's only answer to our application about the prisoners; as also

the success of a subscription set on foot in England by our friends

for their relief. They are at present pretty comfortably provided for.

By our late advices from England, the ministers began to be alarmed

for their country and perhaps for themselves. Some of their emissaries

have been here to sound us, and endeavor to get from some of us

propositions on which to found a treaty; which we evaded generally, as

not being empowered to make any; and apprehending withal, that even

reasonable ones, proposed by us, might be used improperly by the

ministry to exasperate, instead of conciliating the pride of the

nation, choosing still to consider us as subjects. Many of the

speakers in parliament of both Houses seem to look upon a French war

at this juncture, when so much of their force is abroad, and their

public credit so shaken, as immediate ruin. And we are assured by the

last post, from good authority, that even Lord Mansfield, who in the

beginning of this business was so valiant, spoke lately in private to

Lord Camden of the absolute necessity of an immediate coalition of

parties, to prevent the great impending danger to the nation, from an

alliance between the House of Bourbon and the Americans, which he

said he had good information was on the point of being concluded.

We have the honor of being, with the highest esteem, Gentlemen, your

most obedient humble servants.

B. FRANKLIN,

SILAS DEANE,

ARTHUR LEE.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Passy, 28th February, 1778.

Gentlemen,

Our despatches of December 18th, which would have acquainted you with

the state of our affairs here, and our expectations of a speedy

conclusion of the treaties with this Court, are unfortunately

returned; the French man of war, which went on purpose to carry them,

having met with some disasters at sea, which obliged her to put back,

after a long struggle of six weeks against contrary winds. We now have

obtained another ship to sail with them immediately, and with our

fresh despatches, containing the treaties themselves, which were

happily concluded and signed the 6th instant, though hitherto, for

some political reasons, kept a secret from the public.

The English Parliament adjourned in December for six weeks. During

that time, their ministers strained every nerve to raise men for their

armies, intending to continue the war with vigor. Subscriptions were

set on foot to aid Government in the expense, and they flattered

themselves with being able to enlist ten thousand volunteers; but

whether they found this impracticable, or were discouraged by later

accounts from America, or had some intimations of our treaties here,

their vaunts and threats are suddenly abated, and on the 17th Lord

North made a long discourse, acknowledging the errors of their former

conduct in the war with America, and proposing to obtain peace, by the

means of two bills, of which we enclose copies.

We make no remarks on these bills. The judgment of the Congress can be

at no loss in determining on the conduct necessary to be held with

regard to them. And we are confident, that they will not answer the

purpose of _dividing_ in order to _subjugate_, for which they are

evidently intended. Our States have now a solid support for their

liberty and independence in their alliance with France, which will be

certainly followed by that of Spain, and the whole House of Bourbon,

and probably by that of Holland, and the other powers of Europe, who

are interested in the freedom of commerce, and in keeping down the

power of Britain. Our people are happy in the enjoyment of their new

constitutions of Government, and will be so in their extended trade

and navigation, unfettered by English arts and Custom-house officers.

They will now never relish the Egyptian bondage, from which they have

so happily escaped. A long peace will probably be the consequence of

their separation from England, as they have no cause of quarrel with

other nations; an immediate war with France and Spain, if they join

again with England, and a share in all her future wars, her debts, and

her crimes. We are, therefore, persuaded that their commissioners will

be soon dismissed, if at all received; for the sooner the decided part

taken by Congress is known in Europe, the more extended and stable

will be their credit, and their conventions with other powers more

easy to make, and more advantageous.

Americans are every where in France treated with respect and every

appearance of affection. We think it would be well to advise our

people in all parts of America, to imitate this conduct with regard to

the French, who may happen to be among us. Every means should be used

to remove ancient prejudices, and cultivate a friendship that must be

so useful to both nations. Some transactions here, during the last

four or five months, in the rigorous observance of treaties, with

regard to the equipments of our armed vessels in the ports, and the

selling of our prizes, have no doubt made ill impressions on the minds

of our seamen and traders, relative to the friendship of this Court.

We were then obliged to observe a secrecy, which prevented our

removing those prejudices, by acquainting our people with the

substantial aids France was privately affording us; and we must

continue in the same situation, till it is thought fit to publish the

treaties. But we can, with pleasure, now acquaint you that we have

obtained full satisfaction, viz. 400,000 livres for the owners of the

prizes confiscated here, for a breach of the laws by a false

declaration, (they being entered as coming from Eustatia) and the

payment will be made to the owners in America. We mean the prizes

taken by Captains Babson and Hendricks, in the Boston and Hancock

privateers, which prizes, after confiscation, were, from reasons of

state, restored to the English. This is a fresh proof of the good will

and generosity of this Court, and their determination to cultivate the

friendship of America.

The preparations for war continue in the ports with the utmost

industry; and troops are marching daily to the sea-coasts, where three

camps are to be formed. As France is determined to protect her

commerce with us, a war is deemed inevitable.

Mr William Lee, we suppose, acquaints you with the decease of Mr

Morris, his colleague in the commercial agency. On our application to

the ministry, an order was obtained to put Mr Lee in possession of his

papers. If that department has been found useful, and likely to

continue so, you will no doubt appoint one or more persons to take

care of the business, as Mr Lee has now another destination. Perhaps

the general commerce, likely to be soon opened between Europe and

America, may render such an appointment unnecessary.

We would just add, for the consideration of Congress, whether

considering the mention of Bermudas in one of the articles, it may not

be well to take possession, with the consent of the inhabitants of

that island, and fortify the same as soon as possible, and also to

reduce some, or all of the English fishing posts in or near

Newfoundland.

We have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN,

SILAS DEANE,

ARTHUR LEE.

* * * * *

FROM THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO WILLIAM BINGHAM.

York, 2d March, 1778.

Sir,

The Committee of Secret Correspondence, which almost a year ago was

denominated the "Committee for Foreign Affairs," stands indebted to

you for many letters, both of interesting advice and ingenious

speculation. Happening to be the only member of that Committee at this

time present in Yorktown, I now take up my pen, not to form apologies

for their long past silence, so much as to make a beginning of the act

of justice due to you. I really fear that the collected ingenuity of

the members will be put to it to offer, for a main excuse, any thing

better than that they relied upon your getting frequent intelligence

of the state of our affairs from the Commercial Committee. In short,

sir, I am so deeply concerned with the gentlemen in this affair, that

I know what they ought to do; and I am so well acquainted with their

just manner of thinking, that I will venture to confess in their name,

that their past omission of corresponding with you, is, in a

considerable measure, unaccountable. It is certainly better to step

forward towards a man of candor, in the straight line of honest

confession, than in the zigzag track of awkward apology.

Your letters, exclusive of their intrinsic merit, have been more

peculiarly acceptable to Congress, from the circumstance of our having

been deprived of the satisfaction of receiving intelligence from the

hands of our Commissioners in Paris since May of last year. Besides

those of their despatches, which have been lost at sea, we know one

has been examined and culled by some perfidious villain, who

substituted plain sheets of paper for the real letters of our friends.

This was probably done in Europe, before the bearer of it, a Captain

John Folger, embarked with it for America.

Your ideas of the policy of the Court of Versailles appear quite just,

from the corroborating testimony of whatever information we can

collect in any way.

The course of Gazettes, which accompany this, will so well communicate

our home affairs, that I shall not enlarge upon them. I will only say,

in brief, that you may rest assured, independence is so absolutely

adopted by America, as to leave no hope for Britain that we shall ever

relinquish our claim. It must, therefore, be only to delude her own

islanders and neighbors, that she pretends to expect the contrary.

In addition to the misfortune which you mention respecting the

Lexington, we are told of a greater, and one which will more

intimately affect you, respecting the Reprisal, which is said to have

foundered on the 1st of October. Your acquaintance with Captain Wickes

will lead you to lament greatly the loss of so valuable an officer and

so worthy a man. I enclose you a list of your letters as they came to

hand, both for your own satisfaction and to command your belief of my

regard for you, as a faithful corresponding agent, and of my

professions of being, Sir, &c.

JAMES LOVELL,

_For the Committee of Foreign Affairs_.

* * * * *

M. GERARD TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

Translation.

Versailles, March 17th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

I am charged to acquaint you, that you will be presented to the King

next Friday, if you will have the goodness to render yourselves here

at ten o'clock in the morning. Count de Vergennes hopes you will do

him the honor to dine with him on the same day.

I have the honor to be, with high consideration, &c.

GERARD.

* * * * *

FROM THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

York, 24th March, 1778.

Gentlemen,

I cannot consent to omit this opportunity of addressing a few lines to

you, though the state of our military operations affords nothing

material.

The manners of the continent are too much affected by the depreciation

of our currency; scarce an officer, civil or military, but feels

something of a desire to be concerned in mercantile speculation, from

finding that his salary is inadequate to the harpy demands, which are

made upon him for the necessaries of life, and from observing, that

but little skill is necessary to constitute one of the merchants of

these days. We are almost a continental tribe of Jews; but I hope

heaven has not yet discovered such a settled profligacy in us as to

cast us off, even for a year. Backward as we may be at this moment in

our preparations, the enemy is not in a condition to expect more

success in the coming, than in former campaigns. We have the debates

of the British Parliament to December 5th, and perceive that the old

game is playing, called Reconciliation. Depend upon it, they are

duping themselves only.

Yesterday a private letter from Doctor Franklin, dated October 7th,

was presented, containing the only political intelligence which Folger

brought safe with him, viz. "Our affairs, so far as relates to this

country, are every day more promising." This, with a letter from Mr

Barnabus Deane, who tells us his brother apologized for his brevity,

by saying he was "sending an important packet to Congress," is all the

explanation we have of the nature of your despatches, of which we

were robbed. I enclose a list, by which you will see the breaks in our

correspondence. I send a pamphlet which contains, I hope, the general

ideas of America in regard to what Britain may be tempted, foolishly,

to call her successes.

We think it strange, that the Commissioners did not jointly write by

M. de Francy, considering the very important designs of his coming

over, to settle the mode of payment for the past cargoes sent by

_Roderique Hortalez & Co._ and to make contracts for the future. It is

certain that much eclaircissement is at this late moment wanting. But

I dare not enlarge, for fear of losing this sudden good opportunity.

I therefore close, with assurances of the most affectionate respect,

gentlemen, your very humble servant,

JAMES LOVELL,

_For the Committee of Foreign Affairs_.

* * * * *

TO M. DUMAS.

Paris, April 10th, 1778.

Sir,

The within letter to you is so written, that you may show it on

occasion. We send enclosed a proposed draught of a letter to the Grand

Pentionary, but as we are unacquainted with forms, and may not exactly

have hit your idea with regard to the matter and expression, we wish

you would consult with our friends upon it, and return it with the

necessary corrections.

B. FRANKLIN,

ARTHUR LEE,

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

DRAFT OF A PROPOSED LETTER FROM THE COMMISSIONERS TO THE GRAND

PENTIONARY.

Sir,

We have the honor of acquainting your Excellency, that the United

States of North America, being now an independent power, and

acknowledged as such by this Court, a treaty of amity and commerce is

completed between France and the said United States, of which we shall

speedily send your Excellency a copy, to be communicated, if you think

proper, to their High Mightinesses, for whom the United States have

the greatest respect, and the strongest desire that a good

understanding may be cultivated, and a mutually beneficial commerce

established between the people of the two nations, which, as will be

seen, there is nothing in the above mentioned treaty to prevent or

impede.

We have the honor to be, with great respect, your Excellency's, &c.

* * * * *

TO M. DUMAS.

Passy, April 10th, 1778.

Sir,

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