the Nabob, to avail himself of it to confirm his power, and to enable not
only to raise funds to discharge the heavy burdens imposed upon him as the
price of his elevation, but to enrich himself. No means appeared more
likely to effect these ends than the plunder of Ram Narrain, the
celebrated governor of Patna. Mr. Vansittart had anticipated this desire,
and had furnished Major Carnac with orders to protect a man, who had so
often merited, and so often received pledges of protection from the
British government. Happy would it have been for the English name and
interests, had the Governor persevered in this resolution!—but deceived by
the artful representations of Cossim Ali, and irritated by the opposition
and remonstrances of Major Carnac, who had (as his friend Clive
thought[216], most unnecessarily,) joined his opponents, Mr. Vansittart
appointed Colonel Coote to the command of the troops at Patna, as
preparatory to abandoning its ruler. But Coote, like Carnac, refused to be
passive, much less to be the instrument of a measure which they both
deemed a violation of pledged faith to an individual; and as such,
derogatory to the honour, and injurious to the interests of the British
nation. The consequence of this opposition, which, however laudable the
motives, was quite indefensible in military officers, was the removal of
Colonel Coote; after which Ram Narrain was seized, but no wealth was found
in his possession. His imprisonment, and subsequent execution, by order of
Meer Cossim Ali brought just reproach upon the English government: for
nothing but direct rebellion, or the most flagrant violation of his duty,
could have warranted the abandonment of one whom we had so repeatedly, and
so specifically, guaranteed against the apprehended avarice and resentment
of his superior's passions, which were aggravated by the protection that
policy had compelled us to give to this Hindoo ruler. That the conduct of
Cossim Ali was not to be anticipated, is a weak and inadmissible excuse.
The faith of the British nation should not have been committed to such
hands: for if there exists one ground of strength more than another to our
empire in India, it is the strict maintenance of such guarantees as that
which had been given to Ram Narrain. They can never be made without
creating hostility in the parties whose power they limit, or to whose
interests they are, or seem to be, opposed. Every artifice, and every
effort, therefore, will be used to induce us to break them; and when we do
so, we may be satisfied, that we lose more of real strength, by every such
act, than can be gained by the most brilliant victory.
One of the chief causes of the discord which prevailed in Bengal was the
exemption from duties on their private trade, claimed by the Company's
civil servants, who at that period were remunerated by their trade rather
than their salaries. The system of collecting customs on the transit of
goods in the interior of the country prevailed all over India; and in
Bengal much inconvenience was felt, and many quarrels arose, from the
number of tolls and inspections to which the Company's goods were liable,
in common with all others, in their transit to and from the marts of
purchase and sale. To obviate these, it was arranged with the Nabobs, in
explanation of the Emperor's firman, that the Company's flag and
_dustuck_[217], in their boats and other conveyances, should secure their
goods from search; and as their trade consisted solely of goods from
foreign parts for sale in the country, or of country goods for foreign
exportation, the privilege only partially interfered with the trade of the
interior. While the Nabobs and their officers were in full power, any
abuse of this privilege was easily checked. But when, after the accession
of Meer Jaffier, the English had become all-powerful, and it was dangerous
to interfere with their acts, or to question their proceedings, the
Company's servants, who had still the privilege of trading on their own
account, not only covered their private adventures, by passports under the
Company's name, but all their servants and dependents claimed an exemption
from internal duties on the same plea, and besides entered deeply into the
internal trade of the country. During the vigorous administration of Clive
such attempts had been rare; but when all fear of correction was lost in
the increasing weakness of his successors in the government, men set no
limits to their efforts to enrich themselves. The Nabob's revenue was
injured, and his authority insulted, in every quarter of his dominions, by
the exemptions claimed for the trade of European agents, and the respect
demanded for the persons of the lowest of their servants. Against their
pretensions and excesses he made the most forcible remonstrance, but in
vain. Many of the persons of whom he complained were members of Council;
and it was not surprising, therefore, that difficulties should occur in
any attempt made by the Governor to check and reform such abuses. Cossim
Ali became impatient of delay; and finding his representations produce no
effect, and that the orders of the government were either evaded or
disobeyed, he himself took, and authorized measures of violence, that
increased the discontent and hostility of the party opposed to Mr.
Vansittart; many of whom were the persons chiefly benefited by the abuses
complained of, who represented him as leaving British subjects and public
servants of the Company at the will and mercy of a capricious tyrant whom
he had unjustly raised to the throne.
To remedy these evils, Mr. Vansittart negotiated a treaty, by which, while
some advantages were left to the servants of the Company, many of the
privileges they had claimed were done away. This treaty, though
exceptionable in some of its clauses, might have operated well, had Mr.
Vansittart's Council been disposed to listen to reason, and had Cossim Ali
been more temperate. Trusting to his judicious and active administration
of the customs as one of the sources out of which he was to discharge the
heavy pecuniary obligations under which he had come to the English, he
adopted the strictest measures for enforcing their collection. The
adjudication and enforcement of all fiscal demands by the articles of the
treaty had (unfortunately as affairs stood) been left to the Nabob's
officers. Numerous collisions instantly ensued in all parts of the
country. "In truth," says Mr. Verelst[218], a dispassionate observer, "it
soon became a personal quarrel. Meer Cossim, in the orders issued to his
officers, distinguished between the trade of his friends, and of those who
opposed him, treating individuals with indecent reproach." The opponents
of Mr. Vansittart, who thought their interest injured, and who now formed
the majority of Council, combined in measures which soon led to an open
rupture.
So excessive were the claims made by the English and their native
servants, for carrying their goods free from the duties paid by the
Nabob's own subjects, that the whole commerce of the country was thrown
into confusion, and ruin was threatened to the Nabob's finances. As a
measure of justice to his own subjects, and to prevent the daily breaches
of the peace which occurred, he saw no remedy left, but to abolish all
customs in his dominions. An order was accordingly issued abolishing all
tolls and customs for the space of two years.
This act of the Nabob, though extorted by necessity, and so injurious to
his own revenue, was loudly exclaimed against as an infringement of his
engagements with the Company; and two agents[219] were sent to demand its
annulment. But before they could adjust differences, events were brought
to a crisis, principally through the impressions made upon the Nabob's
mind by the conduct of the majority of the Council.[220]
Mr. Vansittart informs Lord Clive of his measures for regulating trade;
but states his apprehensions of the result. These were but too fully
verified. The Nabob, alarmed by the assembly of all the Council from the
out-stations, and outraged by their seizure of some aumils (or revenue
officers) for the performance of his orders, became most violent, and was
rendered more so from the daily reports of the conduct of Mr. Ellis, chief
of Patna, who, from the first, had been the determined opponent of his
elevation. A knowledge of the disposition, and a belief of the hostile
intentions of this public agent, led him to stop two boats proceeding to
Patna with arms; and he added to this act of aggression a demand for the
removal of Mr. Ellis, and the English detachment from Patna. This conduct
was regarded as very little short of an open declaration of war; and as
such, it was treated by the majority of the Council, who issued orders to
Mr. Ellis, giving him the power (if he thought it right to exercise it) to
anticipate the Nabob's hostile designs by seizing upon the citadel of
Patna. The reins of government had fallen from the hands of Mr.
Vansittart, and were guided by a selfish and sordid majority.
It was in vain that Mr. Vansittart and Mr. Warren Hastings protested
against giving such discretionary power to a man known to be so violent.
They too truly anticipated the result. At the very moment Cossim Ali
(alarmed at having proceeded too far) released the boats, he heard of the
Fort of Patna being surprised and taken by the English troops, acting
under the orders of Mr. Ellis. Though it was immediately re-taken by his
troops, Cossim Ali's rage, at what he deemed a treacherous commencement of
hostilities, knew no bounds; and throwing away the scabbard, he became
furious in his resentment against the whole English nation, and all who
had adhered to them. Mr. Amyatt[221], one of the deputies sent to Monghyr,
was murdered on his way back to Calcutta. To Ram Narrain's death was added
the execution of the two Hindu Seits (or bankers), who had always been
supposed attached to the English interests; and notwithstanding the
entreaties and threats of the Governor, and the more direct menaces of
Major Adams, commanding the British forces, he glutted his vengeance with
the deliberate murder of Mr. Ellis and all the English (except one) who
had been taken prisoners at Patna. Their numbers amounted to one hundred
and fifty, of whom fifty were military or civil officers.
Subsequently to this act of atrocity[222], Cossim Ali and the German[223],
Sumroo, (who had been the instrument of the massacre,) fled before the
British troops, and found refuge in the territories of Oude.
Sujah-u-Dowlah, the prince of that country, not only refused to deliver
them up on the demand of the British commander, but, acting as an ally of
Cossim Ali, advanced to attack the English army, then under Major Munro,
from whom he received a signal defeat at Buxar. He was afterwards pursued
into his own country, and again discomfited, though he had been joined by
the Mahratta chief, Mulhar Row Holkar. So situated, this ruler adopted a
very politic and decided course. He would not, he said, bring a stain upon
his honour, by surrendering men who had sought his protection; but he
commanded Cossim Ali and Sumroo to quit his dominions, and repaired to the
British camp, throwing himself entirely upon the clemency of his enemy. To
this he was chiefly induced by the accounts which had been received of the
return of Clive, whom he could not hope to oppose, and whose resentment he
hoped to disarm by unqualified submission. His conduct and character were
represented in the most favourable light by Major Carnac, who earnestly
recommended that he should be treated with generosity, and confirmed in
his dominions. Such a measure, this sensible and liberal officer remarked,
would be more beneficial to our interests and reputation, than any change
we could make in this quarter of India.
The events that have been described led to the re-elevation of Meer
Jaffier to the Musnud; and we must, therefore, shortly revert to the
history of that prince.
Before Clive left India, Meer Jaffier had committed many acts that might
have been construed into infractions of the treaty with the English, and
more, that, strictly viewed, would have proved him ill suited for the high
station to which he had been raised: but Clive considered that his conduct
was less to be attributed to his character, which was weak and
vacillating, than to the galling nature of his dependent condition; and as
the relations between the Nabob of Moorshedabad and the English could not
be changed, without danger to the very existence of the latter, he judged
wisely, that, while Meer Jaffier abstained from hostility, however glaring
his defects, any change in the head of the native government would be
impolitic, and attended with consequences alike injurious to the
reputation and interests of the British government.
The departure of Clive was the most serious of all misfortunes to Meer
Jaffier. He required the most liberal toleration that enlarged policy
could give to his measures. He had, besides, a respect for the character
and a dread of the displeasure of Clive, which operated as a check upon
his excesses. Mr. Holwell (the temporary successor to Clive) could not
succeed to his influence over the mind of the Nabob, whose want of
personal deference must have aggravated the bad impressions the new
governor appears to have previously entertained of his character. But,
though Mr. Holwell has laboured to prove that Meer Jaffier, subsequent to
his combination with the Dutch, carried on a correspondence with the
Shah-Zada hostile to the English, the fact is not clearly established; and
if it were, the sound principles that regulated the conduct of Clive would
have led to its being passed over. The unhappy death of Meeran, however,
was the event which tended most to accelerate the revolution. It threw, as
has been shown, the army and country into equal confusion; and the step
taken by the Nabob of elevating his nearest connection[224] and most
efficient military leader, Cossim Ali, to the condition before held by his
son, proved the proximate cause of his ruin.
Cossim Ali's ambition was of too active a nature to render him content to
await the death of his father-in-law and benefactor; and he found, in the
distracted state of the Nabob's government, and in the prejudices of those
intrusted with the administration of the Company's affairs in Bengal,
ample grounds to proceed upon. He had also recourse to what he no doubt
deemed more certain means of effecting his object. He promised (and the
promise was afterwards made good[225]), large sums to those of the select
committee who had favoured his elevation. He anxiously desired to extend
his gifts to the members of the committee who were opposed to the measures
of the Governor; but they rejected his offers, and made such rejection a
strong ground of the sincerity of that protest[226] which they had entered
against the proceedings of the Governor and his party on this memorable
occasion.
The letter written by the secret committee of Bengal to the Court of
Directors, at the period of Clive's departure for England, has been
already noticed. It was, of course, deemed most contumacious; and as a
mark of their displeasure, the Court dismissed from their service the four
civil councillors.[227] Three of those dismissed were zealous supporters
of Mr. Vansittart; and their removal threw the power into the hands of a
majority, whose violence, in their opposition to him and Cossim Ali, led
to measures which precipitated the rupture with the latter, and all the
horrid acts by which it was attended.
On the breaking out of the war, the restoration of Meer Jaffier was urged
by the majority of the Council; and when the excesses of Cossim Ali put an
end to all hopes of a settlement with him, Mr. Vansittart and Mr.
Hastings, who were at first opposed to the measure, concurred in it. The
re-elevation was attended with few changes. He confirmed the
concessions[228] made by Cossim Ali, and restored the advantages of trade
to the English which that prince had taken from them. Meer Jaffier
survived his restoration to power but a short period; and that was
disturbed by mutinies in his army, and by the intrigues and corruption of
his court. He imputed all his misfortunes to the absence of Clive; and he
anxiously desired to protract his existence till the arrival of one, whom,
notwithstanding all their disputes and differences, he appears throughout
to have considered as his only true friend. The gratification of his wish
was denied him. He died a few months before Clive's arrival[229]; but the
warm and often-expressed sentiments of Meer Jaffier, on this point, show
that he was neither destitute of good feeling nor discernment. The
sincerity of his attachment was proved by the last act of his life, which
was to leave a legacy to his friend. The amount and destination of this
bequest shall be hereafter mentioned.
On the death of Meer Jaffier, doubts arose as to his successor. The first
claimant was Nujum-ud-Dowla, a youth of twenty, and son of the deceased;
and the second, his grandson (the son of Meeran), who was only six years
of age. After some deliberation, the decision was in favour of the former.
By the treaty[230] concluded with this prince, the military defence of the
country entirely devolved upon the English; the Nabob agreeing to keep no
more troops than were necessary for purposes of parade. The most
remarkable feature of this arrangement was, the agreement of the young
Nabob to appoint, with the advice and concurrence of the English
government, a Naib Subah (or vicegerent), to conduct the civil
administration of his country. At the time when Meer Jaffier was restored,
the choice of his minister was, of course, considered as being of the
greatest importance. While at Calcutta, he proposed to appoint to that
office Nundcomar[231], a Hindu of the worst character. To this Mr.
Vansittart strongly objected, recommending Mahommed Reza Khan, a
Mahommedan noble of talent and of reputed integrity, but who was opposed
(probably for those very qualifications) by the intriguing and corrupt
faction which had long governed the court of Moorshedabad. The Nabob soon
after left Calcutta, when Nundcomar followed; and, in spite of Mr.
Vansittart's remonstrances, being supported by the majority in Council
opposed to the Governor, he was intrusted with the direction of the
Nabob's affairs. Mr. Vansittart had left Bengal before the death of Meer
Jaffier; on which event, by the treaty that followed, Mahommed Reza Khan
(then at Dacca) was elevated to the rank of Naib Subah to his successor,
Nujum-ud-Dowla.[232]
Mr. Vansittart, or rather his council, has been reproached[233] (as Clive
was) for making Nabobs, without any reference or respect for the
legitimate authority of the Emperor of Delhi, or his Vizier,
Sujah-u-Dowla. But however politic it might have been to have gained the
sanction of such authorities after the measure was adopted, a previous
application would have been the height of folly and of weakness. Whatever
latitude of interference, or right of approbation, had been given to the
Emperor or his minister, would assuredly have been exercised for venal and
ambitious purposes; and the embarrassments, that must ever attend such
proceedings, would have been multiplied tenfold. Sujah-u-Dowla, it is
true, upbraided the English with their conduct in this particular. He
accused them of casting down and putting up Nabobs at their pleasure; but
this was to gain opinion, and afford a pretext for the hostilities he
meditated against their power. The very chief who made this accusation was
the proclaimed minister and servant of the Emperor; but he yielded him
neither obedience, nor a participation in the revenues of the wide and
rich territories of Oude. Names and forms, as connected with the different
relations of authority in the empire of India, continued to be observed,
and were so far of importance; but, as connected with the substance of
power, they had been, for a long period, wholly neglected; and though we
may agree with the historical antiquary, who judges from the principles of
times long past, and looks only to the theory of Indian government, that
the English were wrong, yet, if we take a dispassionate and comprehensive
view of the actual condition of India, we must, I conceive, not only deem
them defensible upon this point, but pronounce that, under the
circumstances in which they were placed, it was quite impracticable for
the local authorities at Calcutta to pursue any other line, without
sacrificing the interests committed to their care, and greatly increasing
the anarchy and bloodshed in the country, regarding the administration of
which the disputes existed.[234]
The changes that took place at Madras during Clive's absence from India
have little relation to these Memoirs, as that presidency continued,
during his second administration, almost unconnected with Bengal. Suffice
it, therefore, to say, that the power of the English Nabob (as he was
termed), Mahommed Ali Khan, was fully established[235]; the strong
fortress of Vellore was besieged, and taken from Mortiz Ali Khan, and part
of the Carnatic was assigned, as a jaghire, to the Company.
Another event occurred during this period[236], which created a great
sensation. The gallant Mahommed Esoof, who had so greatly distinguished
himself in the early campaigns of Lawrence and Clive, had been continued
in the management of Madura and Tinnevelly, which he had been the chief
instrument of reducing to order. He was, in this situation, subject to the
Nabob, to whom, and those around him, he was not long in becoming an
object of jealousy and hatred. The defalcation of revenue from exhausted
countries, and the haughty replies made by a proud soldier to reproaches,
added to the preparations he made to guard against the designs of those he
justly deemed his enemies, furnished ample pretexts for accusing him of
malversation and rebellion. The Company's troops were combined with those
of the Nabob for his reduction; which was not, however, effected, without
great waste of blood and treasure, and at last accomplished by an act of
treachery. A Frenchman in his service, of the name of Marchand, betrayed
him; and he was put to death by the Nabob, Mahommed Ali. This gallant
soldier, no doubt, became a rebel to the prince he served; but he may be
deemed, in some respects, the victim of those disputes for power which ran
so high, at this period, between the English and the Nabob. Mr. Pigot,
according to Mahommed Ali, forced Mahommed Esoof upon him as the manager
of the countries of Madura and Tinnevelly; and by his support and
countenance encouraged him in acts of contumacy and disobedience. Educated
as the Vellore Subadar had been, and knowing that the real power was
vested in the English, he appears to have looked exclusively to them, and
to have paid little attention to one he considered as having no more than
a nominal authority. But the departure for England of his friend Mr.
Pigot, and the succession of Mr. Palk, whose policy conceded to the Nabob
the real dominion of his country, left Mahommed Esoof without hope; and,
in the desperate struggle he made for his life, the former faithful
soldier of the English not only corresponded with their enemies, the
French, against whom he had so often and so gallantly fought, but declared
himself the subject, and displayed in his fort and country the banners, of
that nation. This last act of his life has not deprived his memory of the
honours that belong to it, as the bravest and ablest of all the native
soldiers that ever served the English in India.
Mr. Palk, formerly clergyman at Fort Saint David, who had risen, by his
moderation, good sense, and experience, to different offices of
government, was, when Clive returned to India, Governor of Madras. His
appointment to this station induced his friend and near connection,
General Lawrence, to quit his retreat, and revisit, as commander of the
troops, the scene of his former fame.