therefrom, I wrote to M. Holker the enclosed letter, and received his
answer thereto, a copy of which I take the liberty of enclosing. 37
livres being equal to 32s. 4-1/2d. sterling, it is evident that the
calculation made is wrong, even if I had fixed the price positively at
32s. or 33s. sterling.
I will not trouble Congress at present with any further observations
on the subject,
But am, with much respect, &c.
SILAS DEANE.
* * * * *
TO M. HOLKER.
Philadelphia, 26th April, 1779.
Sir,
I was this day surprised to hear, that in a memorial you had presented
to Congress, you had said that the suits of clothes furnished by
Messrs Sabbatier and Desprez, ought not to cost (or did not cost) more
than 32 or 34 livres each, delivered in the ports of France. Permit me
to remind you, that these clothes were transported from Paris, and the
other places where they were made up, to the sea ports, at the expense
of the commissioners; that they cost something more than 34 livres,
exclusive of the transportation, as I am positive the accounts
themselves will show. I must therefore presume, if my information is
right, that you may be under some mistake as to this matter, and
therefore pray you, if you have the copies of these accounts, that you
will turn to them, which must convince you of it, or the error is with
me, for, as I recollect, these suits of clothes cost, when delivered
on board, nearest 36 livres on an average, and those purchased from
Mons. Monthieu, a trifle more, and those from M. Coder, which were of
a different fashion, considerably more; this occasioned my saying
generally, in my narrative to Congress, that the suits cost 32s. or
33s. sterling, of which difference in our accounts advantage has been
taken against me, though I spoke generally, referring to the accounts
and contracts themselves to correct me if I erred. You will therefore
oblige me by explaining the above, if you have the account, or if you
recollect the circumstances of that transaction.
I have the honor to be, with much respect,
SILAS DEANE.
* * * * *
M. HOLKER'S ANSWER.
Philadelphia, 26th April, 1779.
Sir,
I have this moment received your favor of this date. In my memorial to
Congress, I said that each complete suit ought not to cost more than
33 or 34 livres (not 32 or 34) delivered in the sea ports. I spoke
totally from memory, and believe I have made a mistake, by taking the
price in Paris, or Montpellier, for the price at which they would
stand at the sea ports. Admitting my error, they would cost no more
than 36 or 37 livres the suit, according to the best calculation I can
make from memory.
I have the honor to remain, most sincerely, &c.
HOLKER.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, 30th April, 1779.
Sir,
In my letter of Monday last, I mentioned my intention to leave town in
the course of the week. I am now waiting for no other purpose, but to
know if Congress will take notice of the requests I have so often
troubled them with. The circumstances under which I left France, in
obedience to their orders, and with a view of promoting their service
in the greatest and most essential manner (it is well known) rendered
it impossible to have the accounts of the commissioners and my own,
connected immediately with theirs, settled and closed, so that the
vouchers could be procured and brought out with me. But a few days
past between the knowledge of my recall, and of my actual setting out
on my return.
One condition of sending out the Toulon fleet, and of my embarking in
it was, that the most profound secrecy should be observed, and the
greatest despatch made. The king's ministers did not think fit to
communicate this secret to my colleague, Mr Lee, nor did they leave me
at liberty to do it; I had as little grounds for confidence in that
gentleman, as the ministers had, and it is evident from their letters
and declarations that they never had any. Yet such is my peculiar
situation, that I find myself blamed and censured by many in Congress
as well as out, for not having performed an impossibility, and am
represented as a defaulter, and as having misapplied or embezzled the
public monies, at once to prevent my future usefulness to my country,
and to the ruin of my private fortune and character. Thus situated, I
can but appeal once more to the justice of Congress, and remind them
that I brought with me and delivered them, it is now more than seven
months since, an account from under the banker's hands, of all the
monies received and paid out by him, and to whom paid; that in my
letter of the 12th of October, I explained to Congress for what
purposes those payments were made, and in my answers to Mr Lee's
objections to these contracts, that I proved him to have been
acquainted with them, and that he signed himself the orders for the
money, for the greater part of them. I am informed, by several
honorable gentlemen in Congress, that many of the members, from their
absence at the time, or from their taking their seats since the
delivering in of that account and my letter of the 12th of October,
are to this moment uninformed of either. This obliges me to refer to
them at this time, and though I have not the vouchers to support
every article, yet I will cheerfully put my reputation as a merchant,
as an honest man, and as a frugal servant of the public, on the
examination of those accounts, the circumstances under which they were
taken, at the same time to be considered.
That account commences in February, 1777, and ends the 27th day of
March, 1778, three days before my leaving Paris. It will show, that
the whole amount of the monies received by the commissioners, was
3,753,250 livres, and their expenditures 4,046,988 livres, 7 sols, and
by the general state of the account delivered the 12th of October, it
appears for what those expenditures were made. After deducting the
sums paid, for large contracts for supplies, &c. which are
particularised, there will be left 219,250 livres, 1 sol, 11 deniers,
equal to £9644. 8. 7-1/2 sterling, for the commissioners' expenses,
for almost fifteen months, and for small purchases, and for a variety
of services not possible to be particularised, without the accounts at
large. I might with safety rest this whole sum on the score of the
commissioners' expenses for this space of time, and support it on Mr
Lee's letter to Congress, in which he says, that Mr Adams and himself
were fully convinced, that they could not live at Paris under £3000
sterling, (or about 70,000 livres) each annually. Had the
commissioners expended at that rate, from February, 1777, to March,
1778, the whole of the sum would be no more than a sufficiency to
supply their expenses; but this was not the case. The commissioners,
in the whole, received out of it the sum of 115,480 livres, 5 sols, 6
deniers, for their expenses and private disbursements, as will appear
by the account enclosed; of this, Dr Franklin received 27,841 livres,
Mr Lee 52,039 livres, 5 sols, 9 deniers, and myself 35,600 livres. It
is true, at the same time, that Mr Lee had in his hands the whole of
the money received from Spain, which he disposed of without the
interference of the other commissioners.
I appeal to the honorable gentlemen in Congress, then present, and
perfectly well acquainted with our mode and style of living, to inform
Congress on which of the commissioners the greatest expense of
providing for and entertaining the Americans, who visited them at
Paris, or who escaped from prison in England, and applied for relief,
fell. I lay this general state before Congress, to convince them how
very far I was from being prodigal of the public monies, and that the
accounts delivered, general as they are, are sufficient to exculpate
me from every charge of peculation or extravagance. My future
reputation and fortune depend much on my mercantile character in these
transactions, and I rely on the justice of Congress to prevent its
being any longer undeservedly sported with, vilified and abused.
Under the load of calumny and abuse I have for some months sustained,
I have had this consolation, that the services I had rendered my
country had been long since sensibly felt by her, and that they would
one day be acknowledged, but when returning to the character of a
private citizen in the mercantile line, I cannot sit down easy under
imputations injurious to my private character.
I have long since requested to have these accounts examined into, on
the spot, where only a full and minute investigation can be made, and
that they should be settled as justice required. I now repeat my
request, and that previous thereto, the accounts laid before Congress
be examined, from which alone it will appear, if there be any ground
even for suspicion, and that I may be permitted to obviate, if in my
power here, any objections that may be made. The mode in which the
monies were received for the commissioners' use at Paris, the source
from whence they came, with other circumstances relative, are such
that I have not thought it consistent with the interest, the policy,
or even the delicacy of Congress, or others, to lay the case at large
before my countrymen, though I found myself injured in their opinion,
by the abuse constantly thrown out against me in the papers, and from
my silence on the subject. I have ever been, and still remain
confident, that a general examination of the accounts, even in the
state they are, must prove satisfactory to Congress, and that a minute
investigation will show me to have merited their approbation, and not
their censure. My first duty is, to satisfy Congress, in whose
determinations the public will undoubtedly acquiesce, and to them
therefore I have constantly made my application on this subject.
I will make no apology for troubling them so long at this time, my
situation is, I trust, a sufficient one. I have only to add, that
having delayed to leave the town beyond the time I proposed in my
last, I hope for an early answer, and have the honor to be, with the
utmost respect and attachment, &c.
SILAS DEANE.
_Account of monies paid by Mr Grand, to Benjamin Franklin, Silas
Deane, and Arthur Lee, for their particular use, and charged by him,
as paid immediately to them._
To Benjamin Franklin--
Livres.
14th July, 1777, 4800 0 0
25th September, 4001 0 0
15th November, 8000 0 0
29th December, 2400 0 0
2d March, 3600 0 0
25th " 4800 0 0
------------
27,601 0 0
10th March, 240 0 0
------------
27,841 0 0
To Silas Deane--
Livres.
1st July, 1777, 2400 0 0
29th August, 4800 0 0
16th September, 4800 0 0
7th October, 2400 0 0
20th November, 2700 0 0
11th December, 2400 0 0
21st December, 2400 0 0
13th January, 4000 0 0
12th February, 2500 0 0
17th March, 4800 0 0
24th " 2400 0 0
------------
35,600 0 0
To Arthur Lee--
Livres.
August, 2400 0 0
8th October, 4800 0 0
12th November, 2400 0 0
December, 2400 0 0
23d November, 22,519 5 6
23d December, 2400 0 0
January, 720 0 0
11th " 4800 0 0
" 2400 0 0
16th February, 2400 0 0
6th March, 4800 0 0
------------
52,039 5 6
35,600 0 0
27,841 0 0
------------
115,480 5 6
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, 12th May, 1779.
Sir,
I returned last evening, and now send you the New York papers of the
3d and 5th instant. You will much oblige me, by informing me what
resolutions Congress have come to on my letters of the 26th, 27th, and
30th ult. as well as on the petitions I have repeatedly made to them
for the settlement of the business, on which I was ordered to return
to America. If nothing has been done, I pray to be informed when I may
depend on a decisive answer from Congress.
I have the honor to be, with the most sincere respect,
SILAS DEANE.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, 22d May, 1779.
Sir,
As this will probably be the last time I shall trouble Congress with
my addresses to them, I hope to be indulged in briefly laying before
them the following observations on my case and situation.
From the moment, that the contest between these States and Great
Britain became serious, I have taken and pursued a decided and active
part in favor of the liberties of my country, have cheerfully
sacrificed my fortune, and exposed my life, for an object much dearer
to me than either, the peace, liberty, and safety of these States. The
part I took in the first, and succeeding Congress, is well known to
many of the honorable members now present, as well as to my countrymen
and fellow citizens in general, who must do me the justice to say,
that I let slip no opportunity either in Congress or out, which
offered, for serving America, and distressing its enemies.
In January, 1776, when I was about returning to my family and private
concerns, which had suffered much by my absence, I was applied to, by
the committee of Congress, to go to France, to negotiate the political
as well as commercial affairs of America in that kingdom. The
advantages proposed to me in the latter were considerable, and without
any probability of difficulty, embarrassment, or risk, further than
the dangers of the voyage, which were indeed great at that time. In
the former it was very different, but the difficulties which
presented, great as they were, had no consideration with me, in the
situation in which our affairs then were. My subsequent conduct, from
my arrival in France, until I left that kingdom, fully demonstrates
that private interest and personal safety never had any weight with
me, when the service of my country called upon me. In my narrative I
have been so particular on the situation I found myself in, on my
arrival in Europe, the embarrassments and difficulties I constantly
labored under, and had to encounter, and in the many letters I have
written to Congress since my return, requesting my conduct might be
examined, in the strictest and most public manner, I have so often
represented to them what my situation and line of conduct had ever
been, that I am under no necessity of saying anything on the subject
at present.
On the fourth of March, 1778, after having succeeded in procuring
supplies for these States, which fell almost solely on me, and having,
jointly with my colleagues, concluded the treaty of the sixth of
February, which secured and guarantied the independence of these
States, when I found myself, for the first time after my leaving
America, free from those distressing embarrassments and difficulties I
had been constantly under, and at liberty to pursue openly the great
objects in view, and which I had for some time contemplated for the
service of these States, I received the resolution of Congress of the
8th of December, ordering me to return immediately to America, to
inform Congress of the _state of foreign affairs in Europe_. I did not
hesitate a moment as to the part I should take, but immediately set
myself on improving this circumstance and others, which then
fortunately coincided, to the greatest possible advantage of these
States,--the publication of the treaty, until that time ordered to be
kept a profound secret, and the sending out the Toulon fleet, in which
I embarked early in April.
I submit to the consideration of Congress, whether from the 4th of
March to the 30th, the day I left Paris, I could possibly have been
better employed, and whether I could have justified myself, or been
even excused by others, had I neglected these objects, and delayed to
pay the most immediate attention to the order of Congress, for the
mere purpose of collecting in and adjusting accounts from the
different ports of France; accounts which could not be collected and
closed under several months, and in the settlement of which my
colleagues were equally interested with myself.
I say I submit this to the consideration of Congress, nor do I fear
publicly to submit it to the world, or even to those enemies whom I am
so unfortunate as to have in it. The voice of my friend and colleague,
Doctor Franklin, with that of my other noble friends and patrons in
France to me was,--"Lose not a moment on any object either public or
private; the fleet at Toulon will be ready by the time you arrive
there; by no means let it wait a moment for you; you may sail early in
April, and be in America in the course of the month of May; you may
finish the information you have to give Congress immediately, and
return to France by the time the accounts you have been concerned in
can be got ready for settlement." It cannot be supposed, that I wanted
to be urged to take the part I did; on the contrary, I exerted myself
to the utmost in my power to get away as early and as secretly as
possible, being convinced that the plan was well laid, happy to find
the ministry had come so readily into it, and sensible how much
depended on despatch. Never was there a more glorious prospect before
us than at that time, nor ever were my hopes and expectations raised
higher on any occasion.
Having been honored with the particular confidence, and I may say
friendship, of the minister, and knowing that the relief of my country
and the defeat of its enemies depended solely on our seasonable
arrival, I suffered no private considerations to detain me a single
moment. I was not insensible that I had enemies in America; I knew
well that I had them in France, in Mr Williams and Mr Arthur Lee, and I
was well acquainted with their connexions in America; but conscious of
the part I had acted, and of the services I had rendered, and was then
doing, for my country, which services were not in words, but in acts,
the most honorable testimonials of which, given by the highest and
first characters in Europe or America, I had in my hands, I had
nothing to apprehend. Though permit me to assure you, that had I at
the time foreseen all that has happened, and that even my life, as
well as reputation, were to be sacrificed on my return, to the
interested views of my enemies, I should not have hesitated a moment
on taking the part I actually did take at the time. On my arrival
early in July, I repaired immediately to Congress, and informed them I
waited their orders.
It was late in August before I had the honor of an audience. Many
circumstances, as well as direct information, convinced me, of what I
had before suspected, that ill offices had been done me, and my
conduct misrepresented. When I was first heard before Congress, I
therefore requested, that if anything had been alleged against any
part of my conduct, or character, as the public agent and commissioner
of Congress, I might be made acquainted therewith, and have an
opportunity for an explanation. I received no answer, and consequently
had a right to conclude no charge had been made against me. I was told
by many of the honorable members, that they knew of none, nor had
they heard of any. Conversing with an honorable friend of mine, I
mentioned to him my expectation of returning to France early in the
fall, on which he told me I must not expect it, for that my enemies
had determined to throw such obstacles and difficulties in my way, as
most probably would detain me here much longer than I thought for. I
asked him how it was possible, when the business I was ordered home
upon was so very simple and so easily finished, and when the unclosed
state in which I had been obliged to leave many public transactions in
Europe, made my returning as early as possible of consequence to the
public, as well as to myself, and especially when nothing had, nor, I
presumed, could be, alleged against me. He answered, that it was the
design of those, who wished to sacrifice me to the family interests
and emoluments of my enemies, to wear me out by delays, and, without
any direct charges, to ruin me in the opinion of my countrymen by
insinuations, hints, and innuendoes, that though I might with
confidence rely on the justice of Congress, yet measures would be
taken to delay it on one pretence or other, in a way that would prove
prejudicial if not ruinous to me. Though I could by no means bring
myself to think my friend's suspicions well founded at the time, yet
they made me more attentive to what was passing, and my observations
served to confirm them.
The many fruitless applications I made for near five months to obtain
an audience of Congress, and to have the business I came out upon
closed, are well known to Congress, and the inferences I drew from the
silent neglects, which my requests met with, may be easily conceived.
In this situation I determined to lay my case before my countrymen and
fellow citizens, to whom I considered myself ultimately accountable,
though immediately so to their representatives in Congress. In
consequence of this determination, I published my address in the
beginning of December. On the 5th, Congress resolved to hear me; on
the 7th I attended, and was ordered to _report in writing my agency of
their affairs in Europe, as soon as may be, &c._ In obedience to their
commands, I delivered them a brief and faithful narrative of my
transactions, from the time of my leaving America, and flattered
myself, that, from the time which had elapsed from my recall, which
was more than twelve months, and more than five from the time of my
return and attendance, the fullest examination must have been made
into every part of my conduct, and that I could not fail of obtaining
an early decision. Confident in the justice of Congress, I forbore to
address the public further, whilst my cause was before Congress, and
whilst I daily expected their determination. From these
considerations, I silently submitted to the torrent of abuse,
misrepresentation, and calumny, which almost daily poured forth
against me in the public papers.
I considered myself as the servant of Congress, and entitled to their
protection; to them I constantly appealed, not for favors, I asked
none, but for justice. It is now five months since I laid my narrative
before Congress, and on my being informed that a committee was
appointed to examine and report on Foreign Affairs, and that my
narrative was referred to them, I applied repeatedly to several of the
honorable members, and requested that, if in the course of their
examination they met with anything, in the letters and documents
before them, respecting my conduct, which required explanation, they
would call upon me and acquaint me therewith. I was not notified to
attend them on the subject, and though I am informed their report has
been for several weeks before Congress, I am unacquainted with its
contents, as well as with the letters and documents on which it has
been made.